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Conventions, Football, and the Color Line in New Orleans

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Conventions, Football, and the Color Line in New Orleans Cleveland State University EngagedScholarship@CSU History Faculty Publications History Department 9-2003 Into the Big League - Conventions, Football, and the Color Line in New Orleans J. Mark Souther Cleveland State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://engagedscholarship.csuohio.edu/clhist_facpub Part of the History Commons How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! Publisher's Statement Article originally published as Souther, J. Mark, "Into the Big League - Conventions, Football, and the Color Line in New Orleans," Journal of Urban History, Vol. 29, No. 694 (2003): 725. © SAGE. Original Citation J. Mark Souther. (2003). Into the Big League - Conventions, Football, and the Color Line in New Orleans. Journal of Urban History, 29(6), 694-725. Repository Citation Souther, J. Mark, "Into the Big League - Conventions, Football, and the Color Line in New Orleans" (2003). History Faculty Publications. 60. https://engagedscholarship.csuohio.edu/clhist_facpub/60 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History Department at EngagedScholarship@CSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in History Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of EngagedScholarship@CSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 694 This articleexaminesthe relationshipbetween the struggleforAfrican American civil rights and efforts to expand tourism,conventions,andspectator sports inNewOrleans,Louisiana, between 1954 and 1969. Drawing on previouslyneglected archivalsources and personalinterviews, it considers how the pressure to maintainNewOrleans’s progressive image as an urbane tourist destination required abandoning Jim Crow customs and embracing the growing national commitmenttoracial progress.It arguesthat an unlikelycoali- tion of civil rights activists, tourism interests, municipal officials,andasmall segment of New Orleans’s old- line social establishment adopted a tourism-related rhetoric to counter the city’s dominant discourses of rac- ist resistance tochange.By the late1960s,NewOrleans’s white leaders agreed thatthey couldnolonger countenance overt racial discrimination if New Orleans was to maintain a favorable tourist image. Keywords: tourism; civil rights; New Orleans; professional sports; race relations New Orleans hadlongappealed to the white traveler in search of the romance of the South. Shaded by moss-draped live oaks, laced withblack iron galleries,andlighted by flickering gaslamps, the CrescentCity’s historic homes conjured in tourists’ minds vividpictures of the Old South’s greatest city. The pageantry of Mardi Gras and profligacy of Bourbon Street,combined with the strains of jazz and the aromaofsimmering Creole food wafting through the languidair, completed the city’s romanticbut gritty image. African American cultural contributions underlay most aspects of the tourist experi- ence inNewOrleans,butin the French Quarter, whitepromoters cast blacks merelyassupporting actors who furnished service and amusementinatourist- oriented tableau. Blacks cooked famed Creoledelicaciesin French Quarter restaurants, soldpralinesin the French Market,carried flambeaux innight AUTHOR’S NOTE: Research forthis article is drawn from the New Orleans Public Library CityArchives; UniversityofNew Orleans SpecialCollections;Amistad Research Center;newspapers;andsecondary sourcesfrom the period. A shorter version ofthis article was presented atthe Ninth NationalConference on American Planning History, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and Camden, New Jersey, November 1–4, 2001. Thanksto the panelists and audience fortheir helpful comments. Thanks also to Lawrence N.Powell and ArnoldR.Hirsch for offering suggestions and insights,aswell asto the anonymousreviewers, whosecareful reading and thoughtful criticism have improved this article. 695 parades, threw coconuts fromthe Zulufloats,blew horns for second-line pro- cessions,conjured spells in voodoo demonstrations, and drove mule-drawn tour buggies around Jackson Square. It wouldnot be a stretch toarguethat New Orleans’s distinctive tourist image, right down to the bricks and mortar of the celebrated French Quarter, was built on the backs of African slaves and their descendents. Ironically, while much of the city’s peculiar charmsprang from Afro- Caribbean roots,blacks were seldom beneficiaries of theirowncontributions. On the eve of World War II, even the recognition of jazz had largely abandoned the art form’s originators.TheCrescentCitypainstakingly tended its image as agenteel,cosmopolitan citywhileclinging tenaciously to segregation. For many years,whiteNewOrleanians could afford the luxury of racial proscrip- tion