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Foreign Office Files for China, 1919-1980 Is an Archives Direct Series
Complete FO 371, FCO 21 and additional files from The National Archives, UK “This is a priceless collection on changes and developments of China since 1919. Professors, researchers, and students of China and Chinese foreign relations will find this collection fascinating and tremendously useful. It is wise to produce a digitised version of the materials; this greatly facilitates research and studies of contemporary China.” Professor Cindy Yik-yi Chu, Associate Director, David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University Available in six sections, this digital collection makes available all British Foreign Office files dealing with China, Hong Kong and Taiwan between 1919 and 1980. In 1919, despite the recent revolution, the bulk of the Chinese population had not been touched by industrialisation or modernisation. Through the inter-war turmoil of competing governments – encapsulated in the rivalry between the Nationalist Chiang Kai-shek and the Communist Mao Zedong – warlordism, civil wars and Japanese invasion, China emerged reunified under communism in 1949, and by the 1980s – only seventy years after revolution – had transformed itself into a growing economic superpower. Due to the unique nature of the relationship between Britain and China, these formerly restricted first-hand accounts provide unprecedented levels of detail into a turbulent FCO 21/1555 period in Chinese history. The collection includes diplomatic despatches, After 1949 Britain was one of the first countries letters, newspaper cuttings, political pamphlets, to recognise the new People’s Republic and reports of court cases and other materials, maintained special interests in the region, not least representing a constant exchange of information its possession of Hong Kong, leading to its often between London and the British embassies and taking a different policy approach to the United consulates that were located in various Chinese States, as demonstrated in this material. -
Response to Pacnet #8, “Taiwan Travel Act: Bad Idea? ”
NUMBER 8R PACIFIC FORUM CSIS · HONOLULU, HI FEB. 1, 2018 RESPONSE TO PACNET #8, “TAIWAN TRAVEL ACT: BAD IDEA? ” BY DENNIS V. HICKEY, JOSEPH BOSCO, LARRY OSBORN, AND ZHIQUN ZHU Once again, Hickey asserts that since the NDAA did not Dennis V. Hickey ([email protected]) is “mandate” the port calls or even “require the Pentagon to distinguished professor and director of the Graduate study the matter,” it was a futile gesture and like the TTA, Program in Global Studies at Missouri State University. simply “feel good” legislation. He claims “This wasn’t the first time lawmakers pulled this trick,” noting that the Joseph Bosco ([email protected]) is a consultant and Foreign Relations Authorization Act of Fiscal Year 2003 former China country director at the US Department of called on President George W. Bush to study the Defense. feasibility of “expanding US-Taiwan military ties.” Hickey reports that “an angry Bush signed the bill Larry Osborn ([email protected]) is a (permitting the foreign policy establishment to function), retired US Navy captain and senior vice president of the but declared that there was no change to America’s ‘one Navy League of the United States, Honolulu Council. China’ policy.” Zhiqun Zhu ([email protected]) is professor of Then Hickey steps into a self-contradiction that political science and international relations at Bucknell substantially undercuts his argument. He notes with University. apparent approval that Bush lambasted Congress because he believed the language “impermissibly interferes with Joseph Bosco replies: the President’s constitutional authority to conduct the nation’s foreign affairs” – and that was just for a study of In PacNet #8, “Taiwan Travel Act: Bad Idea?” Professor the issue. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Asia Trends 3 Article 1
TRENDS THE U.S. AND THE INDO-PACIFIC UNDER TRUMP 1 Signals, Symbols and Sales: Recent Trends in U.S. Policy towards Taiwan1 | MAEVE WHELAN-WUEST Since 1979, when Washington switched its official recognition of China from the Republic of China (ROC) government in Taipei to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing, U.S. policy has remained steadfast in its strategic interest in cross-strait stability. Each incoming president has had to carefully balance American support for Taiwan with the United States’ changing and increasingly more intertwined relationship with China. In 2016, American and Taiwanese voters elected new presidents, both of whom campaigned to pursue more domestic-oriented policy agendas. Even before these elections, through which opposition parties entered the executive office and gained a sizable majority in the respective legislatures, 2017 was set to be a critical year for U.S.