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University M icrofilm s international 300 N. ZEEB ROAD, ANN ARBOR, Ml 48106 18 BEDFORD ROW, LONDON WC1 R 4EJ, ENGLAND 8001686
BANKER, DIANE HELEN TQULIATQS THE BYZANTINE AHOMOS CHANT OF THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES-
THE OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY, PH.D., 1979
CQPR. 1979 BANKER, DIANE HELEN TQULIATQS Universit/ Microfilms International 3o o n . z e e b r o a d , a n n a r b o r , mi 48to 6
0 Copyright by Diane Helen Touliatos Banker 1979 THE BYZANTINE AMOMOS CHANT OF
THE FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH CENTURIES .
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for
the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of The Ohio State University
By
Diane Helen Touliatos Banker, B.M., M.A.
*****
The Ohio State University
1979
Reading Committee; Approved By
Richard H. Hoppin
Milos Velimirovid
Herbert Livingston Advisc^^ Keith E. Mixter School of Music
Coadvisors: To my husband Bill
IX ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
My gratitude for the completion of this research project is ex tended to many persons and institutions in the United States and abroad.
I am indebted to the United States Educational Foundation in Greece for its award of a Fulbright-Hays grant for 1975-76 without which this project would never have come to fruition. This grant allowed me to work at the Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies at the mona stery of Vlatadon in Thessaloniki and to examine other sources in
Greek libraries and monasteries. I thank Mr. David Larsen, the direc tor of the foundation, and his staff for their introductions and sup port during my year in Greece.
At t]ia..patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies I wish to thank
Professor Evangelos Chrysos, presiding director during the year of my stay, and Professor Panagiotes Christou, director, who was on leave.
They allowed me to examine and work with the microfilm collection of manuscripts from Mount Athos and gave me full access to the Institute's library facilities. To Professor Chrysos I am especially grateful for his letters of introduction and for his support throughout my stay and after my return to the United States.
At the University of Thessaloniki I acknowledge the help of Pro fessors loannes Foundoules, Christos Patrinelis, and Linos Politis for their information and introductions, and I am indebted to the univer sity for permission to use sources at the Library of the School of
Theology. iii In Athens I wish to express my thanks to the National Library for permission to examine sources in the manuscript division and to the
Gennadius Library for access to secondary literature. Also in Athens,
I wish to thank Mr. Markos Dragoumis for his interest, information, and support of my project and for his introductions to other Byzantine musicologists. I am grateful to the following Byzantine musicologists who granted me interviews, literature, information, and favo'*s in con nection with my work: Bishop Dionysios Psarianos, Manolis Chatzigia- koumis, Grigorios Stathis, Simon Karras, Michael Adamis, and Panagiotes
Trempelas, especially the latter, who at his age took the time to meet with me on several occasions.
At Meteora near Kalambaka I am grateful to the librarians of the monasteries of the Great Metamorphoseos and Varlam for their assistance and for allowing me to examine manuscripts. A special thanks is directed to the monks of the Great Metamorphoseos for their generosity and hospitality to my husband and myself during our stay there.
In Canada I am grateful to Professor Dimitri Conomos of the Uni versity of British Columbia for his guidance, for providing call num bers of various manuscripts, and for information on literature which might otherwise have not come to my attention.
In the United States I am indebted to The Ohio State University for the financial support of a University Fellowship. A special thanks is also extended to my professors of the Department of Music History in the School of Music who sent letters of support for this project to several foundations. Acknowledgement is also due to The Ohio State
University libraries and to the interlibrary loan services.
iv I am grateful for the use of library facilities at the Dumbarton
Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies in Washington, D.C. during my short
stay there. I am appreciative to the librarian Ms. Irene Vaslef for
forwarding materials to me from Dumbarton Oaks.
I would like to express my deepest appreciation to Professor
Richard Hoppin of The Ohio State University and Professor Milo^
Velimirovid of the University of Virginia. I thank Professor Velimiro vid especially for introducing me to Byzantine music and for his con
stant support and guidance of my work in that area. I am greatly
indebted to him for being one of my advisors on this project, even
though he is in no way associated with The Ohio State University. To
Professor Hoppin I wish to express my gratitude for his continued advice, support, and assistance throughout the first year of his re
tirement. I owe much to both men for their counsel and encouragement.
Finally, I would like to express my warmest thanks to my mother and to my husband for their sacrifices and for their support and confi dence in me which brought this project to completion. VITA
September 10, 1949 . . . Born - Memphis, Tennessee
1971 ...... B.M., Memphis State University, Memphis, Tennessee
1972 ...... Teaching Associateship, Texas Christian University, Fort Worth, Texas
1972-1977...... University Fellowship, The Ohio State Uni versity, Columbus, Ohio 1972-1973] _ ^ 1976-1977] " Fellowship Years 1973-1975]■ - Teaching Associateship Years
1973 ...... Committee on Institutional Cooperation Grant, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin
1975 ...... M.A., The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio
1975-1976...... Fulbright-Hays Student Research Grant, Greece
PUBLICATIONS
"State of the Discipline of Byzantine Music." Acta Musicologica 50, (1978), 181-192.
"The Byzantine Orthros." Byzantina 9 (1977), 323-383.
"The Byzantine 'Chanted* Vespers." Kleironomia 8 (Thessaloniki, Greece, 1976), 45-58.
"The Three Types of Amomos Chant." Actes du XV^ Congrès International d* Etudes Byzantines, Athens, 1976 (forthcoming).
