DOCSLIB.ORG

NATAL Recurring Conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic Of

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
NATAL Recurring Conflict in the Eastern Democratic Republic Of UNIVERSITY OF KWAZULU– NATAL Recurring Conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo: the Search for a Regional Conflict Transformation Mechanism premised on Collective Security and the African Ethical Concept of Ubuntu By Engelbert Abel Rugeje Supervisor: Dr Munyaradzi Felix Murove A Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Postgraduate Programme in Ethics, School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, South Africa November 2016 DECLARATION I, Engelbert Abel Rugeje declare that, i. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise indicated, is my original work. ii. The thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other institution or university. iii. This thesis does not contain other person’s data, pictures graphs or any other information, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from elsewhere. iv. The thesis does not contain other people’s writing unless specifically acknowledged. Where other written sources have been quoted, their words have been re-written but the general information attributed to them and where exact words have been quoted, their writing has been placed in quotation marks and referenced. v. The thesis does not contain texts, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the internet unless specifically acknowledged and the source revealed in the thesis and in reference sections. Candidate: Engelbert Abel Rugeje Signed:……………………..………………… Date:…………………………….. Supervisor: Dr Munyaradzi Murove Signed:……………..…………………………… Date:…………………………….. i DEDICATION To my family, friends and workmates ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My humble gratitude and appreciation goes to my supervisor, Dr Munyaradzi Murove. Despite his firmness from the first day I registered for my Doctor of Phylosophy studies with the University of KwaZulu-Natal, his academic guidance and support remained critical up to the successful completion of this scholarly demanding endeavour. He will forever remain a source of academic inspiration. I am greatly indebted to the Commander, Zimbabwe Defence Forces, General (Dr) Constantino Dominic Guveya Nyikadzino Chiwenga for his provision of authority to undertake doctoral studies with this prestigious institution. General (Dr) Chiwenga continued to motivate me throughout my studies, especially during fieldwork research. He shared with me some of those gruelling and very challenging academic experiences that can be encountered at this level of study. I genuinely appreciate the administrative and logistical assistance availed to me by the Permanent Secretary of Defence, Mr Martin Rushwaya and his technical support staff. The critical mentorship role and motivation by Dr Sadiki Maeresera, a Visiting Research Fellow at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, School of Social Sciences’ Conflict Transformation programme is kindly acknowledged. Special appreciation is again extended to my entire administrative and support staff for all the assistance rendered during my studies. I would also like to thank respective members of the academic and support staff in the University’s School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics as well as fellow students (Pietermaritzburg Campus) for the relevant inspirations during the period of my studies. I would again want to extent my gratitude to Zimbabwe’s Heads of Diplomatic Missions (particularly Ambassadors) and the staff accredited to all countries where I conducted my fieldwork research study. Their support in facilitating interviews with key informants is highly appreciated. I would like to make special mention to all key informants who afforded me the opportunity to interview them. These include, among others; Excellencies former Presidents Dr Benjamin Mkapa, Dr Hassan Ali Mwinyi and Cde Thabo Mbeki and Ambassadors Edzai Absolom Chanyuka Chimonyo, Raphael Faranisi, Isaac Moyo, Kapya David Miyeye and Bizima Karaha. I again extend my sincere thanks to the Office of the President, the Republic of Rwanda, through the Director General (External Security), Colonel Francis Mutiganda, that proper and professional facilitations were made for me to successfully conduct interviews with policy practitioners, analysts and academics (based in Kigali) who are knowledgeable in conflict, peace and security dynamics in the Great Lakes Region in general and the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo in particular. The role iii played by the office of the Chief of Defence Staff, Uganda People’s Defence Force, General Katumba Wamala, in facilitating interviews with key informants in the Defence and Security sector in Uganda including the Chairman of the March 23 movement Mr Betrand Bisimwa is highly appreciated. The valuable efforts made by the UN Security Officer for the Great Lakes Region, Major (Rtd) Charles Kunzwa in linking me up with notable academics, especially those at the University of Makerere were very significant to my research study. My sincere gratitude is also extended to General François Olenga and Professor Lufunda Kayunda, the Special Defence Advisor and Special Security Advisor to the DRC President, respectively. Their offices played critical roles in facilitating me to gain access and conduct interviews with key informants, not only in the DRC’s Defence and Security Services, but also with higher military and civilian staff working for the United Nations Observer Mission in the Congo, United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in Kinshasa and the Command Element