Quick viewing(Text Mode)

Multiculturalism in Malaysia: the Need of Local Knowledge to Grapple with Identity and Ethnicity ======Oleh: Shamsul Amri Baharuddin Dan Mansor Mohd Noor

Multiculturalism in Malaysia: the Need of Local Knowledge to Grapple with Identity and Ethnicity ======Oleh: Shamsul Amri Baharuddin Dan Mansor Mohd Noor

in : The Need of Local Knowledge to Grapple with Identity and Ethnicity ======Oleh: Shamsul Amri Baharuddin dan Mansor Mohd Noor

ABSTRACT

Kearifan lokal dibutuhkan untuk masuk ke dalam diskursus tentang multikulturalisme. Multikulturalisme, multietnisitas, pluralisme dan pluralitas pada saat dikaitkan dengan identitas dan pembangunan bangsa dapat saja bermakna banyak hal untuk masing-masing orang. Seringkali kegagalan dalam memahami —basis kearifan lokal dari identitas“ membawa konsekuensi sosial-politik yang merusak kepada —komunitas“ yang pada akhirnya terbawa bersama kepada level kebangsaan. Skenario ini secara historis membuktikan kepada bangsa bahwa konstruksi yang disusun oleh penguasa kolonial yang menempatkan kepentingan ekonomi mereka pada posisi pertama dibandingkan kepentingan komunitas lokal membentuk batas politik dari bangsa. Kajian ini dimaksudkan untuk menunjukkan bahwa identitas orang Malaysia sangat berhubungan dekat dengan aspek etnisitas.

Keywords: Multiculturalism, Polyethnic, Pluralism, Plurality, Bumi Putera ,

I. MULTICULTURALISM IN THE reduced to a convenience concept to CONTEXT OF THE STUDY defend individual interest by Research works on multiculturalism mobilizing group parameter. Univer- is very problematic. Each individual salistic discourses of liberty, justice, and social group have their interests equality, rights and fraternity are thus at hand to defend. After all derailed as researchers fail to read patriotism, just as charity, begin at their own society, being blinded to home. With various models of societal changes taking place and nation-building, identity formation caught in the problem of presentism and managing society and state by succumbing to a game of prevailing in this contemporary manipulating society in order to world, multiculturalism is often achieve their own personal agenda.

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 187

II. MANAGING A COMMUNITY OF conversion of these rubber estates NATION AND A POLY ETHNIC into new townships. By 1990‘s the SOCIETY urban areas have increasingly Malaysia is a community of nation. It become a polyethnic space where the is a polyethnic society where ethnic Chinese community prevalence in the proportion by population do not colonial days give way to the sharing it with the others. produce a dominant majority. Horowitz description of the as a group or in combination ethnic relations in Malaysia in the with the other indigenous groups of 1970‘s as the unstructured social , and still status system in which the Malays could be on par with the Thais and and control the political Indonesians who only have a small resources and the Chinese control the Chinese and other minorities. The economic resources could be argued Chinese and Indian ethnic groups, as still relevant but not sufficient to especially when their population are explain the total picture of the ethnic combined, form a significant relations observed today. minority of 40 percent in the total The New Economic Policy of population. the 1970‘s has restructured the Malaysia also does not have a Malay-Bumiputera communities pattern of spatial population through education, entrepreneurship distribution by ethnic groups as programmes, privatization of the comparable to the Canadian and public amenities, an expanding Switzerland models. Pre- economy based on direct foreign independence picture of the pattern investment and the expansion of the of spatial population distribution by public sector into a formidable ethnic groups might resemble these middle classes. These social classes two countries, but economic transformation also can be observed development since the 1970‘s has among the Indians and the Chinese brought in Malays and other ethnic groups, of which the latter Bumiputera from the subsistence only lead the middle classes economy of the rural areas to work distribution but were found to have and reside in the urban areas. The strengthened their presence in the Indians too migrate out of the rubber small scale industries, trading and estates to the urban areas in the 1980‘s as property ownership commercial activities. However, the economic sphere has lost the ethnic changes hand from the colonial make-up of the post-independence corporate to locals and the