"The Office of Matins in the Byzantine Cathedral Rite." Studies in Eastern Chant (forthcoming).
vi FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Music History
Studies in Music History. Professors Richard H. Hoppin, Milo% Velimirovid, Keith E. Mixter, Herbert Livingston, Alexander Main, and Peter Gano
Studies in Music Theory. Professor Norman Phelps
Studies in Applied Piano. Professor Richard Tetley-Kardos
vii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page DEDICATION ...... •...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... ill
VITA ...... Vi
LIST OF TABLES ...... X
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION: THE PSALMS ...... 1
II. THE AMOMOS...... 9
Subject Matter and Transmission...... 9 Transmission of Psalm 118 in the Byzantine Rite . . . 20
III. D O C U M E N T A T I O N ...... 26
The Byzantine Musical Manuscripts ...... 26 The Amomos in the Akolouthia Manuscripts...... 36
IV. ASMATIKOS ORTHROS ...... 48
The Music of Psalm 118 in the "Chanted" Orthros . . . 65 Relationships Within Families ...... 93
V. THE AMOMOS IN OTHER LITURGICAL SERVICES ...... 103
Mesonyktikon...... 104 Taking of the Schemata...... 108 O r t h r o s ...... Ill Nekrosimon Alcolouthia...... 120
VI. THE AMOMOS FOR L A Y M E N ...... 131
VII. THE FUNERAL AMOMOS FOR MONKS...... 200
VIII. THE AMOMOS FOR THEOTOKOS AND CHRIST ...... 228
IX. CONCLUSION...... 243
viii ABBREVIATIONS...... 250
APPENDIXES
A. Verses with Music in Amomos for Laymen...... 252
B. General Table of Concordances ...... 264
C. Verses with Music in Amomos for M o n k s ...... 294
D. Table of Concordances of Amomos for Monks in Two S t a s e i s ...... 300
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 306
XX LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Alphabet for the Twenty-two Strophes...... 19
2. Symbolism of Greek Transliteration...... 20
3. The Versions of Amomoi in the Manuscripts C o n s u l t e d ...... 41
4. The Number of Amomoi in Different Manuscripts ...... 45
5. Genealogy of Liturgical Practices ...... 50
6. Scheme of Psalms from the Distributed Psalter Used in the First and Second Week of the "Chanted" Orthros ...... 56
7. Scheme of Antiphons from the Distributed Psalter Used in the First and Second Week of the "Chanted" O r t h r o s ...... 57
8. Scheme of the "Chanted" Orthros ...... 60
9. Verse Schemes of the Amomos in the Cathedral R i t e ...... 67
10. Modes of the Amomos Verses in the Five Versions from the Cathedral R i t e ...... 71
11. Migrating Melodies...... 96
12. Comparison of Rubrics in Stasis I ...... 98
13. Attributions to Composers in the Asmatikos Orthros...... 100
14. Scheme of Weekday Mesonyktikon...... 107
15. Taking of the Lesser Habit...... 112
16. Scheme of Orthros ...... 115 17. Schemes of Kathismata for Three Stichologia of O r t h r o s ...... 118
18. Nekrosimon Akolouthia for Laymen...... 123
19. Nekrosimon Akolouthia for M o n k s ...... 126
20. Nekrosimon Akolouthia for Priests ...... 127
21. Verses to Music for Stasis I of the Amomos for Laymen...... 137
22. Verses to Music for Stasis II of the Amomos for Laymen...... 138
23. Verses to Music for Stasis III of the Amomos for Laymen...... 139
24. Modes of the Amomos for Laymen...... 142
25. Verse Scheme of the Amomos for Monks in Three Staseis . . . 203
26. Verses in the Amomos for Theotokos...... 233
27. Genealogy of the Amomos and the Services in Which It Was Chanted...... 245
xi CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION: THE PSALMS
The psalms of the Old Testament had a lengthy and involved history before they found their way into the religious rites of the Eastern and
Western Churches. Psalmody, as a genre, had its origins in the ancient
cultures of Egypt, Babylonia, and Canaan.^ Among the oldest precursors of the Hebrew psalm are the Ugaritic texts of Canaan concerned with 2 folktales and mythologies of the fifteenth century B.C. Even though these Canaan texts were pagan in character and content, they are im portant in that they were written in the oldest known alphabetical 3 text and became a model for the later literary genre of the psalm. A second step in this development of the Hebrew Psalter is found in the fourteenth century B.C. in two Egyptian hymns dedicated to the sun 4 god. These hymns, as far removed as they may be from Christian
1. Elmer A. Leslie, The Psalms (New York and Nashville: Abingdon- Cokesbury Press, 1949), p. 46.
2. William F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel, 4th ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1956), p. 128. In his re search Albright has found that the older Canaanite Literature is so similar in vocabulary and structure to the Hebrew psalms, that Ugaritic influence must have been absorbed by the Hebrews.
3. F. G. Bratton, A History of the Bible: An Introduction to the Historical Method (Boston: Beacon Press, 1959), p. 81; cf. Leslie, Psalms, p. 25.
4. These two hymns were written by King Amenhotep IV (1375-1358 B.C.), husband of Queen Nefertiti who later became known as Ikhnaton. F. G. Bratton, The First Heretic: The Life and Times of Ikhnaton the King (Boston: Beacon Press, 1961), pp. 116-121 and 125-126. philosophies, may be considered to be one of the first examples of
psalms as a musical genre. The next stage in the development of
psalmody is perceived in the Babylonian psalms, which are similar to
Hebrew psalms but are less religious in nature and less conscious of
sin and of man's relation to God.^ As for a Hebraic predecessor, the
earliest prototype of psalms is provided in the books of the Old Testa
ment that date around 1200 B.C.^ Two such early examples are the song
of Miriam in Exodus 15:21 (ca. 1200 B.C.), and the much longer song of
Deborah in Judges 5 (ca. 1150 B.C.).^
As a genre, the psalms comprised a vast literature that reflected
the religious life of the Jews in either sung or recited poetry. The
150 psalms in the Psalter are no more than a tiny remnant of the many
thousands of such compositions. The compilation of psalms into collec
tions took place over several centuries. During this time a number of primitive collections served as prototypes for the present state of the
Psalter. Some of these collections were arranged in groups with titles
that indicated earlier compilations of poems by single authors or
families of authors. Others were classified as the "Elohist Psalter," which contained psalms using Elohim as the name for God, or the
5. Elmer A. Leslie, "Introduction" to the Psalms section of The Abingdon Bible Commentary, ed. F. C. Eiselen, Edwin Lewis, and D. G. Downey (New York and Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1929), p. 513. Cf. Ruth Ringland Rains, Les sept psaumes allegorisës of Christine de Pisan (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1965), p. 3.
