Qatar: Last Arab(Ist) Standing? by Florence Gaub
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ARIJ 11Th ANNUAL FORUM "The Future of Investigative Reporting:Trends, Tools, & Technology"
ARIJ 11th ANNUAL FORUM "The Future of Investigative Reporting:Trends, Tools, & Technology" 29 NOV - 2 DEC 2018 Dead Sea - Jordan WWW.ARIJ.NET WWW.ARIJ.NET Overview OVERVIEW he 11th Annual Forum for Investigative Journalism, hosted by ARIJ, took place at the T King Hussein Conference Center at the Dead Sea in Jordan on Nov. 30 to Dec. 2, 2018. The Forum was ARIJ’s biggest yet: nearly 500 participants from 37 countries attended. Some 18 Arab countries were represented. In addition, ARIJ boosted the outreach of the Forum by livestreaming and recording sessions. This meant that journalists unable to attend in person - including many Gazans, Yemenis, Syrians, and Libyans - could still benefit. ARIJ’s Forum has evolved into the most important journalism Forum in the Arab world and an unmissable event for media professionals in the region. 492 +50 +90 PARTICIPANTS SESSIONS SPEAKERS 2 ABOUT THE FORUM – TOPIC, FOCUS, BACKGROUND INFORMATION The year 2018 was challenging for investigative journalists in the Arab region and internationally. It was a deadly year: at least 54 journalists were killed for doing their job. The killing of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi at his country’s embassy in Istanbul in October received widespread media coverage, but ARIJ also remembered those whose names were not so well publicized. The increasingly hostile environment was reflected in the theme of the Forum’s opening session, Life on the Edge. This theme was illustrated in an op-ed by ARIJ Executive Director Rana Sabbagh, which explored the constant dangers and rising repression that journalists in the region face. -
MİRZA TAKİ FIÂN (Emir Kebir) VE REFORMLARI (1848 - 1851)
MİRZA TAKİ FIÂN (EMiR KEBiR) VE REFORMLARI (1848 - 1851) GÖKHAN BOLAT* GİRİŞ Yalun dönem İran tarihinde Batı tarzı reform hareketleri Türk kö- kenli Kaçar Hanedanı döneminde (1796-1925) başlamıştır. İran'daki re- form süreci tıpkı Osmanlı Devleti'nde olduğu gibi önceleri askeri re- formlar şeklinde başlamış', daha sonra diğer alanlara yayılmışur. 19. yüzyıl bu açıdan hem Osmanlı Devleti hem de İran'da çeşitli reform ha- reketlerinin görüldüğü bir dönem olmuştur. Bu dönemde İran'daki re- form hareketlerinde ön plana çıkan en önemli isimler Feth Ali Şah'ın oğ- lu Abbas Mirzâ (1789-1833), Mirzâ Ebul-Kâsım Makam (1780-1836) ve Nasıreddin Şah'm hocası ve ilk sadrazamı2 olan Mirzâ rdki I-Iân ya da bili- nen adıyla Emir Kebir (1806-1852)'dir3. Henüz sekiz yaşındayken kendisi- ni İran-Rus mücadelesinin ortasında bulan Abbas Mirzâ on yaşındayken Naib'üs-Saltana (veliaht şehzade) unvamyla Azerbaycan valiliğine atan- mıştır. Rusya karşısında alınan yenilgiler İran ordusunda ciddi bir re- form hareketinin başlatılması gerçeğini ortaya çıkarmış, bunun üzerine Abbas Mirzâ Osmanli'daki Nizâm-ı Cedid ıslahatlanm örnek alarak orduyu Avrupa tarzında yeniden düzenlemeye karar vermiştir. Bunun için İn- giltere, Rusya, Fransa ve Italya'dan askeri uzmanlar getirtrniştir. Özellik- le 1819-1833 arasında yapılan reformlar sadece askeri alanla sınırlı kal- Yrd. Doç. Dr., Erciyes Üniversitesi, Edebiyat Fakültesi, Tarih Bölümü, Kayseri/ TÜRKIYE, e-mail: [email protected] ' Steven R.Ward, Immortal A Military History of Iran and Its Aııned Forces, Georgetown University Press, Washington D.C. 2009, s. 61; Stephanie Cronin, "An Experiment in Military Moderni- zation: Constitutionalism, Political Reform and the Iranian Gendarmerie, 1910-1921", Middk Eastem Studies, Vol. -
The Committee to Protect Journalists the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy Joint Stakeholder Submission to the UN Human Ri