188 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

era in which a single ethnic Perikatan and community was in controlled though ticket. Such acceptance by the Malay the Chinese community may still political community allows repre- predominate over the other ethnic sentation of the Chinese who do not groups. have sufficient areas and, especially, The political sphere the Indians who do not have a resembles the economic picture of dominant ethnic areas to contest and the nation but in which the Malay win electoral seats. Even the and Bumiputera communities are in opposition political parties such as strengthened. The population distri- the , Parti bution by ethnicity could be in the Keadilan Rakyat and Partai ratio of 6:3:1 between Malays, SeMalaysia know that without Chinese and Indians, respectively, forging a united front among them, but the delineation of parliamentary the nation‘s corridor of power will and state seats are constructed in never be within their grasp except for favour of the Malay and Bumiputera local politics in and communities. By the logic of this of which the Malay electoral boundary, Malay and population still formed 90 percent of Bumiputera communities could the population. politically rule the state and national Furthermore with rapid political power by themselves. economic development and internal But the ethnic political migration taking place in the 1990‘s, advantage for the Malays and newly delineated parliamentary and Bumiputera communities were never state constituencies in the new put into practice as the political township are getting more ethnically culture practiced in Malaysia since mixed. This can be observed in the independence in 1957 is to have a township of the rapidly expanding power sharing formula among the new economic growth centers of Malay, Bumiputera, Chinese and Kulim-Sungai Petani of , Indian communities beginning with Bangi in , Parit Buntar and the formation of Perikatan in 1955 Proton City in , and and later the Barisan Nasional in Pekan in , Kertih in 1974 to contest and formed the Terengganu, Nilai and Senawang in government of the nation. In such a and Pasir Gudang practice, Chinese and Indian can and Tanjung Pelepas in where stand and win election not only in Malays and Bumiputera from the Chinese dominated seats, but also by rural areas, Indians from the rubber standing in Malay areas on the estates and the commercially minded

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 189

Chinese from the traditional urban freedom, teaching in their own areas converged to reside and exploit mother tongue, business and the new economic opportunities educational opportunities and found there. Even the traditional landownership for the other urban areas of , communities are defined in the Petaling Jaya and in the Federal Constitution so as to protect Klang Valley, Georgetown, the interests of the minority. and Johor Baharu are spared of these Although Malaysia is a land changes as they too are getting of the Malays and Bumiputera, they ethnically mixed as their urban have to share the nation with the boundaries expanded into the Chinese and Indians who have been hinterland taking additional here for some generations. The polyethnic communities within them. Malays and Bumiputera are not in a Lastly, the Constitution of clear cut numerical majority as in Malaysia is federal in nature except Thailand and . Pro-Malay for the questions of land, water and and Bumiputera delineation of rural religion which lie in the hands of the constituencies remained but new respective 14 states. Even though constituencies delineated in the new these three questions are matters of township are ethnically mixed. Thus, the respective state, a converging to since independence are national policy direction is the norm used to a political culture of power as the federal government since sharing as exemplified by Perikatan independence is always in the hands and Barisan Nasional as well as the of Barisan Nasional and so to nearly opposition political parties. With all of the respective state except economic development, not only the intermittently in the cases of urban landscape is ethnically mixed Kelantan and Terengganu. but business relations tend to Studying the federal nature transcend ethnic lines. Economic of the Malaysian Constitution, one growth brings social transformation can notice that what are stipulated which saw the rise of a middle for the Malays and Bumiputera classes as well as poverty, social such as Islam as the religion, land disparity and marginalization, reservations, quota for the irrespective of ethnic groups. The government civil service, business ethnic divide is thinning in the social permit and education are caveat winners but a thickening ethnic wall with a parallel protection for the among the social losers, though they other communities. Thus, religious

190 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

share the same plights of powerless Prior to independence, three and voiceless. streams of nationalist movement With no one ethnic group in a could be identified, namely, a clear cut majority, be it in term of Malay nationalist movement to population size and distribution, defend religion, race and nation to controlling of the economic, political found in United Malay National and the social status system, Organization (UMNO), a reli- Malaysians, irrespective of ethnic giously inclined of the Pan Malayan groups, find themselves often Islamic Party (PAS) and a radically experiencing a cross-cutting oriented Malays of the Parti relationship with individuals from Sosialis Malaysia (PSM). The other ethnic group and hence radically oriented Malays did have producing stability or they find a united front strategy with the themselves competing with one Malayan Communist Party whose another in the economic and the initial aim was to oppose the political sphere and hence as Japanese Occupation and later to Shamsul said ”producing a stable take political control of the nation tension‘, especially among the social through its reign of terror on the losers. This internal contradiction Malay populace as the Second between the ethnic groups, the World War ended. position of the social winners and The coming back of the losers and a federal structure British colonial master and the governance supported by a federally rejection of the in based Constitution that stipulated 1947 meant that political direction of rights and privileges of each the country would be dictated by the communities, lies the strength and British economic and Malay potential foundational crisis of nation nationalist political interests. Thus, building in Malaysia. the radical Malay and Chinese political groups were excluded from III. DISCOURSES ON NATION- any political participation to define BUILDING the future direction of the nation. The Malayan Communist Party reign With the above discussions as the of terror and armed struggles to background to our understanding of ”multiculturalism‘ in Malaysia, many liberate Malaya from British rule was not supported by the Islamic-based of the prevailing discourses on Malay community and with nation-building and the nation-of- concerted government military intent need to be redefined and operation against them as well as the reconstructed.