6. Leslie, Psalms, p. 19.
7. Leslie, "Introduction," p. 513. These songs were known as "Psalms outside the Psalter" and are now described as "Canticle." "Yahwistic Psalter," in which Yahweh had been substituted as God's 8 name.
When the Book of Psalms, as we know it, was completed has been a 9 matter of great dispute among scholars. The dating of individual psalms, as well as attributions to particular authors, is also in ques tion. Much of the problem arises, because the psalms were transmitted orally for many generations. We need not concern ourselves with schol arly disputes as to when the collection of psalms began to be recorded in written form. It seems to be generally agreed, however, that by the second century B.C. the Psalter existed in its present form of 150 psalms divided into five books, a probable imitation of the Penta- teuch.. -u 10
The word Psalm (i|;aXy(^) from the classical Greek is a Septuagint translation of the Hebrew mizmor, one of several titles given to the psalms. The title psalm is the most common nomenclature, being placed in the headings of some fifty-seven psalms, and is defined as the
8. John Richard Sampey, "Psalms, Book of," The International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia IV, 2490-91.
9. For a discussion of the possible chronologies of the Psalter, see R. E. Murphy, "Psalms, Book of," New Catholic Encyclopedia XI, 937.
10. Marie Pierik, The Psalter in the Temple and the Church (Washing ton, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1957), p. 12. Also, the Psalter's division of five books is indicated by the presence of doxologies between these sections. This five book division is apportioned as follows: Book I = Pss. 1-40 Book IV = Pss. 89-105 Book II = Pss. 41-71 Book V = Pss. 106-150 Book III = Pss. 72-88 plucking of a stringed instrument.It is not by mere accident that this appellation was bestowed upon this genre of Hebrew literature, for it originated in the singing of hymns by the choirs of Levites and worshipers in the Synagogue with the accompaniment of stringed and wind instruments, the stringed instruments including the harp and lyre and the wind instruments being the bucolic, pastoral pipes of shep- 12 herds, the shophar, and the trumpet. This does not mean that all psalms were performed in this manner, for many existed as a purely literary genre.
Many of the psalms have titles that usually include attributions to particular authors. These titles are believed to have been added
13 ca. 200 B.C. and their authenticity is therefore questionable.
Nevertheless, they have contributed important information concerning the intended function of particular psalms and a good many of the attributions are undoubtedly correct. Because seventy-three of the
150 psalms are attributed to David, popular tradition has given the title "Psalms of David" to the complete Psalter for nearly two
14 millennia. Other identifiable authors are named in the titles.
11. The word "Psalter" referred to the stringed instrument itself. It is only later that it came to mean the collection of songs. Walter Drum, "Psalms," The Catholic Encyclopedia XII, 533.
12. E. Beaucamp, "Psaumes. II, Le Psautier: Origine Cultuelle," Supplément au dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris: Letouzey and Ané, 1973), col. 135.
13. Murphy, "Psalms, Book of," p. 935.
14. The psalms scroll from the caves ot Qumran has helped to confirm this idea, for it states that David composed no less than 3600 "Psalms" (tehillim) and 450 "songs" (shir). Jim A. Sanders, ed. The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (llQPs^) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), col. XXVII, pp. 4-5, 9-10, and 91-92. 5 however; and some psalms, such as those related to the Babylonian
captivity, obviously could not have been written by David. This
plurality of authorship of the Psalter was recognized and defended by many of the church fathers including Origen, Eusebius, and
Saint Hilary.
By the third century B.C., Hebrew was becoming a foreign language to many Jews and those in Alexandria who spoke Greek began the great undertaking of translating the Scriptures into their own language.
This Greek translation is known as the "Septuagint" or, written in full, the Interpretatio septuaginta virorum, because it was attributed to seventy or seventy-two Jewish elders.This translation resulted
15. Origen, Exegetica in Psalmos; Migne, Patrologia Graeca (PG), XII, col. 1066. Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos, PG, XXIII, cols. 73-74 and 367-368. Saint Hilary, Tractatus Super Psalmos; Migne, Patrologia Latina (PL), IX, col. 233.
16. Henry Barclay Swete, An Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek (New York: Ktav Publishing House Inc., 1968), p. 9. Also, cf. L. F. Hartman, "Bible. 4. Greek Versions," New Catholic Encyclopedia II, 425. Oliver Strunk indicates that the usage of the Septuagint Psalter (which was a direct descent of the Synagogue tradition) in the Byzantine rite became perhaps the most important means by which Jewish elements were transmitted to the Christian churches of the West. Oliver Strunk, "Byzantine Psalmody and Its Possible Connection with Hebraic Cantillation," Bulletin of the American Musicological Society 11/13 (1948), 21; now reprinted in Strunk’s "A First Look at Byzantine Psalmody," Essays on Music in the Byzantine World (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1977), p. 39. in two different systems of numbering the psalms:
1) the Hebrew (Masoretic) text, which is followed in the Protestant (King James) Bible, and 2) the Greek (Septuagint), which is the same as the Roman (Vulgate) Psalter.17
The Septuagint differs from all other versions in having added Psalm
151 which acted as a doxology to the entire Psalter. The Vulgate elim inated this added psalm, although it is otherwise the same with the
18 Septuagint. The numbering of psalms in this study follows the
Septuagint tradition.
The subject matter of the psalms deals with various universal themes concerned with the relationship of man to his God. These themes may be repentance, lament, oppression, calamity, thanksgiving,
19 praise, complaint, supplication, didacticism, or sapience.
T\-;entieth-century scholars have established various classifications of
17. The numberings in the two traditions are as follows: Septuagint Masoretic (Vulgate) (King James) 1-8 1-8 9 9-10 10-112 11-113 113 114-115 114-115 116 116-145 117-146 146-147 147 148-150 148-150 (151)
18. The listing of 151 psalms is found in the oldest Greek manuscripts of the fourth and fifth centuries and has remained in use to the present day.