The Committee to Protect Journalists The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy Joint Stakeholder Submission to the UN Human Rights Council’s Universal Periodic Review - Lebanon 37th Session (Jan-Feb 2021) The Committee to Protect Journalists is an independent nonprofit organization that promotes press freedom worldwide. We defend the right of journalists to report the news safely and without fear of reprisal. Contact Details: Website: https://cpj.org/ Postal address: P.O. Box 2675 New York, NY 10108 Telephone: +1 (212) 465-1004 Email: [email protected] The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) is dedicated to centering localized perspectives in the policy discourse to foster accountable, transparent, and just societies in the Middle East and North Africa. TIMEP was founded in 2013 in Washington, DC; it has a network of expert fellows located throughout the world. TIMEP is a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit in the District of Columbia. Contact Details: Website: www.timep.org Postal address: 1140 Connecticut Ave NW, Suite 505 Washington, DC 20036 Telephone +1 (202) 969-3343 Email: [email protected] Introduction This joint submission documents a deterioration in the state of press freedom in Lebanon, as facilitated both by the country’s legal framework and its violative practices. The information presented in this submission is based on evidence collected by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy (TIMEP) in collaboration with local human rights defenders, journalists, and lawyers. Prior Relevant UPR Recommendations 1. Lebanon underwent its 1st UPR cycle in November 2010 and its 2nd UPR cycle in November 2015. -
Intersecting Identities: Cultural and Traditional Allegiance in Portrait of an Emir
INTERSECTING IDENTITIES: CULTURAL AND TRADITIONAL ALLEGIANCE IN PORTRAIT OF AN EMIR Ariana Panbechi In Iranian history, the period between the eighteenth and early twentieth centuries can be best described as an era of monumental change. Transformations in economics, technology, military administration, and the arts reverberated across the Persian Empire and were further developed by the Qajar dynasty, which was quick to embrace the technological and industrial innovations of modernism. 1 However, the Qajars were also strongly devoted to tradition, and utilized customary Persian motifs and themes to craft an imperial identity that solidified their position as the successors to the Persian imperial lineage.2 This desire to align with the past manifested in the visual arts, namely in large-scale royal portraiture of the Qajar monarchy and ruling elite. Executed in 1855, Portrait of an Emir (Fig. 1) is a depiction of an aristocrat that represents the Qajar devotion to reviving traditional imagery through art in an attempt to craft a nationalist identity. The work portrays a Qajar nobleman dressed in lavish robes and seated on a two-tone carpet within a palatial setting. The subject is identified as Emir Qasem Khan in the inscription that appears to the left of his head.3 Figure 1. Attributed to Afrasiyab, Portrait of an Emir, 1855. Oil on cotton, 59 x 37 in. Brooklyn Museum, accession number 73.145. Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Charles K. Wilkinson, Brooklyn, New York. Image courtesy the Brooklyn Museum. In this paper, I argue that Emir Qasem Khan’s portrait, as a pictorial representation of how he presented himself during his lifetime, is a visualization of the different entities, ideas, and traditions that informed his carefully crafted identity as a member of the Qajar court. -
H-Diplo Review Essay 222 on Jacob. for God Or Empire: Sayyid Fadl and the Indian Ocean World