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 191 development taking place in the (PAP) of in the discourse nation, they put their arms down in of nation-building with its ”slogan of late 1960‘s. The PSRM disassociates Malaysian Malaysia‘. Though themselves from the armed struggle Singapore joined Malaysia in 1963, of the MCP and participates within PAP ”Malaysian Malaysia slogan‘ the democratic framework of the was not received by the dominant nation. PSRM has yet to make much Malay partner in the Perikatan and in-road in the political scene of the led to the separation of Singapore nation and since 2006 has merged from Malaysia. PAP political legacy with Partai Keadilan Rakyat is continued by DAP who in reality is (Keadilan) to form Parti Keadilan Chinese-based in terms of member- Rakyat (PKR). ship and vote gained. From 1974 Chinese and Indian nationalist there were a number of Chinese, movements in Malaya in the pre- Indian and Bumiputera based independence era were basically political parties that were set up but nationalism in China and India on often they were accepted into the fold Malayan soil. The middle classes of an enlarged coalition of Barisan Chinese and India in the Strait Nasional. Settlement of , Malacca and PAS in the aftermath of the Singapore preferred to regards Iranian Revolution, strengthened themselves as British subjects and their Islamic discourse by bringing wanting to be British citizens. the political Iranian ideology of However, among the Chinese and Islamic state along an extremist and Indian communities, there are home militant interpretation. The grown nationalists as represented by strengthening of PAS Islam nation is Tan Cheng Lok and V. Sambathan supported by a growing Islamic who mobilized their own respective revivalism taking place in Malaysia ethnic group in order to safeguard since post ethnic riots of 1969 as a their interests by forming the response to the Malay Muslim Association material marginalization and fear of (MCA) and the Malaysian Indian the chauvinism prevailing among the Congress (MIC), respectively, and Chinese community as observed in persuaded by the British to work with the PAP and DAP political dis- UMNO in gaining independence of courses. the nation. The economic and the The formation of Malaysia petroleum crises of 1997 and 2007, introduced People Action Party respectively, brought a new dimen-

192 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

sion in political participation in fundamental enough to be converted Malaysia. The social losers of the into votes against the Barisan economic success story of the 1990‘s Nasional candidates who were then among the urban vulnerable group newly led by Abdullah Ahmad and poor, irrespective of ethnic Badawi. So what is the nation of groups, culminated in the urban poor intent discourse prevailing in the conflict between Indians and Malays nation in 2004 that brought Barisan in , Penang in 1997 Nasional to gain its two-third and Kampung Medan, Selangor in majority in Parliament and retain all 2001. These urban conflicts heralded state assemblies except Kelantan? a new form of inter- as it has moved away from the pattern IV. THE CONCEPTUAL AND of the ethnic riots of 1969 in which THEORETICAL DIRECTION Malays and Chinese are involved to Research works being discussed that of the urban poor Indians and below assumed that individuals are Malays. motivated by gains and risks. That These socially vulnerable and no social group in this world poor groups were mobilized by non- maintain itself. Identity formation governmental organizations which does provide individual with one‘s Reformasi culminated in the self-worth but identity too could be Movement of 1997. The formation of manipulated in order to mobilize Parti Keadilan and the coalition of societal resources and social esteem. Parti opposition as represented by It is within this rational choice Keadilan , PAS and DAP caused theoretical framework that Barisan Nasional to lose 25 multiculturalism in Malaysia will be parliamentary seats, inroad in a located. number of state assemblies such as The conceptual framework Selangor, Kedah and Pahang as well that guides this study is that social as PAS retaining Kelantan and parameters including ethnicity is not capturing Terengganu in the 1999 totally sui generis. Ethnicity as a National election. concept might be primordial as in the Yet in the 2004 National works of Geertz and Miles but it can Election, Malaysian Malaysia slogan also be an effect. If ethnicity is an of the DAP, the Islamic State of PAS effect, then researchers need to look and justice, transparency and beyond group characteristics. The accountability of PKR were ability to understand the dynamic and supported by most Malaysians, fluid nature of ethnicity is in how the irrespective of ethnicity, but not individuals interpret the con-