-Taiwan relations. With two new administrations in Washington and Taipei, Beijing’s calculations were surely going to alter and would undoubtedly test the position of the U.S. towards Taiwan. Nevertheless, a volatile start to the policies of both China and Taiwan under President Trump has meant that several distinct avenues have become the primary mechanisms through which the United States implements and signals its policy objectives, more so than under the Obama administration. 1 I would like to thank Richard C. Bush and Ryan L. Hass for their invaluable and constructive comments on the initial draft of this paper. ASIA TRENDS | SPRING 2018 21 These avenues are: diplomatic measures, Following the phone call, Donald Trump, defense reassurances, and legislative during a handful of interviews, questioned messaging. -
Threading the Needle Proposals for U.S
“Few actions could have a more important impact on U.S.-China relations than returning to the spirit of the U.S.-China Joint Communique of August 17, 1982, signed by our countries’ leaders. This EastWest Institute policy study is a bold and pathbreaking effort to demystify the issue of arms sales to Taiwan, including the important conclusion that neither nation is adhering to its commitment, though both can offer reasons for their actions and views. That is the first step that should lead to honest dialogue and practical steps the United States and China could take to improve this essential relationship.” – George Shultz, former U.S. Secretary of State “This EastWest Institute report represents a significant and bold reframing of an important and long- standing issue. The authors advance the unconventional idea that it is possible to adhere to existing U.S. law and policy, respect China’s legitimate concerns, and stand up appropriately for Taiwan—all at the same time. I believe EWI has, in fact, ‘threaded the needle’ on an exceedingly challenging policy problem and identified a highly promising solution-set in the sensible center: a modest voluntary capping of annual U.S. arms deliveries to Taiwan relative to historical levels concurrent to a modest, but not inconsequential Chinese reduction of its force posture vis-à-vis Taiwan. This study merits serious high-level attention.” – General (ret.) James L. Jones, former U.S. National Security Advisor “I commend co-authors Piin-Fen Kok and David Firestein for taking on, with such skill and methodological rigor, a difficult issue at the core of U.S-China relations: U.S. -
CSR90 the United States, China, and Taiwan
Council Special Report No. 90 February 2021 The United States, Cover photo: A red pin indicates Taiwan on a map of East Asia. (hyotographics/Shutterstock) China, and Taiwan: Council on Foreign Relations cfr.org A Strategy to Prevent War 58 East 68th Street 1777 F Street, NW New York, NY 10065 Washington, DC 20006 tel 212.434.9400 tel 202.509.8400 Robert D. Blackwill and Philip Zelikow Council Special Report No. 90 February 2021 The United States, China, and Taiwan: A Strategy to Prevent War Robert D. Blackwill and Philip Zelikow The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with Council members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. -
Strengthening U.S.-Taiwan Defense Relations
energ securit STRENGTHENING U.S.-TAIWAN rogra DEFENSE RELATIONS POLITICAL AND SECURITY AFFAIRS Foreword by Admiral Jonathan W. Greenert he U.S.-Taiwan relationship is under the spotlight at a critical time. Concerns are rising over China’s global campaign to undermine Taiwan’s legitimacy. A freeze has occurred in official cross-strait exchanges since the Tsai Ing-wen administration took office, the U.S.-China trade relationship is increasingly tense, and the Trump administration has shown a growing interest in Tthe Indo-Pacific region. Washington is certainly aware of Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. The rapid pace of People’s Liberation Army (PLA) modernization has positioned China to carry out its active defense strategy in the western Pacific, South China Sea, and Indian Ocean within a few years. Despite the continuous presence of these strategic and military challenges, Washington still lacks a consensus on how to strike a balance between the merits of fostering defense relations with Taipei and the costs of retaliation from Beijing. During the Obama administration, the United States’ and Taiwan’s diverging views on defense policy and cooperation posed obstacles to bilateral security ties. Due to rapid Chinese military modernization and then president Ma Ying-jeou’s prioritization of relations with China, the United States developed an “asymmetrical defense” framework for its arms sales policy. This framework essentially meant that Taiwan had to rely on its geography and focus on anti-landing operations to counter a PLA amphibious invasion scenario. The United States expected Taiwan to invest most heavily in land-based mobile antiship cruise missiles, sea mines, and multiple-launch rocket systems. -