of the United Nations Force Intervention Brigade in Goma, as well as academics, politicians, security analysts, traditional leaders and members of the civil society in the eastern DRC. My family, workmates, friends and colleagues in the academia will forever be appreciated for their respective contributions which range from moral support to constructive criticism and scholarly advice during the period of this research study. The views expressed in this thesis are from the author’s own viewpoint. iv ABSTRACT The recurrence of conflict in the eastern of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has resulted in peace-building efforts from national, international, regional and sub-regional as well as well as nongovernmental actors all aimed at bringing about peace and security to that region of the DRC. Despite of all these peace-building efforts, the eastern DRC has remained in a perennial state of armed conflicts. The political situation of DRC which, since the end of colonialism has remained unstable has also contributed to the situation of perennial conflict in the eastern DRC. None of the Congolese political leaders has succeeded in bringing an end to the conflict in the eastern DRC. Whilst numerous efforts have been made in the form of peace agreements, negotiations and reconciliation processes in an effort to bring an end to conflicts in eastern DRC, this perennial situation of conflict has continued unabated. As a result of recurrence of conflict in eastern DRC, there has been rampant violation of human rights, war crimes, displacement of civilians, destruction of property and infrastructure, small arms trafficking and illegal exploitation of natural resources. The United Nations (UN) and its Security Council (UNSC) has not been effective in addressing this situation of recurring conflict in eastern DRC in the sense that it has failed to provide financial and material support to regional bodies such as the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the International Conference of the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). These organisations are more knowledgeable about the solution that can serve as a panacea to the end of of conflict in eastern DRC. However, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has monopolised the whole process of conflict resolution in the eastern DRC to the exclusion of regional organisations and this has been one of the contributory factors to the recurrence. This study thus raises the question of the interests which the UNSC is representing in the eastern DRC. Since the UNSC has failed to bring to an end a situation of recurring conflict in eastern DRC, it is the argument of this thesis that there is a need for peacebuilding mechanisms that are initiated by the SADC as a regional formation which according to the UN Charter is responsible for the implementation of the Collective Security System. The presumption behind the UN Collective Security system is that the regional entity is more knowledgeable on what needs to be done in resolving conflicts in its own region. Since most the peacebuilding mechanisms that have been applied by United Nations (UN), UNSC and Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) with the aim of resolving recurring v conflict in eastern DRC have failed to come to fruition, it is the main argument of this thesis that the African ethic of Ubuntu which has principles which echo the ideals of the UN Collective Security system can be a panacea to a durable peace and security in the eastern DRC. The main principles that are imbedded in the ethic of Ubuntu such as community, harmony and common belongingness can be appealed to and implemented within the region as part and parcel of creative action in peacebuilding processes in the eastern DRC. In this scenario, Ubuntu has ushered in the need to uphold the humanness, moral virtues and dignity as key aspects in addressing the seemingly unending conflict in the eastern DRC. Both external and internal players must have a fellow feeling of the suffering. The virtue
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download Resource .Pdf
    Mapping interests in conflict areas: Katanga Steven Spittaels Nick Meynen Summary “Mapping interests in conflict areas: Katanga” reports on the presence of (ex-) combatants in the Congolese province of Katanga. It focuses on two broad categories: the ‘Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo’ (FARDC) and the Mayi-Mayi militias. There is no significant presence of other armed groups in the region. After the surrender of the warlord Gédéon in May 2006, the large majority of the remaining Mayi-Mayi groups have demobilised and disarmed. They have chosen to reintegrate into civilian life but this has proven to be a difficult process. The FARDC are still represented all over the province although their numbers have been significantly reduced. It is an amalgam of the former government army (‘Forces Armées Congolaises’, FAC) and the different rebel armies that fought during the Congo wars. The positions of the (ex-) combatants in the region are shown on a first set of maps that accompanies the report. Their possible interests are indicated on a second one. The maps and the report focus on four regions where security problems are persisting into 2007. In the Northern part of Katanga the situation is particularly interesting in the territory of Nyunzu. Two Mayi-Mayi groups, who have not been disarmed yet, operate in the area. However, the biggest threat to the civilian population in the region are the FARDC, who took a specific interest in the Lunga gold mine at least until March 2007. In the Copperbelt there has never been a Mayi-Mayi presence, not even throughout the Congo wars.