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 193

sequences of the external social Malaysia was based on an environment on his personal interpretation from a colonial interests. Thus, group membership knowledge perspective that individu- can be a social force on their choices al capacity and competency are to act but the parameters of the group moulded by one‘s location in a racial could very well be mobilized and group. The revisit study found out manipulated to serve personal that Rabushka‘s observations are no calculation. longer tenable. Malays are thus With such comprehension of found in to be no longer lazy and the concept of ethnicity, researchers poor, Indians are no longer of low need only to the relationship of the mental ability and squalid, and the individuals with the social structure Chinese as the only industrious and but also how individuals do make wealthy group in Malaysia. choices that may not align with the Intelligence is shared by Malays, the structural analysis. Thus we need to Bumiputera, Chinese and Indians, understanding the prevalent and hardworking is shared by Chinese coexistence of the structural level on and Indians, Malays excel in the individuals and the level of cleanliness and Bumiputera as most choices that individuals do have in involved in social public action. carrying out their social actions; the Indian and Chinese groups tend to ability to understand the anascopic perceive the other ethnic groups with versus klaustropic, the bottom versus the same traits as hardworking, the top, the individual versus group intelligence and ambitious and alignment, jumping versus pushing, Malays, Bumiputera Islam and the everyday defined versus the Bumiputera non-Islam tend to see the authority defined other two ethnic groups in a substantive rationality comprising V. EVIDENTS FROM THE FIELD- elements of involving in public social WORKS action, honesty, cleanliness and Revisiting Rabushka‘s racial stereo- sincerity. type The changing racial found among Malaysians A revisit of a study on racial do indicate that, irrespective of stereotype in Malaysia carried out ethnicity, group behaviors and th prior to the May 13 by Rabushka perception of the other group do was done in 2005. Rabushka change as development and social understanding of racial stereotype in transformation bring about positive

194 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

changes through education, Malays and Indians are found to be employment and a growing middle amendable and would be willing to classes life style. accommodate their language, culture and kinship network, the Bumiputera VI. ETHNICITY IS REAL YET PRO non-Islam are observed to do STABILITY AND PROGRESS likewise with language, culture and Ethnic divide is real religion and the Chinese with culture and religion. Thus, the ethnic In the 1950‘s studying ethnicity tends characteristics do prevail but because to focus on the internal charac- of the willingness to accommodate teristics of the group. Physical with the other ethnic groups they are appearance, language, culture and not necessarily separated. religion are the main characteristics Yet it is observed that each employed in identifying ethnic group. ethnic group has its own internal The days of focusing on internal characteristics that they are sensitive characteristics of the ethnic group by too and of which they would not social anthropologist and ethno- compromise with other ethnic grapher was eclipsed by late 70‘s by groups; do not cross the line. The growing concern of the group findings show that Malays and relations and thus the need to study Indians would place religion, Chinese the ethnic boundary by Barth. with Mandarin language and the Research works carried out in Bumiputera non-Islam with tribal 2007 show that Malaysians do ties. identify themselves by ethnic Malays, Chinese, Bumiputera, identities. The main internal group and Indians view cultural items as characteristics of religion, language, food, clothing, songs as secondary to culture and kinship are often the group identity and boundary markers parameters employed to distinguish of which variation are accepted and between them. The variations across accommodated. Malays, Indians and these ethnic characteristics mean that Bumiputera do likewise on language. the ethnic divide is real and the Chinese and Bumiputera non Islam nation is plurality in nature; hence take religion as secondary in nature. the official tourism campaign of Thus, it is observed that Malays ”Malaysia Truly Asian‘. The two could be open to negotiation and studies also show that some of these compromises to other ethnic internal group characteristics prevail parameters but do not touch on Islam. but are amendable and thus able to Same observations with the Indians co-exist with the other ethnic groups. who see the Hindu religion as a no