19. See Murphy, "Psalms, Book of," 937. Also, cf. Ilav. N. EipAtag, "TaAySîv, BfgAoj," GpnoKeUTiKfl Kal ^HSiKfj ^YKUKAoTTaidEfa (0HE) XII, cols. 455-58. the psalms according to their literary themes. One such classification
.11 20 IS as follows:
1) Hymns— Songs of praise a) Songs of Sion b) Psalms of Yahweh's enthronement 2) Laments a) Individual b) Collective 3) Songs of Thanksgiving 4) Royal Psalms 5) History Psalms 6) Wisdom Psalms 7) Liturgical Psalms
It is under the category of "Wisdom" that Psalm 118 is placed, for it is a didactic psalm showing the excellence of God’s law. The Wisdom
Psalms are characterized by certain literary devices such as various figures of speech and acrostic structures.
This dissertation will focus its attention on Psalm 118 of the
Septuagint Psalter in the Byzantine rite, which is commonly referred to as the "Amomos. " This psalm has always been held in high regard throughout the ages by both Synagogue and Church. Psalm 118 has the extraordinary distinction of being the longest psalm in the Psalter, containing 176 verses.
In the canonical hour of Orthros, the Amomos appears in the
Saturday and Sunday services. These same verses have a double role, for they are also used in the funeral services or Nekrosimon Akolouthia of Byzantium. In terms of its role in the funeral services, the Amomos is chanted in three such distinct services: for layman, for monk, and for the Theotokos (Virgin Mary) and Christ. Furthermore, there is documentary evidence that verses of the Amomos are found in a special
20. Murphy, "Psalms, Book of," 937-38. 8
type of cathedral services known as the Asmatikos Akolouthia. Within
this branch the Amomos is found to play a role in the repertoire of the
Asmatikos Orthros or Cathedral Matins. Moreover, the verses of the
Amomos have been incorporated in the Akolouthiai of the "Taking of the
Small and Great Habits" (the taking of vows for monkhood) and in the
office of the Mesonyktikon or Midnight service.
The use of Psalm 118 in these services demonstrates its importance
in the Byzantine liturgical rite. It is the intention of this disser
tation to examine the following aspects of the Amomos chant:
1) its historical origins, content, structure, and transmission in the services in which it is used; 2) its usage and function in each of the services in which it appears; and 3) its musical art form.
Being so important, its verses were set to music by the most important
of the Byzantine composers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
In fact, these centuries prove to be a crucial period in the evolution
of this chant and its development of stylistic families which emerge
from the examination of the musical manuscripts of this period. This
study will seek to explore the syllabic and melismatic, as well as the
"beautified" or kalophonic, style of this chant in the compositions of
the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century writers. Also, the various musical and textual transformations of this psalm will be analyzed.
The study of the music and usages of the Amomos chant in the
Byzantine rite has been unexplored. It is hoped that this investiga
tion will open the pathway for examination of this frequently chanted psalm of the Eastern rite and perhaps lead to even further explorations of the many such similar chants of the Byzantine services which are still waiting to be examined. CHAPTER II
THE AMOMOS
Subject Matter and Transmission
The date of the text, as well as the author, of the 118th psalm of
the Septuagint and Vulgate version of the Psalter (or the 119th psalm of the Hebrew and King James versions) is disputed. Also, it is un
certain exactly when music was added to this text; but, it is possible
that in Byzantium Psalm 118 might have been chanted as early as the ninth century in the office of the Asmatikos Orthros, where it received its name from the opening verse "^Apwpoi Iv *AXXnXot3ia" ("Blessed are the undefiled in the way. Alleluia").^
As to the date of composition of this psalm text, there are three distinct theories. The first is that the psalm was written during the 2 period of the Babylonian captivity from ca. 606-536 B.C. This was the period of exile for the Hebrew nation in which the Jews were deported by Nebuchadnezzar into Babylonia in 597 B.C. The reason for assuming that the text of this psalm was composed during this era is that in verse
176a the poet refers to himself as a "lost sheep" of the banished Jews.
1. Olivers Strunk, "The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia," Dumbarton Oaks Papers IX-X (1955-56), 177-202. In this article Strunk states that the asmatikos repertoire could have come into being in the ninth century. If this is the case, the 118th psalm might have been incorporated in the Asmatikos Orthros at this early date.
2. Any. Z. AoUKaT0 5 , " % y w y o g ," 0HE II, col. 445; H. I. MirpaToimTns» "’‘Aywyog," MeydXn ‘EXXnvtK^ ^YKUKXoiraiSefq IV, 428. 10
The second theory supported by Elmer Leslie, the Biblical scholar,
is that Psalm 118 was written during the post-exilic period of Judea,
since this psalm possesses the characteristics of the Priestly Code 3 of Ezra as it was developed in the third and fourth centuries. The
presence of Israelite law is not new and can be dated as far back as 4 1200 B.C. However, the earliest authoritative text is the Book of
Deuteronomy which had its origins from around 650 B.C. and established as a code of Jewish conduct in 621 B.C. by King Josiah. A similar re form, perhaps even more important, came when Ezra, a scribe from
Babylon, initiated a "Priestly Law" in 397 B.C. with the hopes of in spiring the Hebrew people to become more holy and religious— at a time when the country was dominated by Persians. Leslie states that the text of Psalm 118 was probably composed during this late Persian period— that is, around the first half of the fourth century B.C.^
During this time there were two main religious parties in Judea:
1) the minority party, the Hebrews, who wor shiped one God; and 2) the majority party, the Persians, who worshiped many Gods.
Leslie believes that the author of Psalm 118, who had obviously been introduced to the law of Ezra, was a representative of the Hebrew, minority party.
3. Elmer Leslie, The Psalms (New York and Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1949), p. 174.
4. Ibid., p. 173.
5. Ibid. Also, cf. Max Weber, Ancient Judaism, trans. and ed. by Hans H. Gerth and Don Martindale (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1952), pp. 70-74.