    [Show full text]
  • We Marched, Now What?
    By Monica Cheru-Mpambawashe 18 November 2017. A day that polarised Zimbabweans. The majority of Harareans heeded the call to march for Robert Gabriel Mugabe to resign after 37 years in power. People who had never attended a single political gathering came out from the suburbs, the ghettos, everywhere. “I had to play my part in putting paid to the ever increasing horrific prospect of his loose cannon mouthed wife, Grace becoming our next president,” said Tatenda Shava (27) of Highlands, one of the affluent areas of Harare. This was the “Walk” crew. Zimbabwe had been simmering for some time. The economic downturn was worsening by the day. But the ruling party leadership was focused on its own factional fights instead of looking at the plight of the people. In a perfect world no one would have wanted the army to step in. But they did and there was no turning back. Rumours of the regional block Southern African Development Community (SADC) intervention to prop Mugabe’s continued rule galvanised the people. Anything, even the army, had to be better than that. But even then, there was a small number who were warning that unwary citizens were celebrating a military coup and would soon live to yearn for the return of Mugabe. Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa, the deposed Vice President, and his miltary handlers would turn on the citizens and cause us untold suffering. Someone quickly labelled these naysayers the “Woke Brigade”. ‘Why join ZANU in their rejuvenation?’one of them, a Zimbabwean writer, asked. Despite this, Mugabe was toppled and Mnangagwa is now the interim President.
    [Show full text]
  • How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe Toward Stability
    How South Africa Can Nudge Zimbabwe toward Stability Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°164 Johannesburg/Nairobi/Brussels, 17 December 2020 What’s new? As Zimbabwe’s political and economic crises worsen, South Africa is moving beyond its policy of “quiet diplomacy” with its northern neighbour and apply- ing more pressure on Harare to open up political space and reform its economy. Why does it matter? With Zimbabwe’s people slipping further into destitution, crackdowns fostering a growing sense of grievance within the opposition, and politi- cal divisions pitting ruling-party members against one another, the country could tip into even greater crisis through mass unrest or another coup. What should be done? Pretoria should press Harare to halt repression and start dialogue with the political opposition to address Zimbabwe’s economic woes. It should work with Washington on a roadmap for reforms that the U.S. and others can use to guide decisions on reversing sanctions and supporting debt relief for Zimbabwe. I. Overview Three years after a coup ended Robert Mugabe’s rule, the situation in Zimbabwe has gone from bad to worse, as political tensions mount, the economy falls apart and the population faces hunger and COVID-19. Having signalled a desire to stabilise the economy and ease repression, President Emmerson Mnangagwa has disappointed. The state is arresting opponents who protest government corruption and incompe- tence. Meanwhile, government-allied businessmen are tightening their grip on what is left of the economy, while citizens cope with austerity measures and soaring infla- tion. Violence and lawlessness are on the rise.