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 195 compromise zone. The Chinese are least comfortable with political opened to other parameters of instability in the society. They would ethnicity such as conversion to other not tolerate those who transgress the religion and cultural practices but put laws of the nation and would not a no cross zone on mastering the support social movements that language of Mandarin; language is employ extremism and militancy as the basis of a Chinese their methods in raising societal weltanschauung, behavior outcome issues and mobilizing members. The and civilization. Yet with the latest study on the voting behavior in Bumiputera non Islam, they accept Kedah also support this observation religious conversion, variation in on the prominent of political stability language and cultural practices, even in the society. Political stability is other ethnicity but insist on a sino-, ranked first and higher in percentage India- etc., KadazanDusun tribal than the bread and butter calculation, identities and boundary. governance and other issues faced in Based on these findings of the the as a determinant in their voting parameters of ethnicity, Malays, the opposition or the incumbent Bumiputera, Chinese and Indians do government political parties. place language, culture, religion and Pro modernization behavior kinship ties as markers of group identity and boundary. But these Malaysians, irrespective of ethnicity, markers do possess traits of adapting are pro market, modernization and a and accommodating with other growing population are espousing a group‘s parameters. The studies do middle classes behaviour. They also indicate that there is an element believe in the freedom of the press in each ethnic group and it varies and religion, giving unemployment from one group to the others that are benefits, do want to exploit job held as the anchor to the group opportunity beyond the national identity and boundary of which no boundaries, and are open-minded negotiation and compromise are where they celebrate Valentine Day, allowed. dye their hairs and think English language is an asset to be acquired, Stability is central watch Hollywood film and even have a second-English name. The para- Despite such defined internal meters of one ethnic identity and parameters of group identity and group boundary may be real but not boundary, Malays, Chinese, Indians and the Bumiputera non Islam are

196 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

”a wall tall enough to divide frightening the larger public. The polyethnic communities‘. latter saw shops were closed, tourist areas of interest being defamed, hotel VII. REVIEWING ETHNICITY, received cancellation to their hotel STABILITY AND PROGRESS booking, and etc. Extrapolating these isolated consequences on public life, Ethnicity is concrete and real but a group of Non Governmental individuals within the ethnic groups Organizations of anti-Bersih and are more concerned about stability in HINDRAF movement met and the nation, the calculation of the gathered to sign signatures urging the bread and butter and managing issues government to take action by in their locality that would strengthen detaining the HINDRAF leaders their quality of life. In the words of under the Internal Security Act. Such Huntington and Harrison, to achieve draconian action was duly taken by civilization, a society needs stability the government and the articulators and progress; two sides of a coin. of the HINDRAF movement were Malaysians, do realize that security sent to the detention center and those and stability are paramount. One still at large went into hiding in might be able to eat during time of foreign lands. economic crisis but despite abundant In previous incidents of of foods, street demonstrations and detention under the Internal Security incidents of street clashes which can Act such as in the detention of the escalate into violence restrict leaders of the opposition political ordinary folks to be within their own parties, religious movements or houses for to venture out might cause criminal organizations, the Police in physical pains and potential death. charge of public security and national In Malaysia the street interests would have to investigate demonstration of Bersih Movement the matters and make recom- which called for a clean and mendations to the Minister of transparent election and HINDRAF Internal Affairs. In the case of movement which raised national HINDRAF Movement, a group of awareness of social disparity among Non Government Organization from the former rubber estate tapper various ethnic and religious groups community might be a docile public gathered together, voicing their protest in Indonesia, Philippines, concern of public security towards Thailand and Pakistan but the rowdy the negative effects of the street mob behavior where stones and tear demonstrations organized by Bersih gas canisters were exchanged often and HINDRAF and coming up with a

