DOCSLIB.ORG

G. Eley Ua (Hg.): Wilhelminism

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
G. Eley Ua (Hg.): Wilhelminism Geoff Eley, James Retallack. Wilhelminism and Its Legacies: German Modernities, Imperialism, and the Meaning of Reform, 1890-1930. Essays for Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann. Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2003. 269 S. $75.00, gebunden, ISBN 978-1-57181-223-0. Reviewed by Christian Müller Published on H-Soz-u-Kult (November, 2003) „Wilhelminism and its Legacies“ stellt die scher Geschichtsschreibung“ und die Desiderate, Festschrift für Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann die sich aus dieser Diskussion ergaben, stehen da‐ dar, die sich, wie Volker Berghahn im Vorwort be‐ her im Mittelpunkt des einleitenden Kapitels von tont (S. VIII), von gängigen Festschriften deut‐ Eley und Retallack (S. 1-15) und durchziehen im‐ schen Zuschnitts dadurch abzugrenzen sucht, plizit mit der von Blackbourn schon 1980/84 for‐ dass sie in Aufsätzen von Schülern des Jubilars mulierten Frage „What Kind of Reform?“ die meis‐ ein kohärentes Thema behandelt. Das Anliegen ten Beiträge des Bandes. Vgl. Blackbourn, D., The des Bandes besteht in der Erweiterung der politi‐ Discreet Charm of the Bourgeoisie. Reappraising schen Geschichtsschreibung des Kaiserreichs um German History in the Nineteenth Century, in: verschiedene Ausprägungen von Reform- und Mo‐ Ders., Eley, G. (wie Anm. 1), S. 159-292, S. 276ff. Die dernitätskonzepten (S. 4f.). beiden Herausgeber plädieren für eine grundsätz‐ Ein wesentliches Anliegen des Historikers liche Neubewertung der Verbindungen und ge‐ Pogge war und ist die Analyse deutscher Ge‐ genseitigen Beeinflussungen von modernisieren‐ schichte seit der Revolution von 1848 in kritischer den und vermeintlich rückständigen Faktoren im Auseinandersetzung mit der ‚Sonderwegsthese’. Kaiserreich (S. 5f.). Diese Forderung ist, ebenso Blackbourn und Eley erwähnen Pogge explizit im wie der Ansatz einer Politikgeschichte in der Er‐ Vorwort der englischen Auflage für die Hilfestel‐ weiterung, an sich nicht neu. Erstere bestimmte lungen und Anregungen sowohl bei der Entste‐ schon den Tenor einiger Kritiker der „Mythen“ zu hung des Buches als auch bei der Fertigstellung Beginn der 1980er-Jahre, Letzterer ist seit einigen der deutschen Ausgabe, vgl. Blackbourn, D.; Eley, Jahren in der Forschung dominierend. So u.a. G., The Peculiarities of German History. Bourgeois Langewiesche, D., Entmythologisierung des „deut‐ Society and Politics in Nineteenth-Century Germa‐ schen Sonderweges“ oder auf dem Wege zu neuen ny, Oxford 1984, S. V-VI. Die Forschungskontrover‐ Mythen?, in: AfS 21 (1981), S. 527-532. Dieser Sam‐ se um das 1980 erschienene Buch „Mythen deut‐ melband zeigt daher exemplarisch die Vielschich‐ tigkeit von „Modernität“ im Kaiserreich. Wie H-Net Reviews Klaus Tenfelde jüngst bemerkte, sei es eine der ei‐ tischen Praxis des deutschen Kaiserreichs, beson‐ gentümlichen Paradoxien des Kaiserreichs gewe‐ ders nach 1890, verorten können. sen, dass auch gerade die konservativen Elemente Die Aufsätze des Sammelbandes setzen sich der wilhelminischen politischen Konstellation mit drei Schwerpunkten auseinander und spie‐ „eine ganz eigentümliche Modernität“ in vielen geln somit einige der Forschungsschwerpunkte sozialen und politischen Teilbereichen hervor‐ des Jubilars wider. Zum einen beschäftigen sie brachten. Vgl. Tenfelde, K., 1890-1914: Durch‐ sich mit der kritischen Historisierung sozialwis‐ bruch der Moderne? Über Gesellschaft im späten senschaftlicher Ansätze von „Modernisierung“ Kaiserreich, in: Gall, L. (Hg.), Otto von Bismarck und „Demokratisierung“, zum zweiten mit For‐ und Wilhelm II. Repräsentanten eines Epochen‐ men und Funktionen von Imperialismus und Ko‐ wechsels? Paderborn 2000, S. 119-141, bes. S. lonialpolitik