H-Diplo H-Diplo Review Essay 222 on Jacob. For God or Empire: Sayyid Fadl and the Indian Ocean World Discussion published by George Fujii on Wednesday, April 29, 2020 H-Diplo Review Essay 222 29 April 2020 Wilson Chacko Jacob. For God or Empire: Sayyid Fadl and the Indian Ocean World. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2019. ISBN: 9780804793186 (hardcover, $90.00); 9781503609631 (paperback, $30.00). https://hdiplo.org/to/E222 Review Editor: Diane Labrosse | Commissioning Editor: Cindy Ewing | Production Editor: George Fujii Review by Taushif Kara, University of Cambridge While the entangled life of Sayyid Fadl might have come to end in 1900 in Istanbul, to anchor or indeed conclude any telling of it firmly in time or in space would be to limit it, and perhaps more critically, to misread it. This rather simple precept provides the underlying thrust of Wilson Chacko Jacob’s highly experimental and multilayered work on the complex life of the peripatetic Fadl Ibn Alawi (b. 1825), a Hadhrami sayyid (descendant of the Prophet) of the Alawi tariqa (Sufi order or Way) who was brought up on the Malabar coast in southern India. Fadl departed the subcontinent in 1852 for his ‘homeland’ in the Hijaz, an exile anticipated by the suspicious albeit confused British for his supposed role in radicalising the ‘fanatic’ and ‘rebellious’ Mappila Muslims. He eventually became the Emir of Dhofar, a region on the shores of the Arabian Sea, at a moment when the Ottoman state was reckoning with its shifting boundaries, both territorial and ideational. During that moment of global transformation and reordering, Fadl reflected deeply on his own role as a sayyid as well as the political and spiritual future of the nascent but crystallizing ‘Muslim world,’ the ummah. -
The Islamic State We Knew
C O R P O R A T I O N The Islamic State We Knew Insights Before the Resurgence and Their Implications Howard J. Shatz and Erin-Elizabeth Johnson SUMMARY ■ The group calling itself the Islamic Key findings State poses a grave threat, not just to Iraq and Syria but to the region more broadly and to the United States, as well • Because coalition forces and Iraqis routed the group as its global coalition partners. A deadly and adaptive foe, once before, the group’s history can inform components of a successful strategy against the Islamic State. the Islamic State seemed to come out of nowhere in June 2014, when it conquered Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city. • The coalition against the Islamic State must degrade the However, the Islamic State of today is the direct descen- group’s finances. dant of a group that Iraq, the United States, and their • Any coherent plan must aim to eliminate, not merely partners once fought as al-Qa‘ida in Iraq and then as the degrade, the Islamic State’s leadership and potential Islamic State of Iraq. leadership. Drawing from articles and documents that were • When the group is expelled from an area, an active publicly available before 2012, this report shows that police or troop presence needs to be established to quite a bit was known about the Islamic State by the work with the community, gain its trust, and counter the end of 2011: how it financed and organized itself, how it group’s reemergence. operated, how it captured territory, and what its relation- • Airpower is still an important adjunct tool against the ship with airpower looked like. -
Social Sciences $€ £ ¥
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article Being Different with Dignity: Buddhist Inclusiveness of Homosexuality Fung Kei Cheng ID Independent scholar, Hong Kong 999077, China; [email protected] Received: 22 January 2018; Accepted: 8 March 2018; Published: 21 March 2018 Abstract: Stigmatising homosexual individuals damages their emotional health and quality of life. In particular, those with religious beliefs may additionally suffer from religious discordance due to their sexual preferences. This exploratory research investigates how Buddhists perceive homosexuality and how Buddhist lesbians, gays and bisexuals (LGBs) accept their sexual orientation. It adopts semi-structured Internet-based text and voice interviews with 11 participants, including homosexual Buddhists, Buddhist masters, and heterosexual Buddhists. The findings are analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis, with the aid of a computerised qualitative data-analysis package. Results