    [Show full text]
  • DR Congo 2015 Update
    Analysis of the interactive map of artisanal mining areas in eastern DR Congo 2015 update International Peace Information Service (IPIS) 1 Editorial Analysis of the interactive map of artisanal mining areas in eastern DR Congo: 2015 update Antwerp, October 2016 Front Cover image: Cassiterite mine Malemba-Nkulu, Katanga (IPIS 2015) Authors: Yannick Weyns, Lotte Hoex & Ken Matthysen International Peace Information Service (IPIS) is an independent research institute, providing governmental and non-governmental actors with information and analysis to build sustainable peace and development in Sub-Saharan Africa. The research is centred around four programmes: Natural Resources, Business & Human Rights, Arms Trade & Security, and Conflict Mapping. Map and database: Filip Hilgert, Alexandre Jaillon, Manuel Claeys Bouuaert & Stef Verheijen The 2015 mapping of artisanal mining sites in eastern DRC was funded by the International Organization of Migration (IOM) and PROMINES. The execution of the mapping project was a collaboration between IPIS and the Congolese Mining Register (Cadastre Minier, CAMI). The analysis of the map was funded by the Belgian Development Cooperation (DGD). The content of this publication is the sole responsibility of IPIS and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of IOM, PROMINES, CAMI or the Belgian government. 2 Table of contents Editorial ............................................................................................................................................... 2 Executive summary .............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • China ‘Threatens Zimbabwe President for Looking West’
    Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM hePrm Resign or face action — China ‘threatens Zimbabwe President for looking West’ Beijing has reportedly asked Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa to hand over power to China-leaning Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga. SRIJAN SHUKLA 14 November, 2019 7:12 pm 1ST New Delhi: The Chinese government has told Zimbabwe President Emmerson Mnangagwa to either “resign or retire” from office or face “political action” from Beijing, according to a report in Spotlight Zimbabwe, an online media publication. The report said Beijing has also asked Mnangagwa to hand over power to China-leaning Vice-President General Constantino Chiwenga (Retd), who has been in China since July for medical treatment. Reports suggest that China was responsible for promoting Mnangagwa as Vice-President in 2015 during the presidency of the late Robert Mugabe, who was deposed in 2017 after nearly four decades in power. Now, Beijing is said to be displeased with Mnangagwa for slowly walking away from Zimbabwe’s “Look East Policy” and refusing to grant several development projects to Chinese firms. DISSEMINATED BY MERCURY PUBLIC AFFAIRS, LLC, A REGISTERED FOREIGN AGENT, ON BEHALF OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS AND INTERNATIONAL TRADE OF ZIMBABWE. MORE INFORMATION IS ON FILE WITH THE DEPT. OF JUSTICE, WASHINGTON, DC Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 11/20/2019 1:14:11 PM For a long time, smaller nations have been anxious about China’s “debt-trap diplomacy”, especially through its ambitious Belt and Road Initiative, but such overt interference by the Asian giant in another country’s domestic politics is unheard of.
    [Show full text]
  • 콩고민주공화국 광업 및 광물부존 현황 Mining and Mineral Resources of DR-Congo
    기술정보 콩고민주공화국 광업 및 광물부존 현황 Mining and Mineral Resources of DR-Congo 양석준, 고상모, 박성원 한국지질자원연구원 광물자원연구본부 콩고 민주공화국은 코발트, 구리, 다이아몬 2011년 국내 총생산에서 11.5 %에 해당했으며, 드, 탄탈륨 및 주석의 생산에서 전세계적으로 제조 부분은 5.2 %였다. 콩고민주공화국에서 중요한 역할을 담당하고 있다(그림 1). 2012년 는 180에서 200만 명이 사광상에서 광물을 채 콩고민주공화국의 코발트 생산량은 전세계 생 취하고 있으며, 이들 중 800,000에서 100만 명 산량의 55 %, 산업용 다이아몬드는 21 %, 탄탈 은 다이아몬드 채광, 약 130,000명의 광부는 오 륨은 12 %, 보석-등급 다이아몬드는 5 %, 구리 리엔탈(Orientale) 주와 이투리 주(Ituri Interim 는 3 %; 주석은 2 %에 달했다. 콩고민주공화국 Administration)지역의 금광에서 일하고 있다. 의 코발트 매장량은 전세계 코발트 매장량의 마니에마(Maniema), 북키부(Nord-Kivu) 및 남 45 %에 해당한다. 채광 및 광물처리 부문은 키부(Sud-Kivu) 주에서 니오븀, 탄탈륨, 주석 그림 1. 콩고민주공화국 자원분포도. 광물과 산업 35 기술정보 및 텅스텐 채광에 고용된 광부들의 수는 그 생 Reform and Consumer Protection Act)을 통과시 산량 감소로 인해 2011년과 2012년 사이에 크 켰는데, 여기엔 콩고민주공화국 동부의 군사 게 감소했다. 작전에 대한 자금 조달을 위해 광물을 사용하는 이 기술정보지에 소개될 내용에 대한 자원 것과 관련한 규정들이 포함되어 있다. 미 연방 정보 자료원은 USGS에서 2014년도에 발간한 증권 거래 위원회(U.S. Securities and Exchange 콩고민주공화국 지역의 2012년 광물 연감이다. Commission, SEC)는 2012년 8월 도트 프랭크 법안(Dodd-Frank Act)에 따라 최종적인 형태의 정부 정책 및 프로그램 법률을 발표했다. 제안된 규정에 따라, SEC에 등록된 주석 2002년에 콩고민주공화국 의회는 1981년 7 (cassiterite), 컬럼바이트 탄탈석(columbite- 월 11일자 Law No. 81–013를 대체하는 2002년 tantalite), 금(gold), 또는 철망간중석(wolframite) 7월 11일자 Law No.
