A History of Old Parliament House
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When Australia Said NO! Fifteen Years Ago, the Australian People Turned Down the Menzies Govt's Bid to Shackle Democracy
„ By ERNIE CAMPBELL When Australia said NO! Fifteen years ago, the Australian people turned down the Menzies Govt's bid to shackle democracy. gE PT E M B E R . 22 is the 15th Anniversary of the defeat of the Menzies Government’s attempt, by referendum, to obtain power to suppress the Communist Party. Suppression of communism is a long-standing plank in the platform of the Liberal Party. The election of the Menzies Government in December 1949 coincided with America’s stepping-up of the “Cold War”. the Communist Party an unlawful association, to dissolve it, Chairmanship of Senator Joseph McCarthy, was engaged in an orgy of red-baiting, blackmail and intimidation. This was the situation when Menzies, soon after taking office, visited the United States to negotiate a big dollar loan. On his return from America, Menzies dramatically proclaimed that Australia had to prepare for war “within three years”. T o forestall resistance to the burdens and dangers involved in this, and behead the people’s movement of militant leadership, Menzies, in April 1950, introduced a Communist Party Dis solution Bill in the Federal Parliament. T h e Bill commenced with a series o f recitals accusing the Communist Party of advocating seizure of power by a minority through violence, intimidation and fraudulent practices, of being engaged in espionage activities, of promoting strikes for pur poses of sabotage and the like. Had there been one atom of truth in these charges, the Government possessed ample powers under the Commonwealth Crimes Act to launch an action against the Communist Party. -
Political Attitudes to Conscription: 1914–1918
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2016–17 27 OCTOBER 2016 Political attitudes to conscription: 1914–1918 Dr Nathan Church Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security Section Contents Introduction ................................................................................................ 2 Attitudes of the Australian Labor Party ........................................................ 2 Federal government ......................................................................................... 2 New South Wales ............................................................................................. 7 Victoria ............................................................................................................. 8 Queensland ...................................................................................................... 9 Western Australia ........................................................................................... 10 South Australia ............................................................................................... 11 Political impact on the ALP ............................................................................... 11 Attitudes of the Commonwealth Liberal Party ............................................. 12 Attitudes of the Nationalist Party of Australia ............................................. 13 The second conscription plebiscite .................................................................. 14 Conclusion ................................................................................................ -
I Should Say, at the Outset of This Function on the Senate Side Of
I should say, at the outset of this function on the Senate side of Parliament House, that my subject today—former Tasmanian premier and Australian prime minister Joseph Lyons—was not all that enamoured with upper houses for much of his political career. As a Labor premier of Tasmania, he stood up to the Tasmanian Legislative Council in the 1920s over its financial powers. On a couple of occasions he even managed to by- pass the Council entirely. (How many prime ministers would like to be able to do that these days?) As well, during Lyons’ first two years as a federal minister in the Scullin Government, he faced strong opposition from the Nationalist Party dominated Senate. But then Joseph Lyons moved to stand with the conservatives in 1931. Thereafter, upper houses became more to his liking. Of course—that’s a long time ago and upper houses today cannot be relied upon so easily to reflect the conservative side of politics. As we know well … I am here to discuss one of Australia’s longest serving and most popular prime ministers. And, yet, it has taken some seventy years to get to a point of acknowledging this in the national record. As I discovered on researching his biography, Lyons has been shoved off to some remote region of forgetfulness— thought of as a prime minister who achieved little and was merely used by stronger forces to win elections. This legacy has stalked the memory of J. A. Lyons—as he was wont to sign on documents. Yet, nothing could be further from the truth. -