im Kaiserreich, und zum dritten mit 140-141. Daher plädieren die Herausgeber anstel‐ Handlungsspielräumen und Erwartungshorizon‐ le einer neuen Sonderwegsdebatte, die inzwi‐ ten in der „Krise der Moderne“ (S. 219). schen als abgeschlossen gelten kann Vgl. Kühne, Im ersten Themenbereich fokussieren die Au‐ T., Das deutsche Kaiserreich 1871-1918 und seine toren die schon in der Einleitung kritisierten und politische Kultur. Demokratisierung, Segmentie‐ oftmals paradigmatisch vorgetragenen ‚Moderni‐ rung, Militarisierung, in: NPL 43 (1998), H. 2, S. sierungstheorien’. V.a. Wehler, H.-U., Modernisie‐ 206-263, bes. S. 248. , für eine Erweiterung des rungstheorie und Geschichte, Göttingen 1975. Sie Blickfeldes auf „politische Modernisierung“, um argumentieren übereinstimmend, dass Idealdefi‐ zu einer Neubewertung der politischen Kultur nitionen von Demokratie und Modernisierung, und der spezifischen Modernität des Kaiserreichs die lange Zeit als westliche Idealfolie und norma‐ zu gelangen (S. 8). tiver Vergleichsmaßstab für das Kaiserreich gal‐ Angesichts der Vielschichtigkeit des Begriffs ten, durch einen auf die diskursive und soziale „Modernität“ stellt sich dem Leser die Frage, wel‐ Praxis abhebenden, weiten Begriff von – politi‐ ches Konzept von „Modernität“ der Analyse ei‐ scher – Modernisierung ersetzt werden müssen. gentlich zugrunde gelegt wird. In diesem Band Vgl. Dahl, R. A., On Democracy, New Haven 1998; wird durchgängig ein sehr weites Konzept vertre‐ Anderson, M. L., Practicing Democracy. Elections ten, das aus dem Erwartungshorizont der Zeitge‐ and Political Cultures in Imperial Germany, Prin‐ nossen heraus zu beschreiben sucht, welche For‐ ceton 2000. Auf dieser Grundlage breiten sie ein men und Teilaspekte „Modernität“ als reformge‐ vielschichtiges Panorama von Reformansätzen richtetes Potenzial unabhängig von interdepen‐ und Politisierungsformen aus. Geoff Eley (S. denten und teleologisch verengten Verknüpfun‐ 16-33) plädiert für eine Ausweitung des rechtlich gen der Sphären Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesell‐ definierten Staatsbürgerbegriffs, um die politi‐ schaft im untersuchten Zeitraum annehmen schen Spielräume einer Bürgergesellschaft „von konnte (S. 6, 8f.). Dies deutet der Sammelband unten“ einzufangen. Auf der Grundlage von App‐ durch die Pluralformen „Modernities“ und „Mea‐ legates und Confinos Studien zur sozialen Praxis nings of Reform“ schon im Titel an. Die Viel‐ der Nationsbildung auf der lokalen Ebene Apple‐ schichtigkeit der Analysekategorie stellt sich einer gate, C., A Nation of Provincials, Berkeley 1990; normativen Bewertung des wilhelminischen „Mo‐ Confino, A., The Nation as a Local Metaphor, Cha‐ dernisierungspotenzials“ entgegen, so dass die pel Hill 1997. betont er, dass die deutsche Gesell‐ Beiträge ihre jeweils untersuchten Formen von schaft ein höchst politisiertes Gefüge gewesen sei, „Modernität“ und „Demokratisierung“ in der poli‐ das sich durch den Wandel und die Vielfalt politi‐ scher Aktivitäten seiner Bürger auszeichnete. 2 H-Net Reviews Ebenfalls auf die soziale Praxis der Demokratisie‐ chen 1995, S. 1078, 1129-1145. , in Frage gestellt rung der Gesellschaft zielt Brett Fairbairn (S. werden müsse. Vielmehr sei sein außen- und wirt‐ 34-50) ab. Mit der Untersuchung des Genossen‐ schaftspolitisches Konzept mit dem klaren Be‐ schaftswesens und der Verbindung von Demokra‐ wusstsein formuliert, durch eine propagierte tie und Eigentum hebt er hervor, dass die relative Machtpolitik England direkt herauszufordern. Autonomie gegenüber dem Staat die Genossen‐ Paul Probert (S. 123-137) stellt die außenpoliti‐ schaften zu praktischen Räumen der Einübung schen Sichtweisen der SPD gegenüber England von Partizipation und Verantwortung auf der lo‐ während der Jahrhundertwende dar, während kalen Ebene gemacht habe (S. 