    [Show full text]
  • Returns Outnumber New Displacements in the East
    DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO: Returns outnumber new displacements in the east A profile of the internal displacement situation 26 April, 2007 This Internal Displacement Profile is automatically generated from the online IDP database of the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC). It includes an overview of the internal displacement situation in the country prepared by the IDMC, followed by a compilation of excerpts from relevant reports by a variety of different sources. All headlines as well as the bullet point summaries at the beginning of each chapter were added by the IDMC to facilitate navigation through the Profile. Where dates in brackets are added to headlines, they indicate the publication date of the most recent source used in the respective chapter. The views expressed in the reports compiled in this Profile are not necessarily shared by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre. The Profile is also available online at www.internal-displacement.org. About the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre, established in 1998 by the Norwegian Refugee Council, is the leading international body monitoring conflict-induced internal displacement worldwide. Through its work, the Centre contributes to improving national and international capacities to protect and assist the millions of people around the globe who have been displaced within their own country as a result of conflicts or human rights violations. At the request of the United Nations, the Geneva-based Centre runs an online database providing comprehensive information and analysis on internal displacement in some 50 countries. Based on its monitoring and data collection activities, the Centre advocates for durable solutions to the plight of the internally displaced in line with international standards.
    [Show full text]
  • UNICEF Democratic Republic of the Congo – FLASH REPORT #2
    UNICEF Democratic Republic of the Congo – FLASH REPORT #2 1 March 2013 Note: In addition to a complete monthly situation report, UNICEF DRC will now provide Flash Reports every mid-month to highlight critical humanitarian situations. POLITICAL, SECURITY & HUMANITARIAN DEVELOPMENTS NORTH KIVU On 24 February African leaders in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia signed a U.N.-mediated deal allowing for the deployment of a new intervention brigade to take on rebel groups in the eastern DRC. The upcoming deployment of the brigade of several thousand soldiers has raised concerns among humanitarians regarding protection of civilians as well as humanitarian space and access. Armed clashes were reported on 24 February between M23 factions loyal to Jean-Marie Runiga, leader of the movement’s political wing, and Sultani Makenga, their military commander, in Rutshuru. Ten people were killed and more wounded, according to media reports. Official communication from the M23 military command on 27 February indicate that Runiga has been removed from his role within the movement, and there are media reports of gunfire between pro-Runiga and pro-Makenga factions around Kibumba, just north of Goma, on 28 February. This split in the M23 raises fears of increased violence and the viability of the peace process envisaged by the Addis accords. According to education authorities, some 1,000 households displaced from Rutshuru during the fighting have settled in schools around Kanyaruchinya, some 10 kilometres from Goma. Combat broke out 27 February between FARDC forces and the APCLS armed group in the area of Kitchanga (Masisi territory), resulting in 19 civilian casualties according to UNDSS.