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 197 petition for the government to use the this coming election. Such concern ISA in preempting potential conflict of stability in Malaysia is further in the nation. strengthened by the bombing of Comparing Nigeria and Benazir Bhutto in Pakistan and Horta Malaysia in the 1980‘s, Kasper in Timur Leste. Political instability argued that the economic strategies to Malaysians is not an alternative to relied upon in both countries are the change and progress. same. Yet Malaysia relative to Nigeria proves to be a better Ethnic boundary thinning economic performer. Kasper Gluckman, Barth, Banton and explains Malaysia success story over Varshney have been observing the Nigeria in economic growth as being prevalent of cross-cutting social ties contributed by the presence of a between individuals from various mechanism of conflict management. ethnic groups. The work of Prior to the street demonstrations Varshney further argues that the Bersih organized by and HINDRAF ability of individuals from various movements, it‘s the government that ethnic groups to engage in an initiates any act of anti national informal and, especially so, a formal security and national interest towards engagement will ensure in the events the nation. But in the latest two of misunderstanding and conflict street demonstrations, it‘s the people between the ethnic groups not to that request the government to act. escalate into violence; it may sparks Concern for stability and progress by but catch no fire. the people have socially transformed Research works since the 1990 the society to embed within itself a till 2006 on measuring the ethnic culture that is intolerant to any act of boundary among Malays and Chinese unpatriotic and treason. ISA which have shown that ethnicity as a social begins as a tool of conflict force is getting thinner, a secondary in management perceives as good by nature and getting less significance as the government is now supported and an influence on social action. requested by the people too. The universalistic norms of The latest study on voting self interest of the material kind, behavior in Kedah indicates that social status and social obligation vis political stability overrides the a vis ethnic concern are used to calculation of good governance and measure the thinning or thickening of ”bread and butter issues‘ in getting ethnic alignment between Malays the people to vote a political party in and Chinese. In the self interest of

198 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

the material kind, Malays and social actions of the Malays and Chinese would place material gains Chinese, it is discerned that Malays over any calculation of ethnic view economic activities as fraught preference. Thus, they would rent with risk and the Chinese feel so in the their house, their shop house, find a political context. This shows that business partner and buy their daily despite the tremendous social groceries in order to ensure experiences felt by Malays and materialistic gains rather than ethnic Chinese, each group still see that their consideration. position vis a vis the others is still In the self interest of the social rocky. status kind, it is found out that Malays This portrait of ethnic insecurity and Chinese are ambivalent between is observed to have increased across the the calculation of social esteem and study period, especially so in the new ethnic preference; they are caught millennium. Looking at ethnicity as not between both needs. Thus it is only a cause but also an effect, one observed that a person with a higher would be puzzle of such portrait of social esteem would be given higher insecurity as Malays and, especially, preference over one‘s own ethnic but Chinese have tremendous improvement not so with a person who has a low in their standard of living as observed in social status in which ethnic preference the expanding middle classes among would be the overriding factor. them. This show that ethnicity might In the self interest of social be mobilized not necessarily for its own obligation, Malays and Chinese sake but a parameter to defend their would sacrifice ethnic preference in own interests. defending the social relations with A study carried out among individuals develop across the ethnic students in the public and private lines. Thus, relationship with a boss, universities show that the heighten neighbor, classmate and workmate ethnic tension felt after the annual would be viewed in term of the social university admission exercise that led bonds developed by them rather the to the questioning of the policies on ethnic concern between them. education, examination and criteria Thus, the 1990-2006 studies admission to these higher institutions indicate that the self interest of the reflect ethnic manipulation rather material and social obligation override than issues of racial . ethnic preference and self interest of the social status kind is viewed The needs to go beyond ethnicity ambivalently. Despite the pro- Research works on political behavior universalistic norms influencing the in Penang, among Chinese parlia-

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 199

mentary constituencies and the urban these differences is of utmost youth indicate that there are more important. similiarities among the Malays, This may reason out the Chinese, Indians, Bumiputera concern for ethnic identity and group Sarawak and Bumiputera Sabah than formation among Malaysians as they, differences. Their personal and local among others, desire their children to problems are shared. They way they study in their own vernacular and think political should be, who should religious schools and speaking and be their local candidate, the political reading in their own mother tongue. that they aspire and reject are Despite the possibility of drifting basically the same. apart along the ethnic lines, the Though Malays, the Bumi- multiethnic space provided for the putera and Indians would place various languages of the mother religious and moral discourses in tongue-based school at the primary how they see the world, political level but still operating within the stability is paramount to them and national educational policy and being regarded as more important to curriculum was found to be pro that of good governance and national unity. The language economic successes. differences used as the teaching medium in the primary school were VIII. MANAGING THE PREVALENCE found not to affect the thickening of OF ETHNICITY IN THE PUBLIC the ethnic boundaries among the DISCOURSES various ethnic groups. In fact the thinning or the thickening of the The saliency of ethnicity in Malaysia ethnic boundary is more associated is a very concrete social reality as not the the language medium at the study shows that awareness about primary school level itself but more religious-cultural differences was so because of the ethnicity. found to have developed among Yet evident from the Malaysian university students at an fieldworks show that ethnicity is early age of 6 years old. While there but secondary and losing it awareness that religious-cultural significance as a determinant of differences could lead to conflict social actions among Malaysians. But were well formed in most Malaysian it is problematic to comprehend such students while they were 13 years a pattern of ethnic relations as public old. With such an early awareness of discourses by the politicians, media the religious-cultural differences and and the general public tend to be still its potentiality of conflict, managing