6. Leslie, Psalms, p. 176. 11
The third theory is that Psalm 118 was written after 312 B.C.— probably between 300 and 250.^ Moses Buttenwieser’s reason for this dating is his evidence that verse 25 from Psalm 118 was copied directly
Q from verse 26 of Psalm 43, which was composed after 312 B.C. Butten wieser feels that this psalm reflects the literary decadence of the
Hebrew language during this period. Consequently, he has little regard for it in terms of literary value. He feels that the text is redundant 9 in thought and word choices and contains faulty word usage. It is true that the primary theme, the love of God's law, is constantly re peated throughout the text. This does not necessarily have to be viewed as a defect, however, for it can also be regarded as a deliber ate reflection that effectively unifies the psalm's many verses.
Equally uncertain as the date of this psalm are its authorship and the time when it was entered into the collection of psalms. Even though several sources indicate Davidic authorship, most scholars agree that the attribution is incorrect.The truth of the matter is that the author of Psalm 118 is unknown. A description of the anonymous
7. Moses Buttenwieser, The Psalms Chronologically Treated with a New Translation (New York: Ktav Publishing House, Inc., 1969), pp. 871-72.
8. Ibid., p. 872.
9. Buttenwieser on page 872 gives various examples from the text that he believes show this literary decadence.
10. The church fathers Origen and Eusebius give the authorship of this psalm to David. This attribution is perhaps based on the allusion in the text to his youth and to his refusal of vengeance toward his persecutors (which is supposedly a traditional trait of the justice of David). Cf. Marguerite Harl, "La Chaine palestinienne sur le Psaume 118," Sources Chrétiennes No. 189 (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1972), I, 131-36. 12 writer can only be deduced from the use of the pronoun "I," which pre dominates in the text of this psalm. Thus, we can determine that the author is a young man (v. 9), a pilgrim (v. 19), a sojourner (v. 54), and a "lost sheep" (v. 176) who has suffered affliction (v. 67, 107,
153) and persecution (v. 84). Furthermore, the author is being pur sued and harrassed (v. 157) by princes (v. 161); thus, he seeks help, strength, and comfort in God's law— always hoping that his saving grace will come from God's promised words (v. 41). It must be remembered, however, that even though this pronoun "I" is very personal, the thoughts and ideas that the psalmist expresses voice the hopes of the
Jews as a people.
It is not surprising, with the high regard in which Psalm 118 was held that it became the main subject of several commentaries by the church fathers. Among two of the most important such commentaries are 12 those by Cassiodorus of A.D. 560. and Saint Ambrose of the year
13 397. Among the other authors who mention this psalm in particular
11. This collective voice is expressed in the following verses; 23, 45, 49-56, 67, 71, 75-78, 84-88, 92-95, 141, and 161. Butten wieser, The Psalms Chronologically Treated, p. 872.
12. Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorius, "Expositio in Psalmum CXVIII," in Exposition in Psalterium, PL, LXX, cols. 835-901.
13. Saint Ambrosius, In Psalmum David CXVIII Expositio, PL, XV, cols. 1261-1604. 13 or some of its verses are Origen,^^ Eusebius,Didymus,^^
Athanasios,Apollinarius,Hesychius,^^ Theodoretus,^^ and 21 Augustine. As a whole, these authors offer their individual explana- 22 tions or interpretations on each verse. One of the more interesting remarks by the church fathers is the observation on the meter of the psalms. Origen states that psalms generally were written either in 23 trimeters or tetrameters. Moreover, Eusebius alleges that Psalm 118 24 was written in an iambic tetrameter. Some scholars, however, have
14. Origen, "Selecta in Psalmos," in Exegetica in Psalmos, PG, XII, cols. 1585-1627.
15. Eusebius, Commentaria in Psalmos, PG, XXIII, cols. 1363-96.
16. Didymus Alexandrians, Expositio in Psalmos, ex Codd. Vatic, et Nanian, PG, XXXIX, cols. 1155-1622.
17. Saint Athanasios, Expositiones in Psalmos, PG, XXVII, cols. 479-510.
18. Apollinarius, Interpretatio in Psaltem, PG, XXXIII, cols. 1313- 1538, especially cols. 1491-1506.
19. Presbyter Hesychius, Fragmenta in Psalmos, PG, LIXIII, cols. 1179-1340, especially cols. 1337-40.
20. Episcopus Cyrensis Theodoretus, Interpretatio in Psalmos, PG, LXXX, cols. 1819-74.
21. Saint Augustine, Enarratio in Psalmum CXVIII, PL, XXXVII, cols. 1501-96.
22. For a summary of other authors who comment on the Psalter and on this psalm in particular, see Dorn Pierre Salmon, "Les 'Tituli Psalmorum' des manuscrits latins," Collectanea Biblica Latina XII (1959), 9-39. Also, cf. Roberto Bellarmino, Explanatio in Psalmos (Rome; Pontificiae Universitatis Gregorianae, 1932), pp. 677-712.
23. J.-B. Pitra, Analecta sacra spicilegio Solesmensi parata, 4 vols. (Paris: F. Didot Fratres, 1852-58), II, 341.
24. Walter Drum, "Psalms," The Catholic Encyclopedia XII, 541. 14 maintained that the Greek translations of the psalms have no meter at all.
With a total of 176 verses. Psalm 118 has the distinction of being the longest text in the Psalter. In its entirety one common theme binds this enormous psalm: praise for God's law. In praising God's law, God's name, Yahweh, is mentioned twenty-two times in the original
Hebrew; in Greek, Kyrie is found twenty-eight times; and in English,
"0 Lord" is present twenty-three times. Furthermore, there are count less other personifications referring to God. The praise for God's law can be found in every verse of this psalm, perhaps with the excep tion of verse 122. Among the synonyms for God's law which are found in the Septuagint text are the following: v6po5, paprdpia, o6b^,
ôiKaxüjyaxa, Adyox and Xdyxa, icpfya and cpfyaxa, evxoXaf, Kpfoexs, aXfiSexa, and ôxdxa^ixg.^^
Another theme present in this psalm is the "humiliation" of the psalmist, which is expressed in the word "xaxTEfvwox^ " in the follow ing verses: 50, 67, 71, 75, 92, 107, and 153. In spite of his humiliation and afflictions, however, the author continues to affirm his constant fidelity and love of God's law, commandments, and words.