    [Show full text]
  • Congo (Kinshasa) [Advance Release]
    2012 Minerals Yearbook CONGO (KINSHASA) [ADVANCE RELEASE] U.S. Department of the Interior June 2014 U.S. Geological Survey THE MINERAL INDUSTRY OF CONGO (KINSHASA) By Thomas R. Yager The Democratic Republic of the Congo [Congo (Kinshasa)] and increased the number of known artisanal diamond mining played a globally significant role in the world’s production sites to 667 from 254. The program was also designed to track of cobalt, copper, diamond, tantalum, and tin. In 2012, the diamond production from mining to exportation (Diamond country’s share of the world’s cobalt production amounted to Development Initiative, 2012). 55%; industrial diamond, 21%; tantalum, 12%; gem-quality In July 2010, the U.S. Congress passed the Dodd-Frank Wall diamond, 5%; copper, 3%; and tin, 2%. Congo (Kinshasa) Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Dodd-Frank Act), accounted for about 45% of the world’s cobalt reserves. In which contains provisions concerning the use of minerals terms of export value, crude petroleum also played a significant to finance military operations in eastern Congo (Kinshasa). role in the domestic economy. The country was not a globally The U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) issued significant consumer of minerals or mineral fuels (Carlin, 2013; regulations in final form in accordance with the Dodd-Frank Act Edelstein, 2013; Olson, 2013a, b; Papp, 2013; Shedd, 2013). in August 2012 (U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission, 2012, p. 56274–56275). Minerals in the National Economy Under the proposed regulations, all companies registered with the SEC that sold products containing cassiterite, columbite- The mining and mineral processing sector accounted for an tantalite, gold, or wolframite were required to disclose whether estimated 11.5% of the gross domestic product in 2011 (the these minerals originated from Congo (Kinshasa) or adjoining latest year for which data were available), and the manufacturing countries.
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping Conflict Motives
    Mapping Conflict Motives: Katanga Update: May- September 2008 Steven Spittaels & Filip Hilgert 1 Editorial Research and editing: Steven Spittaels & Filip Hilgert Layout: Anne Hullebroeck Antwerp 5 January 2009 Caption photo Front Page: Artisanal cassiterite mine near Mitwaba, 2008 (Photo: Partner IPIS) Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the following partner organisations for their contributions to the research: • Asadho/katanga • Padholik • Promotion des populations Indigènes (PPI) • And one other organisation 2 Table of Contents Introduction 4 The Mayi-Mayi and the ‘DDR’ process 5 The North 6 Presence of armed groups 6 Motives of armed groups 6 Presence of FARDC 7 Motives of FARDC 7 The Copperbelt 8 Presence of FARDC 8 Motives of FARDC 8 The Centre 10 Presence of armed groups 10 Motives of armed groups 10 Presence of FARDC 10 Motives of FARDC 11 The East 12 Presence of armed groups 12 Presence of FARDC 12 Motives of FARDC 12 Conclusion and recommendations 13 New maps 14 Annexe: List of abbreviations 14 3 Introduction With the renewed intensification of hostilities in North Kivu, and to a lesser extent in Ituri, security problems in Katanga have stopped figuring in the news. To a certain extent this is of course justified. The humanitarian situation in the Kivus is dramatic and requires all the attention it can get. Human rights violations in Katanga have decreased1. However, with MONUC gradually retreating from the province2 the international presence diminishes and with it the number of eyes and ears of observers in the field. Nonetheless, for the future several security hazards remain. For one, the impact of the economic crisis on Katanga is enormous.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections Statics from 31 May - 9 June 2018