48). Mark Hewitson Willem-Alexander van’t Padje (S. 138-153) den An‐ (S. 73-90) fragt nach den westeuropäischen und lass des Krüger-Telegramms an den diplomati‐ amerikanischen Vorbildern für eine mögliche Ver‐ schen Spannungen zwischen England und Deut‐ fassungsänderung des Kaiserreichs und arbeitet schland festmacht, die aufgrund einer offenen die Ablehnung dieser Vorbilder nach 1900 heraus. Aussprache zwischen dem englischen Gesandten Dabei betont er zu Recht, dass die Reformkrise in Berlin, Malet, und Hohenlohe sowie Marschall des späten Kaiserreichs zwar Kritik an den politi‐ Ende 1895 ausbrachen. Arne Perras (S. 154-170) schen Institutionen des Reiches und Preußens zeigt in einer Analyse von Carl Peters, dass Bisma‐ schürte, diese Krise aber mangels als machbar rcks Kolonialpolitik, entgegen Wehlers These vom und konsensfähig angesehener Alternativkonzep‐ ökonomischen „ideologischen Konsenses“ eines te für eine Reform nicht eskalierte. Das Bewusst‐ manipulativen Sozialimperialismus, verstärkt aus sein eines Staates sui generis, so könnte man der nationalistischen Dynamik der deutschen Ko‐ überspitzt formulieren, hemmte die Reformbe‐ lonialbewegung als einer Verbindung aus ökono‐ strebungen vor dem ersten Weltkrieg trotz aller mischem Imperialismus und Migrationskolonia‐ Kritik entscheidend. Matthew Jeffries (S. 91-106) lismus zu erklären sei. Bismarcks Kolonialpolitik arbeitet die gesellschaftlichen Gegenentwürfe der sei weniger als ökonomische Ablenkungspolitik, sehr disparaten Lebensreformbewegung heraus. sondern stärker als Reaktion auf einen kolonialen Oliver Grant (S. 51-72) bestreitet die Einschätzung Nationalismus anzusehen. Nils Oermann arbeitet der ostelbischen Landwirtschaft als rein „vorin‐ (S. 171-184) das Verhältnis von Rechtssetzung und dustriell“, und argumentiert, dass seit Mitte des Rechtspraxis in den Kolonien heraus und zeigt an 19. Jahrhunderts diese Charakterisierung durch zwei Beispielen (Körperliche Bestrafung und die Adaption technischen Fortschritts und durch ‚Misch’-Ehen in Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika), dass das die Reaktion auf die sich verändernden sozialen deutsche Recht hier, gerade
Load more

Recommended publications
  • An Analysis of the Role of Long Term Factors for the the Collapse of Democracy in Weimar Germany and Their Legacy for the Post Second World War Europe
    AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF LONG TERM FACTORS FOR THE THE COLLAPSE OF DEMOCRACY IN WEIMAR GERMANY AND THEIR LEGACY FOR THE POST SECOND WORLD WAR EUROPE by YAKUP CEKĠ BĠLMEN Submitted to the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies Sabancı University May 2012 AN ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF LONG TERM FACTORS FOR THE THE COLLAPSE OF DEMOCRACY IN WEIMAR GERMANY AND THEIR LEGACY FOR THE POST SECOND WORLD WAR EUROPE APPROVED BY: Assoc. Prof. Halil Berktay …........................... (Dissertation Supervisor) Prof. Meltem Müftüler Bac …........................... Prof. AyĢe Kadıoğlu …........................... DATE OF APPROVAL: 12.06.2012 ii © Yakup Ceki Bilmen 2012 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii To the beloved memory of my grandfather Yaakov Jak Maya iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost I want to express my gratitude to my thesis adviser Assoc. Prof. Halil Berktay without whose guidance this thesis wouldn't be the same. Throughout the process of writing he provided me with enlightening feedbacks and discipline which were so fundamental for this thesis. The opportunity to work with him did not only lead me to write this thesis but also to broaden my horizon about a very crucial period of European history. I want to thank my fiancée Karen Ġcin for all her understanding throughout this occupied period of my life for the long hours that I have spend to write this thesis, which I should have normally spend with her. Finally I want to thank my mother Fortune Maya, my brother Avi Bilmen, my grandmother Beki Maya and my uncle Marko Maya for all their support during this process and for always encouraging me to pursue the opportunities for more education.