Paranoia and Prejudice: Billy Hughes and the Irish Question 19 76-1922
Paranoia and Prejudice: Billy Hughes and the Irish Question 19 76-1922 DRJEFF KILDEA Arcltbisbap I)mie/ l,ldnnix n.,,t.r dccu.;ed nJ nurtuin.qtlte ,\'inn ltiin 'pe.r/' d r.,iet.'tt.'ill.t n'l.tirl.t Aaslrd/idn Prittt l.,[inisler H4ghes nor/r/ hrnc ,tgre,:d. (l)tiirt'Telegraph ol 22 NrtL'erthtr /9/ 7) I l l I Y r56 On 17 August 1917 Australian Primc N'Iinister William Nlorris Hughes \vrote t() his British c()untcrPert Da\id Llovcl (ieorgc: oJ aur dif/i.cttltie.r in Amhzlia. T/Le1-the ltatte caplttred As I ltaue ta/d_you Q), ,rl,1r, the Irish qrru.rlion is at the baltan al/ Iith 'l'lte tlLe pa/itical rtachinerl, oJ the Labor organi:ationt a.r.ri.rted by l,ndimlists and l.V.lf/. peofle. Charch i.r .ratret/y rpain.rt rerruiting. lt infuenn kilhd mn.rcnption. One of their arcl:thisltop.r-).,tannix i.r a .\linn f'einer-And I dru tryingto nake np ny rtind n,helherI .rhaald praset'fte hin.fitr .ttdlerleilts /tindering reruiting or defiorl /tin. A.r I r-ite ue htte a sredt strike .;/11y,/y an-fo/ding itre lf . The l.l{/.Va. and the lish dre nainly re.rpon.ribh.f'ar the troah/e. ln t yts .ren.re it i.r po/itica/ rutlter tltan indu.rtial. The./bct i.s il.,l?ed the foar aitb thert iin the ehctionsi an l|a1' 5't' and t/tey ./r( ililr tuins, to lake the reirts af' Gout otrl ttf' atr hand.r.I The strikc to u,,hich Hughes referred u,as the New South \I'ales general strike of 1.977, u,hich became a fedcral concern u'hen it sptead to rvharf laboutcrs in Nfelbourne, while the Industrial \\trrliers of the \{bilcl (tW\t) u,as a rcr.olutionarr,u,rtrking-class movemcnt that originated in thc Lhited States in 1905 ancl came to Ausrralia in 1907. -
Whitlam As Internationalist: a Centenary Reflection
WHITLAM AS INTERNATIONALIST: A CENTENARY REFLECTION T HE HON MICHAEL KIRBY AC CMG* Edward Gough Whitlam, the 21st Prime Minister of Australia, was born in July 1916. This year is the centenary of his birth. It follows closely on his death in October 2014 when his achievements, including in the law, were widely debated. In this article, the author reviews Whitlam’s particular interest in international law and relations. It outlines the many treaties that were ratified by the Whitlam government, following a long period of comparative disengagement by Australia from international treaty law. The range, variety and significance of the treaties are noted as is Whitlam’s attraction to treaties as a potential source of constitutional power for the enactment of federal laws by the Australian Parliament. This article also reviews Whitlam’s role in the conduct of international relations with Australia’s neighbours, notably the People’s Republic of China, Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Indochina. The reconfiguration of geopolitical arrangements is noted as is the close engagement with the United Nations, its agencies and multilateralism. Whilst mistakes by Whitlam and his government are acknowledged, his strong emphasis on international law, and treaty law in particular, was timely. It became a signature theme of his government and life. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 852 II Australia’s Ratification of International Treaties ................................................. -
Cabinet Government: Australian Style1
7. Cabinet government: Australian style1 Patrick Weller AO So Tony Blair has gone. It is said of Tony Blair that he killed the cabinet in Britain, that he held a few meetings that didn't last very long and that in any one year there were about half a dozen decisions made by cabinetÐin a year, not in a meeting. Gordon Brown will come into office and change the way the decisions get made in Britain. Not because he needs to, but because he has to, in order to illustrate that he is a different sort of leader. So the shape of cabinet will change, even if the outcomes might not, or at least it will change initially, because leaders can shape cabinets to their own style and their own preoccupations. Brown will be different. His former head of department called him a Stalinist, or said that he was Stalinist in the way that he approached decision making, allowing no opposition, no debate. It will be interesting to see if he tries to run the English government as Prime Minister the same way as he acted when he was Chancellor. But if the British system of organising and running cabinet is compared with the Australian style, it's really quite different. Cabinet here still appears to exist. The ministers meet regularly, they have a formal agenda, a working committee system and a process by which the majority of issues are at least discussed in cabinet, even if some of the decisions might have been preordained and decided beforehand. I want to talk about the contrasts between the British and the Australian system. -
Liberal Women: a Proud History