200 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

in ethnic colour. If ethnicity is not way deprive the rights of the other the basis to understand the ethnic minorities. Saying so does not mean problems in Malaysia, then taking the that managing ethnic relations and cue that ethnicity can be a cause or multiculturalism is not problematic. an effect, then we need to locate the But the past 51 years of problem away from ethnicity itself to independence has shown that power that of what is stimulating ethnic sharing through the forming of problems prevailing in the larger political coalition, the practice of society. economic policy with redistribution Hefner does argue that there in the development of the country, is a foundation crisis with regards to the opening of multicultural spaces to citizenship as stipulated in the the various ethnic groups and Constitution in Malaysia as privilege managing and neutralizing religious- are accorded to Malays and the cultural extremism are Malaysia hope Bumiputera communities. But this in generating political stability and social contract agreed and embedded progress to be a social reality. in the Constitution does not in any

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abdul Rahman Embong. 1998. —Social transformation, the state and the middle classes in post-independence Malaysia“ in Zawawi Ibrahim (ed) Cultural Contestation: Mediating identities in a changing Malaysian society. London: ASEAN Academic Press Almond, Gabriel A. and Sidney Verba. 1963. The Civic Culture: Political attitudes and democracy in five nation, Princeton: Princeton University Press Brennan, M. 1982. —Class, politics and race in modern Malaysia“. Journal of Contemporary Asia 12: 188-215 Case, W. 1996. Elites and Regimes in Malaysia: Revisiting a consociational democracy. Clayton, Australia: Monash Asia University Funston J. 1980. Malay Politics in Malaysia: A study of the United Malay National Organisation and Party Islam. Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Gibbons, D. S. 1971. —The spectator political culture: A refinement of Almond and Verba model“, Journal of Commonwealth Political Studies 9(1):19-35 Gomez, E.T. 1990. Politics in Business: UMNO‘s corporate investments. Kuala Lumpur: Forum

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 201

Hefner, Robert W. 2001. The Politics of Multiculturalism: Pluralism and citizenship in Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia. Honululu: University Hawai‘I Press Heng Pek Koon and Sieh Lee Mei Ling. 2000. —The Chinese business community in “ in Lee Kam Hing and Tan Chee Beng (ed) The Chinese in Malaysia Singapore; Oxford University Press pp 123-168 Hewison, K., Rodan, G., and Robinson, R. (ed). 1993. Southeast Asia in the 1990‘s: Authorianism, democracy and capitalism. New South Wales, Australia: Allen and Unwin Hirschman, Charles. 1975. Ethnic and Social Stratification in Peninsular Malaysia. Washington: American Sociological Association Ismail Kassim. 1979. Race, Politics and Moderation: A study of the Malaysian electoral process. Singapore: Times Book International Jesudason, J.V. 1990. Ethnicity and the Economy: The state, Chinese business and the multinationals in Malaysia. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press Jomo, K.S. and Gomez, E.T. 1999. Malaysia‘s Political Economy: Politics, patronage, and profits. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press Kahn, J.S., and Francis Loh Kok Wah (ed).1992. Fragmented Vision: Culture and politics in contemporary Malaysia. North Sydney, NSW, Australia: Asian Studies Association with Allen and Unwin Keyes, C. F., Kendall, L., and Hardacre, H. (ed). 1994. Asians Visions of Authority: Religion and modern states of East and Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University Hawai Press Khoo Boo Teik. 1997. —Democracy and authoritarianism in Malaysia since 1957: Class, ethnicity, and changing capitalism“ in Anek Laothamatas (ed) Democratisation in Southeast and East Asia. London and Singapore: St. Martin‘s and Institute of Southeast asian Study pp 46-76 Lim Mah Hui. 1980. —Ethnic and class relations in Malaysia“. Journal of Contemporary Asia 10: 130-153 Loh Kok Wah, Francis. 2001. —Where has (ethnic) politics gone? The case of the BN non-Malay politicians and political parties“ in Hefner, R.W. (ed) The Politics of Multiculturalism Honolulu: Hawai University Press pp 183-203 Loh Kok Wah, Francis and Johan Saravanumuttu (Ed.) 2003. New Politics in Malaysia, Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies

188 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

Loh Kok Wah, Francis and Khoo Boo Teik. 2002. —Developmentalism and the limits of democratic discourse“ in Loh Kok Wah, F. and Khoo Boo Teik (ed) Democracy in Malaysia: Discourses and Practices. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press Means, G.P. 1976. Malaysian Politics . London: Hodder and Stoughton Milne, R.S. 1979. Politics in Ethnically Bipolar States: Guyana, Malaysia and Fiji. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press ______.1999. Malaysian Politics Under Mahathir London: Routledge Morrison, I. 1949. —Apects of racial problem —in Malaya Pacific Affairs 22: 239- 25 Munro-Kua, Anne. 1996. Authoritarian Populism in Malaysia. New York and London: Macmillan and St. Martin‘s Nagata, J. 1976. —The status of ethnicity and ethnicity of status: Ethnic and class identity in Malaysia and Latin America. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 17(3-4): 242-260 ______. 1994. —How to be Islamic without being an Islamic state: Contested Models of Development in Malaysia“ in Akbar S. Ahmed and Donnan, H. (ed) Islam, Globalisation and Modernity. New York: Routledge pp 63-89 Nash, M. 1994. —Islamic resurgence in Malaysia and Indonesia“ in Marty, E.M., Appleby, R.S. (ed) Fundamentalism Observed Vol. 1 Chicago: Chicago University Press Neher, C.D., Marlay, R (ed). 1995. Democracy and Development in Southeast Asia: The winds of change. Boulder: Westview Ratnam, K.J. 1965. Communalism and the Political Process in Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press Saravanamuttu, J. 1992. —The state, ethnicity and the middle class factor: addressing non-violent change in Malaysia“ in Kumar Rupesinghe (ed) Internal Conflict and Governance. London: Macmillan pp 44-64 Shamsul A.B. 1994. —Ethnicity, class, culture or identity? Comparing paradigms“ in Malaysian studies Akademika 53:61-76 ______. 1994. —Religion and ethnic politics in Malaysia: The significance of the Islamic resurgence phenomenon“ in Keyes, C. F., Kendall, L., and Hardacre, H. (ed) Asians Visions of Authority: Religion and modern states of East and Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University Hawai Press pp 99-116 ______. 1996b. —The construction and transformation of a social identity: and Bumiputraness re-examined“ Journal of Asian and African Studies 52:16-33

Multiculturalism in Malaysia … 189

Shamsulbahriah Ku Ahmad. 1997. —What are we trying to measure?: Conceptualising ethnic and gender inequality in Malaysia“ . A paper for The Fourth International Conference on Development and Future Studies, Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia Sivalingam, G. 1983. —The New Economic Policy and the differential economic performance of the races in West Malaysia 1970-1985“. In Economic performance in Malaysia: The insiders view edited by Manning Nash, New York: Professors World Peace Academy Snider, Nancy L. 1977. —Malaysian noncommunal political parties“. In in Malaysia: polity,military, mass media, education, religion and social class edited by John A Lent, The Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Northern Illinois University. Special Report, No. 14 Stenson, M. 1980. Class, race and colonialism in West Malaysia: The Indian case. St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press Strauch, J. 1981. —Multiple ethnicities in Malaysia: The shifting relevance of alternative Chinese categories“ Modern Asian Studies 15: 235-260 Tan Liok Ee. 1997. The Politics of Chinese Education in Malaya 1945-1961 Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press Vasil, R.K. 1979. Ethnic Politics in Malaysia New Delhi: Radiant Von Vorys, K. 1976. Democracy Without Consensus: Commu nalism and political stability in Malaysia Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press Welsh, B. 2004 . —Real Change? Election in the reformasi era“ in Edmund Terence Gomez (ed) The State of Malaysia: Ethnicity, equity and reform, London: RoutledgeCurzon Weiss, M.L. 2000. —The 1999 Malaysian general election: Issues, insults and irregularities“ Asian Survey XL(3):413-435

190 DEMOKRASI Vol. V No. 2 Th. 2006

Top View