    [Show full text]
  • Major Powers and Global Contenders
    CHAPTER 2 Major Powers and Global Contenders A great number of historians and political scientists share the view that international relations cannot be well understood without paying attention to those states capable of making a difference. Most diplo- matic histories are largely histories of major powers as represented in modern classics such as A. J. P. Taylor’s The Struggle for Mastery in Europe, 1848–1918, or Paul Kennedy’s The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. In political science, the main theories of international relations are essentially theories of major power behavior. The realist tradition, until recently a single paradigm in the study of international relations (Vasquez 1983), is based on the core assumptions of Morgenthau’s (1948) balance-of-power theory about major power behavior. As one leading neorealist scholar stated, “a general theory of international politics is necessarily based on the great powers” (Waltz 1979, 73). Consequently, major debates on the causes of war are centered on assumptions related to major power behavior. Past and present evidence also lends strong support for continuing interest in the major powers. Historically, the great powers partici- pated in the largest percentage of wars in the last two centuries (Wright 1942, 1:220–23; Bremer 1980, 79; Small and Singer 1982, 180). Besides wars, they also had the highest rate of involvement in international crises (Maoz 1982, 55). It is a compelling record for the modern history of warfare (since the Napoleonic Wars) that major powers have been involved in over half of all militarized disputes, including those that escalated into wars (Gochman and Maoz 1984, 596).
    [Show full text]
  • The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914
    The Franco-Prussian War: Its Impact on France and Germany, 1870-1914 Emily Murray Professor Goldberg History Honors Thesis April 11, 2016 1 Historian Niall Ferguson introduced his seminal work on the twentieth century by posing the question “Megalomaniacs may order men to invade Russia, but why do the men obey?”1 He then sought to answer this question over the course of the text. Unfortunately, his analysis focused on too late a period. In reality, the cultural and political conditions that fostered unparalleled levels of bloodshed in the twentieth century began before 1900. The 1870 Franco- Prussian War and the years that surrounded it were the more pertinent catalyst. This event initiated the environment and experiences that catapulted Europe into the previously unimaginable events of the twentieth century. Individuals obey orders, despite the dictates of reason or personal well-being, because personal experiences unite them into a group of unconscious or emotionally motivated actors. The Franco-Prussian War is an example of how places, events, and sentiments can create a unique sense of collective identity that drives seemingly irrational behavior. It happened in both France and Germany. These identities would become the cultural and political foundations that changed the world in the tumultuous twentieth century. The political and cultural development of Europe is complex and highly interconnected, making helpful insights into specific events difficult. It is hard to distinguish where one era of history begins or ends. It is a challenge to separate the inherently complicated systems of national and ethnic identities defined by blood, borders, and collective experience.