<insert section here> | 1 foreword The Liberal Party of Australia is the party of opportunity and choice for all Australians. From its inception in 1944, the Liberal Party has had a proud LIBERAL history of advancing opportunities for Australian women. It has done so from a strong philosophical tradition of respect for competence and WOMEN contribution, regardless of gender, religion or ethnicity. A PROUD HISTORY OF FIRSTS While other political parties have represented specific interests within the Australian community such as the trade union or environmental movements, the Liberal Party has always proudly demonstrated a broad and inclusive membership that has better understood the aspirations of contents all Australians and not least Australian women. The Liberal Party also has a long history of pre-selecting and Foreword by the Hon Kelly O’Dwyer MP ... 3 supporting women to serve in Parliament. Dame Enid Lyons, the first female member of the House of Representatives, a member of the Liberal Women: A Proud History ... 4 United Australia Party and then the Liberal Party, served Australia with exceptional competence during the Menzies years. She demonstrated The Early Liberal Movement ... 6 the passion, capability and drive that are characteristic of the strong The Liberal Party of Australia: Beginnings to 1996 ... 8 Liberal women who have helped shape our nation. Key Policy Achievements ... 10 As one of the many female Liberal parliamentarians, and one of the A Proud History of Firsts ... 11 thousands of female Liberal Party members across Australia, I am truly proud of our party’s history. I am proud to be a member of a party with a The Howard Years .. -
The Secret Life of Elsie Curtin
Curtin University The secret life of Elsie Curtin Public Lecture presented by JCPML Visiting Scholar Associate Professor Bobbie Oliver on 17 October 2012. Vice Chancellor, distinguished guests, members of the Curtin family, colleagues, friends. It is a great honour to give the John Curtin Prime Ministerial Library’s lecture as their 2012 Visiting Scholar. I thank Lesley Wallace, Deanne Barrett and all the staff of the John Curtin Prime Ministerial Library, firstly for their invitation to me last year to be the 2012 Visiting Scholar, and for their willing and courteous assistance throughout this year as I researched Elsie Curtin’s life. You will soon be able to see the full results on the web site. I dedicate this lecture to the late Professor Tom Stannage, a fine historian, who sadly and most unexpectedly passed away on 4 October. Many of you knew Tom as Executive Dean of Humanities from 1999 to 2005, but some years prior to that, he was my colleague, mentor, friend and Ph.D. supervisor in the History Department at UWA. Working with Tom inspired an enthusiasm for Australian history that I had not previously known, and through him, I discovered John Curtin – and then Elsie Curtin, whose story is the subject of my lecture today. Elsie Needham was born at Ballarat, Victoria, on 4 October 1890 – the third child of Abraham Needham, a sign writer and painter, and his wife, Annie. She had two older brothers, William and Leslie. From 1898 until 1908, Elsie lived with her family in Cape Town, South Africa, where her father had established the signwriting firm of Needham and Bennett. -
A 'Common-Sense Revolution'? the Transformation of the Melbourne City
A ‘COMMON-SENSE REVOLUTION’? THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE MELBOURNE CITY COUNCIL, 1992−9 A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy April, 2015 Angela G. Munro Faculty of Business, Government and Law Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis University of Canberra ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is the culmination of almost fifty years’ interest professionally and as a citizen in local government. Like many Australians, I suspect, I had barely noticed it until I lived in England where I realised what unique attributes it offered, despite the different constitutional arrangements of which it was part. The research question of how the disempowerment and de-democratisation of the Melbourne City Council from 1992−9 was possible was a question with which I had wrestled, in practice, as a citizen during those years. My academic interest was piqued by the Mayor of Stockholm to whom I spoke on November 18, 1993, the day on which the Melbourne City Council was sacked. ‘That couldn’t happen here’, he said. I have found the project a herculean labour, since I recognised the need to go back to 1842 to track the institutional genealogy of the City Council’s development in the pre- history period to 1992 rather than a forensic examination of the seven year study period. I have been exceptionally fortunate to have been supervised by John Halligan, Professor of Public Administration at University of Canberra. An international authority in the field, Professor Halligan has published extensively on Australian systems of government including the capital cities and the Melbourne City Council in particular. -
Gazettal Notice