without worrying aboutthe loss of tourist dollars.Evenin the 1950s, when many northerners began to question Jim Crow practices,NewOrleans easily heldontooldways because its tourist trade continued tocater primarily to white southerners.Aslateas World War II, the modern tourism industry wasin its infancy. With its balmyclimate, rich cultural heritage, celebrated hedonism, and flamboyantMardi Gras,NewOrleans couldbankonasteady influx of tourists withonly scantinducement.However,after the war, leisure travel and the convention business quicklygathered momentum, and no citycould afford nottocompeteforits share of the trade. As black civil rights moved tocenter stage in the postwar years, it graduallybecameessentialtodropJim Crow practicesto maintain a progressive image. Conventions and professional sports teams, increasinglycoveted by citiesseeking toenter the “big league,” couldgowherevertheirbackers wished, and by the 1960s,anincreasing num- ber blacklisted cities that failed to integrate racially. Historians have seldom addressed the roleofthe tourism, conventions,and spectator sports inexerting pressure on citiestodesegregate publicaccommo- dations.1 Throughoutthe nation, black activism and federallegislation ulti- matelydelivered American cities fromJimCrow. In New Orleans, the desire to develop the tourist and convention trade and professional football alsoplayed an important role in conditioning whitepolitical and business circles, making themmore receptive to increasinglyresolutedemands from African American civil rights leaders once it becameclear thatsegregation was hurting the city’s nationalimage.2 To a greater extentthan in most cities, then, the Crescent City’s effortto impress visitors colored the struggleoveraccommodations. This articleconsidersthe interrelationshipbetween concern over national image and the black struggleforequal access to publicaccommodations, schools,andjobs,demonstrating not only tourism’simpact on the direction of racial change but also the importance of that change to the continued vitalityof what was on its way to becoming the city’s leading industry.3 696 NURTURING NATIONAL IMAGE IN A SEGREGATED CITY In New Orleans, where blacks had constituted a majority in the earlynine- teenthcentury and had since fallen to much lower levels for several decades, the Second World War brought anewupsurge in the city’s black population. The pull of bustling war industries and the centripetal effects of agricultural mechanization in the rural Deep Southconvergedtopush the CrescentCity’s black population fromless than one-third of the totalin 1940 tonearlyhalfby 1970. The rising black population meantthat by the latter date, the city’s politi- cians had tograpplewithblack voting power and couldnolonger deny demands for legal equality. 4 Prior to the 1960s,however,NewOrleans’sleaders contented themselves withreaping the benefits that arosenaturally fromthe city’s being bothawell- situated seaport and a rich repository of history, food, music, and illicit plea- sures. For many years, the “City thatCare Forgot”filled its hotels and famous restaurants with tourists and conventioneers withonly minimal promotional efforts. Commercialinterests flocked to its river wharves for the simplereason thatthe MississippiRiver wasthere. Natural advantages bred a certaindegree of complacency among the city’sleaders. Even when World War II and the subsequent election of progressive mayor deLessepsS.(“Chep”) Morrison ushered in a decade of aggressive internationaltrade promotion and massive infrastructure improvements such as new ship terminals, roads,bridges,an international airport,andacentraltrain station, the city’s establishment remained firmly entrenched and self-satisfied.5 Reliance on shipping and tourism asthe two chief pillars of the urban econ- omyprovedhighlycompatiblewith the maintenance of the socialstatus quo in New Orleans. Jim Crow customs—mostly unwritten but widelyunderstood— and the city’slong-standing efforttoattract whitevisitors dictated strict racial separation in tourist facilities and attractions. Mayor Morrison explained the city’ssegregated publicaccommodationsto a prospective tourist in 1948: “These laws are an outgrowth of unfortunate experiences during and after the Reconstruction Era, and are deemed advisablebymost Southernersinorderto prevent conditions leading to racial intermarriage.”6 Especially before the citybeganto open up in the 1960s and toalesser extent for many yearsthereafter, black tourists experienced New Orleans very differently than didwhites.Whilewhites flocked to the world-famousFrench Quarter, most blacks had no interest ingoing towhatthey viewed as awhite attraction or didnot wish toriskharassment by the New Orleans police. For the local black community, the Vieux Carré was aplace where blacks worked as cooks,dishwashers,porters,bellhops, musicians,
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