    [Show full text]
  • In Defense of Europe by Dr. A.C. Beyer It Is Very Important That The
    In Defense of Europe By Dr. A.C. Beyer It is very important that the European Union stays together. The history of Europe has illustrated that a united Europe, hence the EU, is the best safeguard against war in Europe that we have. If the EU would fall apart, then the peace in Europe would be in danger; maybe not today or tomorrow, but in the long term. The history of Europe is speckled with a lot of bloody and long wars. They were the result of the absence of a supranational authority in Europe. Thus, we need the EU, and we need all the member states together. An EU without Britain would be like a truck with one wheel missing. It would simply not be very safe, even if it worked for a while. What can be done? One argument is that given that we are in Europe, other Europeans, such as foreign Europeans living in the UK and in other foreign countries, British and non-British, should also get a say in the matter. This could open up the room for more referenda on a wider scale. EU citizens in Britain were not allowed to vote in the referendum, which in a European sense means a lack of participatory rights. That right, at least, should have been exercised. Similarly, maybe one should not allow a referendum so that it threatens the peace in Europe. Prevention of war, in my view, is a more important topic than democracy in form of referenda. If Mars attacked Earth, for example, would there be a referendum if to defend Earth? Did the US have a referendum if to respond to the 9/11 attacks or what to do? No! Would the US have a referendum if New Jersey, Florida or Texas wanted to leave the US if they wished to do so? No! The matter is simply too serious to leave it to a referendum, in particular one that could end in such a close result.
    [Show full text]
  • Armenians and the Cleansing of Muslims 1878–1915: Influences from the Balkans
    Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs ISSN: 1360-2004 (Print) 1469-9591 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjmm20 Armenians and the Cleansing of Muslims 1878–1915: Influences from the Balkans Brad Dennis To cite this article: Brad Dennis (2019): Armenians and the Cleansing of Muslims 1878–1915: Influences from the Balkans, Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, DOI: 10.1080/13602004.2019.1654186 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2019.1654186 Published online: 14 Aug 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 11 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=cjmm20 Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 2019 https://doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2019.1654186 Armenians and the Cleansing of Muslims 1878–1915: Influences from the Balkans BRAD DENNIS Abstract Armenian liberationists and revolutionaries since the end of the Russo-Ottoman War of 1878 looked to the Balkan model of political autonomy and independence as inspiration for crafting a liberation strategy for the Armenians in Eastern Anato- lia. In spite of the fact that more pragmatic revolutionaries attempted to convince the Armenian community that the Balkan model would not work for the Armenians because of demographic and geopolitical differences, the Armenian struggle for inde- pendence from the Ottoman Empire was waged in a way that was similar to the Balkan model. There is strong reason to believe that if the Armenians had had stron- ger British and Russian backing and constituted a slightly higher percentage of the population in the region of Eastern Anatolia that an independent Armenia would have emerged in Eastern Anatolia and Cilicia much in the same manner that an independent Bulgaria, Serbia, and Montenegro emerged in the Balkans.