The word "love" ("ayaxrdm" and its forms) is used thirteen times in
25. Eusebius Hieronymus, Epistola XXX ad Paulam, PL, XXII, col. 442.
26. According to Dr. Rudolf Kittel's English translation of this psalm in Biblia Hebraica, 3rd ed. (1937), the following texnns are used for God's law: laws, precepts, commandments, statutes, ordinances, enactments, charges, word, and promise. Also, cf. S. H. Blank, "The LXX Renderings of Old Testament Terms for Law," Hebrew Union College Annual VII (1930), 259-83. 15
the psalm: verses 47, 48, 97, 113, 119, 127, 132, 140, 159, 163, 165,
166, and 167.
Besides the Jewish division of Psalm 118 into twenty-two 27 strophes. Psalm 118 in the Byzantine tradition was the only psalm because of its extraordinary size to comprise an entire Kathisma, which was knovm as Kathisma XVII. This monastic division of the Psalter into twenty Kathismata was based on the division of the Psalter into sixty 28 staseis in which the psalms were distributed for canonical readings.
Furthermore, in the Byzantine chain— which appears to be more numerous 29 than the Palestinian, Psalm 118 is divided into three staseis, the
27. Origen in his preface to the Psalter (PG, XII, col. 1056) states that the tradition of dividing Psalm 118 into twenty-two strophes should be approached by the Jewish custom of dividing the Psalter into five books. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that while some authors, such as Origen, Eusebius, and Hesychius, seemed to know of the Jewish division of this psalm into strophes, others, such as Athanasios and Didymus, did not know of it or simply chose to ignore it. Of. Harl, "La Chaîne palestinienne," I, 110-11.
28. P. Trempelas states that the division of the Psalter into Kathis mata and staseis was present in two geographical locations: Con stantinople and Jerusalem. Whereas all the psalm verses of each Kathisma were sung in Jerusalem, this was not adhered to outside Jerusalem or in Constantinople where the verses of each Kathisma were reduced and abbreviated which eventually led to the develop ment of the Studite Typikon as opposed to the Saint Sabas. See Panagiotis N. Trempelas, "Ax eüxotî too opBpou kuî tou eoTrepxvou," GeoXoyfa XXIV (1953), 189, 361. Also, cf. Edward Williams, John Koukouzeles* Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century (Ph.D. Diss., Yale University, 1968), p. 63.
29. Harl gives two manuscripts for the roots of the Palestinian chain of commentaries on psalms for Psalm 118: Milan, Bibl. Ambrosian F 126 sup. (13th century) and Patmos, Mon. of Saint John the Evan gelist, 215 (12th-13th century). See Harl, "La Chaîne palestini enne," I, 21-29. Furthermore, on page 69 Harl claims that the Palestinian chain is utilized in the manuscript Vindobonensis th. gr. 8 which is examined by Cadiou. Cf. René Cadiou, Commentaires Inédits des Psaumes (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1936). 16 normal division of each Kathisma. In this division, the verses of
Psalm 118 are apportioned as follows;
I = verses 1-72 II = verses 73-131 III = verses 132-176
This three-staseis division predominated in the various liturgical services of Byzantium in which this psalm appeared ; there are, however, exceptions to this. In the funeral services for monks (roughly from the fourteenth through the late fifteenth century) and on special occa sions of the Saturday Monastic Orthros, Psalm 118 appears in a two-
30 staseis division:
I = verses 1-93 II = verses 94-176
Thus, the formal structure of the 118th psalm can be regarded in four different ways: as a division into twenty-two strophes, into two or three staseis, and as a complete Kathisma. However, in the appearance of Psalm 118 as the Amomos chant in the Byzantine musical manuscripts, only two divisions appear. These two divisions are 1) the three- staseis division which predominates in most liturgical services in which this psalm appears and 2) the two-staseis division which appears in the above-mentioned funeral service for monks and at certain ser vices of Orthros.
Psalm 118 is the most extensive of the abecedarian psalms in which the stanzas, verses, or half-verses begin with successive letters of
31 the alphabet. The 176 verses of Psalm 118 are divided into
30. This will be explained more in the discussion of the musical manuscripts for this service in Chapter 7.
31. Other abecedarian psalms are Psalms 24, 33, 36, 17 0, 111, 144, and some traces in Psalm 10. 17
twenty-two strophes corresponding to the twenty-two letters of the
Hebrew alphabet. Each strophe consists of eight verses all of which 32 begin with the same letter. In the King James version (Psalm 119),
this twenty-two strophe division is maintained with the Hebrew letters
included as headings of the divisions. In the Roman Breviary, however, the psalm is divided into groups of sixteen verses producing an eleven- strophe division. None of the translations attempt to duplicate the alphabetical arrangements of the Hebrew text, which was primarily a
33 literary device that may also have been used to facilitate memorizing.