    Elections statics from 31 May - 9 June 2018 Summary of stats ● Political Parties covered in the media : 31 ● Political players covered 1. Print media : 220 2. Electronic media 95 ● 5% of the political Players covered were women compared to 95% men ● 4 instances of Hate speech where recorded. Time and space dedicated to political parties in the media PARTY PRIVATE PUBLIC PRESS ZBC COMMERCIAL PRESS RADIO ZANUPF 16166 30189 21559 3374 MDC-T (NC) 6964 5000 1262 108 MDC-T 4501 4562 2648 4541 ALLIANCE NPF 2286 574 377 266 DOP 786 INDEPENDENT 565 278 179 MDC-T (TK) 511 193 737 1 ZAPU 396 129 MRP 270 NCA 158 98 578 MDC-N 65 10 NPP 53 131 22 APA 24 5 ZPF 12 DAWN 9 ZPP 3 PDP 2 202 FLOANP 0 209 557 ZDP 0 480 TZ 0 83 ID 0 91 MOPCD 0 20 TRUE 0 20 DEMOCRACY ZANU 0 20 NDONGA PRC 0 17 1 VOP 0 10 BCP 0 0 1239 MRCD 0 0 258 UANC 0 0 372 ZIPP 0 0 69 POVO 0 0 0 138 WOYE 292 Top 10 political actors in the press Actor Political Party Total Space in cm2 Emmerson Mnangagwa ZANU PF 19476 Nelson Chamisa MDC-T Alliance 7367 Kembo Mohadi ZANUPF 1903 Constantino Chiwenga ZANUPF 1733 Robert Mugabe ZANUPF 1612 George Charamba ZANUPF 949 Auxilia Mnangagwa ZANUPF 859 Simon Khaya Moyo ZANUPF 838 Douglas Mwonzora MDC-T Alliance 779 Tendai Biti MDC-T Alliance 737 Top 10 political actors in the national broadcast media Actor Political Party Total time in seconds Emmerson Mnangagwa ZANUPF 10657 Tendai Biti MDC-T Alliance 3256 Douglas Mwonzora MDC-T Alliance 2436 Danny Musukuma ZANUPF 1953 Joram Gumbo ZANUPF 1625 Lovemore Madhuku NCA 1315 Willard Mugadza ZANUPF 1194 Tendai
    [Show full text]
  • PBG Quarterly Report 'Programme De Bonne
    /’ PBG Quarterly Report ‘Programme de Bonne Gouvernance’ Contract No. DFD-I-00-08-00071-00 Task Order No. DFD-I-01-0800071-00 USAID Project Office: USAID/EA/RAAO Quarterly Report 13 October 1, 2012 – December 31, 2012 January 2013 This publication was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development. It was prepared by DAI. PBG – FY 2013 Quarterly Report 13 - Page 1 of 25 Task Order Quarterly Report Programme de Bonne Gouvernance First Quarterly Report FY 2013 October 1, 2012 – December 31, 2012 Quarterly 13 for Task Order # DFD-I-01-0800071-00 October 1, 2007 – September 30, 2008 DISCLAIMER The author’s views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Agency for International Development or the United States Government. PBG – FY 2013 Quarterly Report 13 - Page 2 of 25 TABLE OF CONTENTS SECTION I INTRODUCTION 04 SECTION II POLITICAL BACKGROUND 05 SECTION III SUMMARY OF PERFORMANCE ADVANCES 08 SECTION IV OUTSTANDING ISSUES, CHALLENGES & OPPORTUNITIES 23 SECTION V PLANNED ACTIVITIES FOR NEXT QUARTER 24 LIST OF APPENDICES ANNEX 1 Year 1 Activities Update – Chart format as defined in FY 2013 Workplan ANNEX 2 PMP Results Update ANNEX 3 Calendar of Activities – Quarter 1 of FY 2013 ANNEX 4 PBG Success Stories ANNEX 5 Workshop Scanned Participation lists PBG – FY 2013 Quarterly Report 13 - Page 3 of 25 I – INTRODUCTION In October 2009, the life of the ‘Programme de Bonne Gouvernance’ (PBG) began. This thirteenth quarterly report, covering activities from October 1, 2012 to December 31, 2012, focuses on the first quarter of implementation for Year 4 (FY 2013) workplan activities of this $36,251,768 five-year (three years with two option years) program whose purpose is to improve management capacity and accountability of select legislatures and local governments.
    [Show full text]