    [Show full text]
  • British Identity and the German Other William F
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2012 British identity and the German other William F. Bertolette Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Bertolette, William F., "British identity and the German other" (2012). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 2726. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/2726 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. BRITISH IDENTITY AND THE GERMAN OTHER A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of History by William F. Bertolette B.A., California State University at Hayward, 1975 M.A., Louisiana State University, 2004 May 2012 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank the LSU History Department for supporting the completion of this work. I also wish to express my gratitude for the instructive guidance of my thesis committee: Drs. David F. Lindenfeld, Victor L. Stater and Meredith Veldman. Dr. Veldman deserves a special thanks for her editorial insights
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Nationalism, Political Culture, and the Early German Cinema, 1895-1918
    MOBILIZING LIGHT AND SHADOW: POPULAR NATIONALISM, POLITICAL CULTURE, AND THE EARLY GERMAN CINEMA, 1895-1918 by JOHN PETERS MERSEREAU A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by J Peters Mersereau 2015 Mobilizing Light and Shadow: Popular Nationalism, Political Culture, and the Early German Cinema, 1895-1918 J Peters Mersereau Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto 2015 Abstract This dissertation explores representations of the German nation as projected onto German cinema screens in the years between the invention of film in 1895 and the end of the Kaiserreich in 1918. This was a period of intense growth for the German film industry. From a novelty feature in travelling exhibitions at the end of the nineteenth century, film was a part of the everyday lives of millions of Germans by the First World War. Unified only in 1871, Germany was a young state and attempts to define, popularize, and harness its national image formed a central and contested aspect of German political culture. This dissertation argues that the conflicting cinematic representations of the German nation in this period should be understood within the larger context of Wilhelmine political history and that invocations of the nation were instrumental in the development of the German cinema. Kaiser Wilhelm II, political pressure groups on the radical right, foreign and domestic film producers, and, ultimately, military and civilian authorities of the German state all promoted cinematic visions of the nation that were overlapping, complementary, and conflicting. Kaiser Wilhelm II was Germany’s first film celebrity and personified onscreen a nation of monarchists and military might, yet his media-constructed political authority was overshadowed by his film stardom.
    [Show full text]
  • A Place in the Sun: Rethinking the Political Economy of German Overseas Expansion and Navalism Before the Great War
    A Place in the Sun: Rethinking the Political Economy of German Overseas Expansion and Navalism Before the Great War Erik Grimmer-Solem It has long been tempting to see the political economy of German imperialism as little more than a handmaiden to disaster. Tis perspec- tive is supported by the fact that many of the economists active in this prewar Weltpolitik were later also involved in wartime administration, wartime strategy, and defning German war aims. Indeed, it is striking just how many of the younger students of prominent economists of the period would play signifcant roles in German imperialist politics and in the war. Among those worth mentioning is Karl Helferich, a student of Georg Friedrich Knapp and director of the Deutsche Bank, who over- saw the prewar construction of the Berlin-Bagdad Railway, was named State Secretary of the Reich Treasury in 1915 and in that capacity Tis is a revised version of a paper frst given at the conference “New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy” held at Harvard Business School, November 1–2, 2013. I would like to thank David Armitage for his insightful critiques of this paper. Phil Pomper, Michael Trautwein and Gerhard Wegner gave valuable feedback on earlier drafts, for which I am also very grateful. Te author takes sole responsibility for any remaining errors or omissions. E. Grimmer-Solem (*) Wesleyan University, Middletown, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Te Author(s) 2018 253 R. Fredona and S.A. Reinert (eds.), New Perspectives on the History of Political Economy, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58247-4_9 254 E.
    [Show full text]
  • Mapping Germany's Colonial Discourse: Fantasy, Reality
    ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: MAPPING GERMANY’S COLONIAL DISCOURSE: FANTASY, REALITY, AND DILEMMA Uche Onyedi Okafor, Doctor of Philosophy, 2013. Dissertation directed by: Professor Elke P. Frederiksen Department of Germanic Studies School of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures This project engages Germany’s colonial discourse from the 18th century to the acquisition of colonies in East Africa during the period of European imperialism. Germany’s colonial discourse started with periphery travels and studies in the 18th century. The writings of German scholars and authors about periphery space and peoples provoked a strong desire to experience the exotic periphery among Germans, particularly the literate bourgeoisie. From a spectatorial and critical positioning vis-à-vis the colonial activities of other Europeans, Germans developed a projected affinity with the oppressed peoples of the periphery. Out of the identificatory positioning with the periphery peoples emerged the fantasy of “model/humane” colonialism (Susanne Zantop). However, studies in Germany’s colonial enterprise reveal a predominance of brutality and inhumanity right from its inception in 1884. The conflictual relationship between the fantasy of “model/humane” colonialism and the reality of brutality and inhumanity, as studies reveal, causes one to wonder what happened along the way. This is the fundamental question this project deals with. Chapter one establishes the validity of the theoretical and methodological approaches used in this project – Cultural Studies, New Historicism and Postcolonialism. Chapter two is a review of secondary literatures on Germany’s colonial enterprise in general, and in Africa in particular. Chapter three focuses on the emergence of the fantasy of “model/humane” colonialism as discussed in Johann Reinhold Forster’s Observations made during a Voyage round the World, 1778, and its demonstration in Joachim Heinrich Campe’s Robinson der Jüngere, 1789.