The Jewish division of this psalm into twenty-two strophes became one of the main apportionments. An instance of this is demonstrated in MS. Sinai Gr. 27, which definitely indicates the division of this psalm into twenty-two strophes as its rubric states "kotcI Tct egpaVi KB OTOixsia fiippeiTai . Furthermore, the words "Kaxct yovdda," which 32. This alphabetic repetition of eight times at the beginning of each of the verses is symbolic. In the Hebrew tradition the figure eight indicated perfection; thus, through the testimony of this psalm it was believed that one could attain perfection. 33. Greek versions of the Hebrew Bible, other than the Septuagint, were the translations of Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion, Quinta, and Sexta. These versions, with the exception of a few fragments, have almost disappeared in direct translation; but, they have more or less been regrouped and have reappeared in Origen’s Hexapla of the third century in which Psalm 118 is found. See L. F. Hartman, "Bible; Greek Versions," New Catholic Encyclopedia II (1967), 425. Also, Harl states that the alphabetical arrangement of didactic sentences concerned with ethical and religious principles was an ancient Jewish tradition. Cf. Harl, "La Chaîne palestinienne," I, 109. 34. Harl, "La Chaîne palestinienne," I, 107-08, 121. On the other hand, Origen employed the word "0 roixe*ict" (elements) to refer to the acrostic role of the letters and their division into twenty- two strophes. In the same manner Eusebius used the word "oToixsfwoi^" as a sort of title for this psalm. 18 appeared in some of these manuscripts, came to signify that the alpha betic letters gave unity to the strophes, as well as a symbolism which 35 was an inherent characteristic in the Jewish tradition. According to some Greek writers, especially Origen, Hieronymus, and Hesychius, the Greek transliteration of the Hebrew letters desig nating the strophes in Psalm 118 had a symbolic meaning. In this interpretation each of the twenty-two Hebrew letters then corresponded to a Greek word that indicated the theme of the strophe. This re lationship between the Hebrew letters and their Greek transliterations 37 may be seen in Table 2. 35. Harl, "La Chaîne palestinienne," I, 106-09. Also, this idea is verified in the commentary of Saint Ambrose. (See footnote 13 above.) As a rule, all manuscripts of the Palestinian chain have placed the Hebrew letters, as well as their transcription into Greek characters at the beginning of each strophe (see Table 1). However, at times the copyist of the manuscripts mis construed the significance of the groupings of these letters formed from the Hebrew transcription into Greek letters and Greek numbers. For instance, the strophe indication "ZAI-Z*," which appears frequently in the manuscripts indicates the strophe "zain" and the number "seven." 36. Harl, "La Chaîne palestinienne," I, 109-10. 37. For a complete cataloguing of these symbolic letters by Hieronymus, see Epistola XXX ad Paulam, PL, XXII, cols. 443-45. 19 Table 1 Alphabet for the Twenty-two Strophes Strophe Greek Hebrew a ’ 1 aX({i ALEPH 3' = 2 3n8 BETH = y ' 3 yipA GHIMEL 6 ' = 4 6aAe0 DALETH A E* = 5 n HE = 6 ouau WAW ç' = 7 ÇaV z a Ïn n' = 8 n0 HETH 0 ' = 9 TT10 TETH l ' = 10 IW0 YODH l a ’ = 11 X“3 KAPH i3 ' = 12 Xay6 LAMED ly' = 13 yny MEM i6 ’ = 14 vouv NOUN le' = 15 aapx SAMECH = 16 aiv 'AIN 'y' A i;' = 17 (})ri PHE m ' = 18 aaSi] SADE X0 ' = 19 Kü) k ' = 20 pn$ RESH Ka’ = 21 oev SHIN k3' 22 0au TAW 20 Table 2 Symbolism of Greek Transliteration Strophe Transliteration Greek Word English Translation Hebrew Greek 1st aleph aX(j) yd0 riai$ related to doctrine, knowledge 9 2nd beth Gn8 01 K05 related to house, home 3rd gimel yiyX irlfipwoig related to fulfillment etc. Thus, acrosticism in this psalm provided a symbolic and didactic interpretation of the Greek translation. Transmission of Psalm 118 in the Byzantine Rite In addition to Psalm 118 being transmitted in the Psalter, it is 38 also found in the Great Horologion, a liturgical Book of Hours. Originating in the Byzantine rite rather than the Palestinian, the Horologion is one of several books containing the texts of the 39 akolouthiai or order of services. It received its name from an earlier existence when it contained only the akolouthia of the Lesser Hours (MiicpSv — that is, the hours of prime, terce, sext, and none. As services for the other hours were added, it came to be known 38. This liturgical book is comparable to the Western Breviary. For a liturgical book similar to the Ordinarium divini Officii of the Roman church, see Nilo Borgia, "^^OpoXdyiov ’Di u m o ' delle chiese di rito bizantino," Orientalia Christiana XVI (1929), 153-254. 39. Other such liturgical books are the Parakletike, Triodion, Pente- costarion, twelve Menaia, Great Euchologion, Psalter, Typikon, Prophetologion, Evangelion, Apostolos, Hirmologion, Sticherarion, Menologion, Psaltikon, and Asmatikon. Cf. Egon Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961), pp. 133-45. 21 40 as the Great Horologion. In addition to these normal services, the Great Horologion contained various supplemental materials. As a result the contents are divided into three distinct sections.The first part contains the order of the canonical hours: 1) Mesonyktikon (MeoovUKTiKdv, midnight service); 2) Orthros (’'Op0pov), up to and including Prime Hour (npwTTi '*fipav) and its Mesorion (Mea(3piov, Half-hour Service); 3) Terce (Tpfxriv ‘''Jîpav) and its Mesorion; 4) Sext (*'Ekttiv ''fipav) and its Mesorion and also including the Akolouthia of the Typikon and the Akolouthia of the Holy Altar; 5) None (’Evdrriv ‘^'fipav) and its Mesorion; 6 ) Vespers (‘^EoTrepivdv) and including the Blessing for the Holy Altar; and 7) Small and Great Compline (■^A'lrddenTVov, to M€ya Kai T O MiKpov). The contents of the troparia, antiphons, apolytikia, and kontakia from the period of Lent to Pentecost constitute the second section of the Great Horologion. Among the contents of this section are the following: 1) the Troparia for the Immovable Feasts and for the daily celebration of Saints* names ; 2) the Troparia of the Movable Feasts in the Triodion and Pentecostarion; 3) the Anastasima Apolytikia, Theotokia, and Antiphons of the Octoechos; 4) the Apolytikia of the remaining weekly services; and 5) the Theotokia chanted after the Apolytikia of the Celebrated Saints. The remainder of the Great Horologion is comprised of various akolou thiai and kanons: 40. EiTup. r. MuKpfiç, "‘npoXdyiov to Méyct," 6HE II (1968), cols. 596- 97. Additional information on the Psalter and Horologion may be found in Salaville's The Study of Eastern Liturgies (London: Sands and Co. Publishers Limited, 1938), pp. 192-94. II c 41. Matcpfi^, "CQpoXdyiov to Méya," XII, cols. 596-97. 