Kara Phillips1 Issues of Treaty Succession As Early As the Spring and Autumn (772–476 Bc) and the Warring States (476– 221 B
China Kara Phillips1 Issues of Treaty Succession As early as the Spring and Autumn (772–476 bc) and the Warring States (476– 221 bc) periods, ancient China engaged in interstate relations, diplomatic con‑ tacts, and treaty negotiation.2 From the time China was unified under the Qin Dynasty (221 bc) until the end of the Qing Dynasty (1911), China conducted international relations by means of a tribute system.3 Under the tribute sys‑ tem, China occupied a superior position in relation to surrounding subordi‑ nate nations. Foreign emissaries paid their respects to the Chinese emperor in the form of time‑honored ceremonies of obeisance.4 Foreign trading companies introduced China to western international law concepts during trade negotiations in the 17th Century.5 The Qing imperial government negotiated its first modern treaty with a western government (Russia) in 1689.6 However, during the next two centuries, imperial China remained steadfast in its isolationist outlook and nonconformance to western 1 The author would like to thank the Professor Xu Xiaobing and the staff of the Shanghai Jiaotong University School of Law Library, librarian Bill McCloy and the staff of the University of Washington Gallagher Law Library, librarian Bob Menanteaux and the staff of the Seattle University Law Library, librarian Joan Liu of New York University School of Law Library Lani Cao, and Frances Chen for their assistance and support in writing this article. This bibliography is a selected bibliography for the P.R.C. For further research in the area of Chinese treaties, the author recommends: Xu Jialin & Tian Jianshe (徐佳林 田建设), Guoji Tiaoyue de Jiansuo Dingyi yu Fangfa (国际条约的检索定义与方法) [Research Methods and Definitions for International Treaties], available at: http://www.iolaw.org.cn/showNews.asp?id=14817 and Li Yumin, Li Chuanbin & Liu Limin (李育民, 李传斌, 刘利民) Jindai Zhongwai Tiaoyue Yanjiu Zongshu (近代中外条约研究综述) [Summary of Modern Chinese and Foreign Treaty Research] (Changsha Shi: Hunan Renmin Chubanshe (长沙市: 湖南人民出版社) 2011). -
FROM a MILITARY FRONT to a COLD WAR HERITAGE SITE a Study of the Prospect of Matsu Archipelago As Sustainable Tourism Islands Ch
Theme 3 Session 2 FROM A MILITARY FRONT TO A COLD WAR HERITAGE SITE A study of the prospect of Matsu Archipelago as sustainable tourism islands Chao-Ching Fu Department of Architecture, National Cheng Kung University, Taiwan [email protected] Abstract. The Matsu archipelago, located in the northwest of Taiwan Strait and composed of 36 islands, is geographically closed to the Chinese Mainland and had been functioned as the military front by the Nationalist Government in Taiwan against Chinese Communism since 1949. The role of the islands as a stronghold along the Pacific Ocean against Communism during the Cold War was reassured by the U.S. Government. For decades, the islands were not easily accessible for the ordinary people from Taiwan for the purpose of tourism. The function of the military front was lifted on the midnight of 13th May, 1994 and a new role is envisioned for both domestic and foreign tourists. In fact, Matsu had never received the attack of the war although it was treated as the military front. All military facilities were set up for the purpose of defense and had become a part of people’s life. When more and more military forces are withdrawn from the islands, the decreasing population and drop in business with the military led the island search for a new drive for the local economy. Since then, tourism has been treated as the most prospective direction for the development. World highest density military facilities such as the underground tunnels have formed a special cultural landscape and contained unique attractions for cultural tourism. -
The Precarious State of Cross-Strait Deterrence