    [Show full text]
  • Monarchical State-Building Through State Destruction : Hohenzollern Self-Legitimization at the Expense of Deposed Dynasties in the Kaiserreich
    This is a repository copy of Monarchical state-building through state destruction : Hohenzollern Self-legitimization at the Expense of Deposed Dynasties in the Kaiserreich. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/125755/ Version: Accepted Version Article: Heinzen, Jasper Maximilian orcid.org/0000-0002-6790-3787 (2017) Monarchical state- building through state destruction : Hohenzollern Self-legitimization at the Expense of Deposed Dynasties in the Kaiserreich. German History. pp. 525-550. ISSN 0266-3554 https://doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghx103 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Monarchical State-building through State Destruction: Hohenzollern Self-legitimization at the Expense of Deposed Dynasties in the Kaiserreich* Dr Jasper Heinzen, Department of History, University of York Abstract The German War of 1866 was a turning point in the consolidation of Prussian hegemony over the emerging German nation-state. This article engages with a neglected aspect of this process by investigating the destabilizing effect of Prussia’s territorial expansion at the expense of fellow monarchies in Hanover, Hessen-Kassel, Nassau and Schleswig-Holstein.
    [Show full text]
  • Optimizing the German Workforce: Labor Administration from Bismarck to the Economic Miracle
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Meskill, David Book — Published Version Optimizing the German workforce: Labor administration from Bismarck to the economic miracle Monographs in German History, No. 31 Provided in Cooperation with: Berghahn Books Suggested Citation: Meskill, David (2018) : Optimizing the German workforce: Labor administration from Bismarck to the economic miracle, Monographs in German History, No. 31, ISBN 978-1-78533-664-5, Berghahn Books, New York, NY, http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt9qdd9p This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/182434 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ www.econstor.eu This open access library edition is supported by Knowledge Unlatched.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Economy of Alignment the Political Economy Kevin Narizny of Alignment Great Britain’S Commitments to Europe, 1905–39
    The Political Economy of Alignment The Political Economy Kevin Narizny of Alignment Great Britain’s Commitments to Europe, 1905–39 Few issues cut so deeply to the core of international relations theory as the origins of diplomatic alignments. If only one of the great powers had chosen a different alliance strategy at any of several critical junctures over the past century, the course of world history might have been radically altered. Germany might have suc- ceeded in the conquest of Europe, or it might have been deterred from hostili- ties altogether. Much depended on Great Britain, which avoided entangling itself in continental crises until each world war had already become inevitable. By making a stronger commitment to France in the early 1910s, or by forging a close partnership with the Soviet Union in the late 1930s, Britain might have been able to persuade German leaders that military conºict would not have been worth the risk. Given the enormous stakes of great power politics, it is of vital importance for the ªeld of international relations to provide a compelling account of how states choose their allies and adversaries. The academic debate over alignment has centered on two schools of thought within the realist paradigm. One view posits that states tend to balance against the most powerful actor in the system; the other asserts that states concern 1 themselves only with speciªc threats to their national security. Using these theories as a point of departure, many scholars have also explored second- order factors that affect great power alignments, including offense-defense balance, revisionist motives, domestic regime characteristics, and intra-alliance 2 bargaining dynamics.
    [Show full text]