reveal a compassionate culture towards this marginalised group, for which Buddhist LGBs cultivate self-acceptance through Buddhist teachings, such as the clarification of nature and manifestation, Buddhist equality, and proper interpretation of precepts. These teachings also encourage inclusiveness. Keywords: acceptance; Buddhism; compassion; equality; sexual minority 1. Introduction Heterosexuality remains dominant in contemporary cultures (Valentine 1993; Phillips 2006), implying the fact that people with a sexual orientation other than this may agonise over low acceptance (Burgess 2005) -
The Power of Truth: QUESTIONS for AYMAN AL-ZAWAHIRI (PART I)
THE POWER OF TRUTH: * QUESTIONS FOR AYMAN AL-ZAWAHIRI JARRET BRACHMAN, BRIAN FISHMAN, JOSEPH FELTER ** 21 APRIL 2008 The views expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not reflect the official position of the U.S. Military Academy, the Department of Defense and the U.S. Government. Combating Terrorism Center United States Military Academy West Point, NY WEB: http://ctc.usma.edu EMAIL: [email protected] * On 19 September 2007, As-Sahab Media, Al-Qa’ida’s official media outlet, released one of its most sophisticated video productions entitled, “The Power of Truth.” Over the course of its one hour and twenty minute duration, the film wove together a variety of primary source clips featuring Western counterterrorism analysts, observers and policymakers discussing the resilience of al-Qa’ida and America’s troubles in Iraq. The video illustrated one of the media strategies al-Qa’ida believes is most effective— condemning one’s opponents by using their own words against them. The CTC has consistently tries to use al-Qa’ida’s writing and statements (and was credited for doing by Zawahiri himself in his latest book, Exoneration) to understand the movement, its strengths, and weaknesses. We decided to use al-Qa’ida’s title, “The Power of Truth” because this paper, in essence, turns the mirror back on Zawahiri, showing the selectivity and discrepancies in Part I of his response. ** Dr. Jarret Brachman is the Director of Research at the Combating Terrorism Center; Mr. Brian Fishman is a Senior Associate at the Combating Terrorism Center; Dr. -
65 John and the Emir a New Introduction, Edition And
JOHN AND THE EMIR 65 JOHN AND THE EMIR A NEW INTRODUCTION, EDITION AND TRANSLATION* On August 17, 874 a monk named Abraham completed a 99-page Syriac manuscript now housed in the British Library (BL Add. 17,193). Abraham titled his work “a volume of demonstrations, collections, and letters”1 and included in it 125 short pieces ranging from biblical pas- sages and excerpts from church fathers to lists of councils, caliphs, and calamities2. Following a canon of Severus regarding baptism and pre- ceding a list of eighth-century disasters, one finds in this volume three folios (73a-75b) which make up the sole witness to an ancient document that modern scholars have entitled John and the Emir. This document purports to be a letter written by an unnamed com- panion of the seventh-century Miaphysite patriarch of Antioch, John Sedra (r. 631-648). It relates an alleged conversation between the patriarch and an unspecified Muslim leader. In order to reassure its read- ers of John’s safety, the letter describes the patriarch’s audience with the emir. The majority of the text consists of a dialogue between John and the Muslim leader. The emir presents a series of brief questions and John gives more lengthy responses. They discuss the diversity of Christian beliefs, Christ’s divinity, who was controlling the world when Christ was in Mary’s womb, why the Hebrew prophets did not explicitly speak of Jesus, and inheritance law. The narrative interrupts this pattern of question and answer only once in order that the emir might summon a Jew to confirm John’s scriptural citation. -
Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer? Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer?