Commonwealth of Australia Gazette No. S 198, Tuesday, 2 October 2007 SPECIAL Published by the Commonwealth of Australia Amendment to Special Gazette No. S100, Tuesday, 20 June 2006. On 20 June 2006 the Minister for the Environment and Heritage published a notice including Old Parliament House and its National Heritage values in the National Heritage List in which there we re factual errors relating to the National Heritage values. This notice corrects the original schedule of that notice. Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 INCLUSION OF A PLACE IN THE NATIONAL HERITAGE LIST I, Ian Gordon Campb ell, Minister for the Environment and Heritage, having considered, in relation to the place listed in the Schedule of this instrument - (a) the Australian Heritage Council’s assessment whether the place meets any of the National Heritage criteria; and (b ) the comments given to the Council under section 324G of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 ; and being satisfied that the place specified in the Schedule has the National Heritage value or values specified in the Schedule i nclude, pursuant to section 324J of the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999, the place listed in the Schedule in the National Heritage List. Dated 8 November 2005 Ian Gordon Campbell Minister for the Environment and Heri tage Cat. No. S 19807 ISSN 1032 -2345 Commonwealth of Australia, 2007 2 Special Gazette Commonwealth of Australia Gazette No. S 198 , 2 October 2007 SCHEDULE AUSTRALIAN CAPITAL TERRITORY Australian Capital Territory Old Parliament House and Curtilage: About 2.5ha, King George Terrace, Parkes, comprising the area bounded by the centre lines of King George Terrace, Queen Victoria Terrace and Parlia ment Square, and including all of Sections 39, 42, 43 and 50 Parkes. -
Some Aspects of the Federal Political Career of Andrew Fisher
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FEDERAL POLITICAL CAREER OF ANDREW FISHER By EDWARD WIL.LIAM I-IUMPHREYS, B.A. Hans. MASTER OF ARTS Department of History I Faculty of Arts, The University of Melbourne Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degr'ee of Masters of Arts (by Thesis only) JulV 2005 ABSTRACT Andrew Fisher was prime minister of Australia three times. During his second ministry (1910-1913) he headed a government that was, until the 1940s, Australia's most reformist government. Fisher's second government controlled both Houses; it was the first effective Labor administration in the history of the Commonwealth. In the three years, 113 Acts were placed on the statute books changing the future pattern of the Commonwealth. Despite the volume of legislation and changes in the political life of Australia during his ministry, there is no definitive full-scale biographical published work on Andrew Fisher. There are only limited articles upon his federal political career. Until the 1960s most historians considered Fisher a bit-player, a second ranker whose main quality was his moderating influence upon the Caucus and Labor ministry. Few historians have discussed Fisher's role in the Dreadnought scare of 1909, nor the background to his attempts to change the Constitution in order to correct the considered deficiencies in the original drafting. This thesis will attempt to redress these omissions from historical scholarship Firstly, it investigates Fisher's reaction to the Dreadnought scare in 1909 and the reasons for his refusal to agree to the financing of the Australian navy by overseas borrowing. -
03 Chapters 4-7 Burns
76 CHAPTER 4 THE REALITY BEHIND THE BRISBANE LINE ALLEGATIONS Curtin lacked expertise in defence matters. He did not understand the duties or responsibilities of military commanders and never attended Chiefs of Staff meetings, choosing to rely chiefly on the Governments public service advisers. Thus Shedden established himself as Curtins chief defence adviser. Under Curtin his influence was far greater than 1 it had ever been in Menzies day. Curtins lack of understanding of the role of military commanders, shared by Forde, created misunderstandings and brought about refusal to give political direction. These factors contributed to events that underlay the Brisbane Line controversy. Necessarily, Curtin had as his main purpose the fighting and the winning of the war. Some Labor politicians however saw no reason why the conduct of the war should prevent Labor introducing social reforms. Many, because of their anti-conscriptionist beliefs, were unsympathetic 2 to military needs. Conversely, the Army Staff Corps were mistrustful of their new masters. The most influential of their critics was Eddie Ward, the new Minister for Labour and National Service. His hatred of Menzies, distrust of the conservative parties, and suspicion of the military impelled him towards endangering national security during the course of the Brisbane Line controversy. But this lay in the future in the early days of the Curtin Government. Not a great deal changed immediately under Curtin. A report to Forde by Mackay on 27 October indicated that appreciations and planning for local defence in Queensland and New South Wales were based on the assumption that the vital area of Newcastle-Sydney-Port Kembla had priority in defence.