Statement before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission on “Deterring PRC Aggression Toward Taiwan” The Precarious State of Cross-Strait Deterrence Oriana Skylar Mastro Center Fellow, Freeman Spogli Institute for International Studies, Stanford University Senior Non-Resident Fellow, American Enterprise Institute February 18, 2021 The views expressed in this testimony are the author’s alone and do not represent those of any of the organizations with which the author is, or has been, affiliated. The author would like to thank Emily Carr for her assistance in preparing this testimony. Commissioner Carte P. Goodwin and Commissioner James M. Talent, thank you for providing me with the opportunity to testify today on the crucial topic of the political and strategic dynamics underpinning cross-strait deterrence. Cross-strait deterrence is arguably weaker than at any point since the Korean War. Impressive Chinese military modernization, US failure to build robust coalitions to counter Chinese regional aggression, and Xi Jinping’s personal ambition all coalesce to create a situation for Beijing in which the benefits of using force seem to potentially outweigh the costs. I support this assessment in my response to the commission’s specific questions below. Under what circumstances would Chinese leaders initiate a conflict over Taiwan? What actions or developments could deter or precipitate a decision by Chinese leaders to initiate conflict? Are there any true “redlines” that would prompt this decision? These questions allude to two different pathways to conflict. The first is the perceived need in Beijing to respond to a situation. The risk that Taipei or Washington crosses a redline that precipitates conflict has been a concern for decades and used to be the only realistic pathway to conflict. -
Taiwan Allies International Protection and Enhancement Initiative (Taipei) Act of 2019
PUBLIC LAW 116–135—MAR. 26, 2020 TAIWAN ALLIES INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION AND ENHANCEMENT INITIATIVE (TAIPEI) ACT OF 2019 VerDate Sep 11 2014 13:43 Mar 30, 2020 Jkt 099139 PO 00135 Frm 00001 Fmt 6579 Sfmt 6579 E:\PUBLAW\PUBL135.116 PUBL135 dkrause on LAP5T8D0R2PROD with PUBLAWS 134 STAT. 278 PUBLIC LAW 116–135—MAR. 26, 2020 Public Law 116–135 116th Congress An Act Mar. 26, 2020 To express United States support for Taiwan’s diplomatic alliances around the [S. 1678] world. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of Taiwan Allies the United States of America in Congress assembled, International Protection and SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. Enhancement Initiative This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Taiwan Allies International (TAIPEI) Act Protection and Enhancement Initiative (TAIPEI) Act of 2019’’. of 2019. SEC. 2. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH TAIWAN. (a) FINDINGS.—Congress makes the following findings: (1) The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 (Public Law 96– 8) states that it is the policy of the United States ‘‘to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on Taiwan’’. (2) The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 states that it is the policy of the United States ‘‘to maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan’’. (3) Taiwan is a free, democratic, and prosperous nation of 23,000,000 people and an important contributor to peace and stability around the world. -
CRS Report for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code RL30341 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Updated March 12, 2001 Shirley A. Kan Specialist in National Security Policy Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress This CRS Report was initiated upon a request from Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott in the 106th Congress. China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Summary On July 9, 1999, questions about the “one China” policy arose again after Lee Teng-hui, then-President of Taiwan, characterized cross-strait relations as “special state-to-state ties.” The Clinton Administration responded that Lee’s statement was not helpful and reaffirmed the “one China” policy and opposition to “two Chinas.” Beijing, in February 2000, issued its second White Paper on Taiwan, reaffirming its “peaceful unification” policy but with new warnings about the risk of conflict. There also have been questions about whether and how President Chen Shui-bian, inaugurated in May 2000, might adjust Taiwan’s policy toward the Mainland. In Part I, this CRS report discusses the policy on “one China” since the United States began in 1971 to reach understandings with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) government in Beijing. Part II documents the evolution of the “one China” principle as articulated in key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. Despite apparently consistent statements over almost three decades, the critical “one China” principle has been left somewhat ambiguous and subject to different interpretations among Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.