Research Paper Mehran Kamrava, Gerd Nonneman, Anastasia Nosova and Marc Valeri Middle East and North Africa Programme | November 2016 Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer? Ruling Families and Business Elites in the Gulf Monarchies: Ever Closer? Summary • The pre-eminent role of nationalized oil and gas resources in the six Gulf monarchies has resulted in a private sector that is highly dependent on the state. This has crucial implications for economic and political reform prospects. • All the ruling families – from a variety of starting points – have themselves moved much more extensively into business activities over the past two decades. • Meanwhile, the traditional business elites’ socio-political autonomy from the ruling families (and thus the state) has diminished throughout the Gulf region – albeit again from different starting points and to different degrees today. • The business elites’ priority interest in securing and preserving benefits from the rentier state has led them to reinforce their role of supporter of the incumbent regimes and ruling families. In essence, to the extent that business elites in the Gulf engage in policy debate, it tends to be to protect their own privileges. This has been particularly evident since the 2011 Arab uprisings. • The overwhelming dependence of these business elites on the state for revenues and contracts, and the state’s key role in the economy – through ruling family members’ personal involvement in business as well as the state’s dominant ownership of stocks in listed companies – means that the distinction between business and political elites in the Gulf monarchies has become increasingly blurred. -
Ashghal to Spend Qr22bn on New Projects in 2018
BUSINESS | Page 1 SPORT | Page 1 Qatar ready for crunch game against INDEX DOW JONES QE NYMEX QATAR 2-6, 20 COMMENT 18, 19 Qatar’s low-cost base REGION 7 BUSINESS 1-6, 10-12 Bahrain, gives it competitive edge 24,774.30 8,500.08 59.62 ARAB WORLD 7 CLASSIFIED 7-10 +28.09 -0.95 -0.35 INTERNATIONAL 8-17 SPORTS 1-8 over other LNG suppliers says coach +0.11% -0.01% -0.58% Latest Figures published in QATAR since 1978 THURSDAY Vol. XXXVIII No. 10681 December 28, 2017 Rabia Il 10, 1439 AH GULF TIMES www. gulf-times.com 2 Riyals Nod to draft In brief law on realty QATAR | Reaction Emir sends condolences ownership by to Philippines president His Highness the Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad al-Thani, His Highness the Deputy Emir Sheikh Abdullah bin Hamad al-Thani and non-Qataris HE the Prime Minister and Interior Minister Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser he Cabinet has approved a draft Interior, the committee specialises in bin Khalifa al-Thani yesterday sent law on regulating the ownership framing policies and strategies per- cables of condolences to Philippines Tand usage of real estate by non- taining to traffi c and developments in President Rodrigo Duterte after a Qataris in the country. the fi eld, according to the report. It also tropical storm struck the southern The decision was taken at the regu- studies traffi c problems and suggests Philippines, killing more than 200 lar meeting of the Cabinet yesterday, appropriate solutions. people. The Qatari leaders wished HE the Prime Minister and Minister of Interior Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasser bin Khalifa al-Thani reviews the progress of Ashghal the offi cial Qatar News Agency (QNA) The report refers to the preparation the injured speedy recovery. -
Histories of Humanitarian Action in the Middle East and North Africa
HPG Working Paper Histories of humanitarian action in the Middle East and North Africa Edited by Eleanor Davey and Eva Svoboda September 2014 HPG Humanitarian Policy Group Acknowledgements The editors would like to thank all those who contributed to this publication and to the conference that its papers are drawn from. First and foremost, thanks are due to the speakers and authors – all those included in this collection, as well as Elcin Macar and Mohsen Ghafory-Ashtiani – whose expertise and enthusiasm have been fundamental. Anicée Van Engeland, Heba Morayef, Keith Watenpaugh and Moncef Kartas were members of the project steering committee and gave invaluable support and guidance for which HPG is very grateful. Background research was provided by Samir Naser and Tabitha Poulton. The conference would not have been possible without the support of the Arab Thought Forum (ATF) in Amman, in particular Dr Elsadig Elfaqih and Rana Arafat. It is also thanks to the ATF that the conference report was translated into Arabic. Scott Taylor’s help with regard to HRH Prince El Hassan Bin Talal’s speech was much appreciated. Last but not least, we would like to thank the scholars, practitioners and individuals who put the editors in touch with authors, and who provided valuable comments during the peer review process. Humanitarian Policy Group Overseas Development Institute 203 Blackfriars Road London SE1 8NJ United Kingdom Tel. +44 (0) 20 7922 0300 Fax. +44 (0) 20 7922 0399 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.odi.org/hpg ISBN: 978 1 909464 86 5 © Overseas Development Institute, 2014 Readers are encouraged to quote or reproduce materials from this publication but, as copyright holders, ODI requests due acknowledgement and a copy of the publication.