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Language Politics in New Brunswick Jonathan Peter Bishop

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Language Politics in New Brunswick Jonathan Peter Bishop From Caraquet to Lord: Language Politics in New Brunswick Jonathan Peter Bishop B. A. University of New Brunswick, 1998 Thesis submitted in partial fulfillrnent of the requirenients for the Degree of Master of .4rts (Political Science) Acadia University. Sprinç Convocation 2000 Jonathan Peter Bishop, 1999 National Library Bibliothèque nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nre WeUiion Onawa ON KIA ON4 OnawaON K1AW CaMda canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une Licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel1 reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur fomt électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantiai extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autonsation. Table of Contents Page List of Tables and Figures.. ............................................................ .v . Abstract.. ................................................................................. .vil Chapter One: Introduction.. ............................................................ -1 Chapter Two: The Theoretical Frarnework.. ......................................... 1 1 Consociationalism Applied to Canada.. ........................... .15 Consociationalism Applied to New Brunswick: The Initial Deal.. ..................................................... ..29 Chapter Three: The Breakdown of the Initial Consociational Deal.. ........... ...XI The Need for Restructuring. ......................................... -57 The Second Consociational Deal.. ................................ ..59 Challenges to the Second Consociational Deal.. ................ ..84 Chapter Four: 1997- 1998 Survey Research: A Profile of the People of New Brunswick.. ....................................................... 1 O4 Chapter Five: Conclusion.. ............................................................ -126 Bibliography.. ........................................................................... -138 List of Tables and Figures Page Figure 1 - 1 : The Consociational Model.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .... 9 Table 3- 1 : Ethnic Composition of Cabinet in New Brunswick. 196 1 - 1997.. .... .. .. .. ..39 Table 3- 1 : Overarching National Solidarity in New Brunswick. 1 993 .. .. .. ..82 Table 3-2: Political Identification in New Brunswick, 1995-1 999.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. -53 Table 4- 1 : importance of B iIingualism to the way Survey Respondents Voted in Leadership Conventions in New Brunswick.. .. .. .. .. .. .1 O6 Table 4-2: Conservative Party Convention Survey Question: Who did you vote for on the first Ballot ............. ... ... .. ..... .. .. ... .. 107 Table 4-3: It is important for Party leaders to be Bilingual.. .. .. .. .. ... 108 Tablc 4-3A: Who did those that "strongly ageed" with the statement. /I i~ it)rporturltfor Netr' Bnulst rick pcrrt~,leaders IO he biliirgzrtrl. Vote for with their first ballot in the 1997 Conservative Leadership Convention.. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ... 109 Table 4-1:New Brunswick should remain bilingual irrespective of whether Quebec secedes from Canada.. .. .. -. .. .. - . .. - -.. - -.-. -. - 109 Table 3-5:Quebec should be recognized as a distinct society.. .. .... .. ... .. .. ........ ... .. .. 1 10 Table 4-6: As the only officially bilingual province. Ne~vBrunswick has a special role to play in matters of national unity ... .. .. .. ... ...... .. .. .. .. .. 1 12 'Table 3-7: Official Bilingualism has been a good thing for New Brunswick.. ... ... .. ... .... 1 13 Table 4-8: Response to the question "Has Bilingualism been a good thing for New Brunswick". among those who are biIinguaI.. .. ... .. .. .. ...... 1 16 Table 4-9: 1 could never vote for a Confederation of Regions type party.. ......... .. ..1 17 Table 4- 10: Anglophone Respondents who "strongly disagrced" with the statement "Official BiIingualism has been a good thing for New Brunswick". compared with their response to the statement "1 could ncver vote for a COR type party.*'. ...... ... ..... Table 4-1 1: Both the Acadian and New Brunswick flag should be flown in front of government buildings in New Brunswick.. .. .. .. ... ..12 1 v i Page Table 3- 12: Ne\v Brunswick's Libemls are more attuned to the Francophone community. while the PC's are more attuned to the Anglophone community.. ............................................................ 1 22 Table 5- 1 : Size of Major Subcuitures in New Brunswick. ........................................ .134 Table 5-2: Provincial Electoral History of the CCF-NDP in New Brunswick.. ................. 136 vii Abstract From Caraquef to Lord studies relations between francophones and anglophones within the province of New Brunswick since Confederation. In other places where two or more cultures intersect, a confrontation ofien develops, occasionally resulting in civil instability and even war. However, New Brunswick deviates fiom this pattern. What have the people of this province done differently to avoid the tension that frequently occurs within a bi-ethnic society? What they have done is practiced the politics of accommodation, mainly through the activities of their leaders. An examination of campaign strategies, cabinet formations. and the composition of the civil service shows a pattern of elite cooperation in New Brunswick that may be absent elsewhere. The path in finding an answer to this query has been lit by a number of political scientists. Arend Lijphart and Edmund Aunger both provide the theoretical framework required in order to view clearly what has transpired in the province. However, this analysis has significantly revised the consociational theory in order to account for activities that have occurred in New Brunswick dunng the past three decades. This elite accommodation found in the province has taken the form of two consociational '-deals." Each had separate terms and conditions, aithough both had a similar goal in mind: the placement of language issues off the potitical agenda. The first deal ended in 1960, while the second has been in operation for over thirty years. These consociational arrangements have provided the province of New Brunswick with the stability it requires to remain peaceful in an ever-changing world. viii Ackno wledgemena Throughout the course of this work, 1 have accumulated a large number of debts. as well as a number of people to thank. First of all, to my parents, family and friends for their support, without which, none of this would be possible. Ian Stewart of Acadia University has supervised this work from first thoughts until final copy, and 1 am grateful for his numerous suggestions and his in fin ite editing capacity. 1 would also like to thank the library staff at Acadia, who worked diligentiy to ensure that 1 had a multitude of available resources. Thanks also to the Centre for Democracy at Queen's University for your quick response to my queries conceming New Brunswick opinion polls. Moreover, my thanks go to al1 those who took the time to speak with me during rny research. Your comments were helpful and your anecdotes were unforgettable. A debt of gratitude aiso goes out to Gary Allen and Conde Grondin at the University of New Brunswick in Fredericton. Gary for having faith in me, even though 1 was not always the most intelligent student in the class, and Conde, for teaching me some of the tricks to the New Brunswick political trade. Finally, 1 would Iike to thank Nicola, my inspiration, Paul, my mentor, and Gina Bernard for her superb translation skills and companionship. Gina now knows more about New Brunswick politics than she ever wanted to, and her unfailing support throughout the period it took to write this work is something to be cherished. Chapter One: Intduction Within Canada, there is a province that has a unique ethnic makeup - New Brunswick. The most distinctive aspect of New Brunswick is the relative balance between its English and French-speaking populations, who have been living together in the region for more than two centuries. New Brunswick's current language policy now reinforces the province's uniqueness. In al1 essential aspects of public administration, both languages are legally equal.' The political stability of this province since 1875 has rested on the formulation and maintenance of hvo consociational deals. The first deal began with the Caraquet riots and ended with the election of Louis Robichaud in 1960. The second began with the introduction of a bill that proved to be a precursor to the Oficial Languages Act, 1969 (NB). Since the beginning of the second deal, the two traditional parties have consistently supported the vision of the province king officially bilingual. Most conflicts and concems on language policy have been worked out or suppressed within their ca~cuses.~The purpose of this thesis is to ascertain whether the consociational mode1 still fÏts the province, and if so, whether the second deal described above is still functioning.
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