22 1) the Akolouthia of the Akathlstos Hymn for the most Holy Virgin; 2) the Akolouthiai (Small and Great) of the Supplicatory Kanons for the most Holy Virgin; 3) the Akolouthia of the Holy Communion; 4) Supplicatory Kanons to our Lord Jesus Christ; 5) Supplicatory Kanons to the Angels, the guardians of mankind; 6 ) Supplicatory Kanons to the Heavenly Powers and all Holy Saints; 7) the twenty-four Hymns to the Holy Cross; and 8 ) Kanons and Hymns to the Holy Trinity. Modern editions of the Great Horologion conclude with such items as an alphabetical table of saints and various calendar datings. It is not known exactly when the Horologion as a liturgical col lection of the canonical hours and various other akolouthiai came into being in the Byzantine rite. By the mid-ninth century, however, the Horologion was evidently a standard liturgical book, for it was one of the principal books along with the Bible that was translated into the Slavonic and imported into Moravia in the 860's by the two brothers Constantine-Cyril and Methodius. In its transmission into the Byzantine rite. Psalm 118 was thus found to be represented in just two liturgical books— the Psalter and the Horologion. The Psalter of the Old Testament obviously came before the Horologion in chronology, since the former dated back to the begin nings of Christianity. However, even though the Psalter is the older 42. MaKpfi5 , " ^^fipoXdyiov to Mdya," col. 597. Cf. George Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, revised ed., trans. Joan Hussey (New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1969, p. 229. The two brothers from Thessaloniki , Constantine-Cyril and Methodius, were sent as missionaries to Moravia at the request of the Moravian Prince Rastislav in the 860's. It was during this time that the two brothers invented the Slavonic script, trans lated the Bible and other liturgical books into the Slavonic, and imported the liturgy to Moravia. 23 of the two, the Byzantine musical manuscripts containing the Amomos follow the text of Psalm 118 as it is presented in the Horologion rather than the Psalter. Because of the two distinct and different transmissions of Psalm 118, variances arose within the text. Of the 176 verses of this psalm, as many as 111 verses have textual variants in these two liturgical books (with sometimes as many as two to three variants per verse). A full listing of these textual differences cannot be presented here, but the various kinds of trans- missional differences should be mentioned. In fact, the following eleven categories of variants in the Psalter can be found in the Horologion text. 1) Orthographic variations which arise from original misspellings or from phonetic differences. verse 53— P: Kaxeaxev ye H: Kaxéaxe ye verse 62— P: eÇeYeipdyriv H: eGnyeipdynv verse 115— P: eÇepauvnam H: eÇepeuvnao) 2) Changes in spelling that result in a new word with an entirely different meaning. verse 102— P: KXiyétTiüV H: KpiydTWV verse 106— P: ^yiiyoKa K a X . . . H: *'S2yoaa xal . . . 3) Rearrangement of the word order without other change. verse 52— P: oou dir’ aimvoj , KOpie, tcaî H: oou, KOpie, &ir' alwvog k o î 4) Omission of a word or phrase. y 3 verse 48— P; oou aij riydirrioaj a 5) Addition of a word or phrase. verse 19— P: irdpoiKO^ eiyi H; irdpoiico5 eyfjJ efyi 6 ) Substitution of a word with similar meaning. verse 142— P: 5iKaioat3vn oou . . . 6 Adyog H: ôiKaïootJVri oou . . . § vdyog 7) Word contraction by the omission of one or several letters. verse 112— P: 6 ia TravTog oysi^iv H: Si’ âvTÊtyeiil^iv 8 ) Expansion of a word by one or several letters. verse 109— P: Travrdç H: SiOTTaUTdg 9) Combination of two words to form one. verse 144— P: ye k u î çyodv ye H: ye, Koi çnooyai 10) Grammatical differences in the case of the same word. verse 55— P: t o u ovdyordg oou, H: TO ovoyd oou, 11) Discrepancies between the singular and plural of the same word. verse 156— P: . . . Kajci t 5 Kpxyaxd oou . . . H: . . . KOTct TO Kpiyd oou . . . Even though some of the variants between the two texts might be attrib uted to carelessness or scribal errors, the frequency and number of differences are too great to accept this as the sole factor. Rather, it is thought that some of these changes were deliberately introduced. Besides the textual variants in the two liturgical books, a further difference lies in their grouping of verses in larger sections. The Greek Psalter continues the Palestinian tradition by adhering to the arrangement of twenty-two strophes. The Horologion, on the other 25 hand, adheres to the Byzantine tradition of arrangement in staseis.• Each verse of Psalm 118 appears as a separate line, with the division of Staseis I, II, and III being indicated before verses 1, 73, and 132. Furthermore, the term "MÊan" ("Middle"), which appears before verse 94, marks the middle of the psalm and thus indicates the division into two staseis as well. One important distinction which occurs only in the Horologion is that capital letters for certain verses are in red rather than the usual black. These verses follow no predictable scheme or set numeri cal order; yet as will be discussed later, they are the only ones that will be set to music in the sixteenth century. Similarly, in the peri od of the 1300's, with the earliest musical manuscripts containing the Amomos, only certain verses of the entire 176 were set to music. As it will be shown in the remainder of this dissertation, however, the period between 1300 and 1600 produced many different schemes of the verses which were to be sung. The number, as well as the choice of certain verses, was dependent upon the service for which the chant was used and the chronological development. By the seventeenth century an immutable scheme of Amomos verses set to music had been established. It is this scheme that is indicated by red capitals in the text of the Horologion. The remainder of this dissertation will examine the earlier uses of Amomos verses in various liturgical services that pre ceded the development of this scheme. 43. T5 Mgyg C'Ayioj ’’Opoj: ^ m d v v o u NiicoAafdou, 1912), pp. 29-41. CHAPTER III DOCUMENTATION Byzantine Musical Manuscripts The present repertoire of chants was disseminated in the Byzantine musical manuscripts by means of what is known as Middle Byzantine or "Round" notation.^ This was a diastematic notation in which the neumes themselves indicated melodic intervals, unlike the heighted neumes of Western notation that indicated intervals first by their vertical place ment and eventually on the staff. The Byzantine system, then, does not designate set pitches but rather the succession of intervals throughout a complete chant. The starting pitch of each chant was designated by a martyria or modal signature, which was always found at the beginning of the chant and was sometimes repeated one or more times in longer chants. In addition a number of signs were included to indicate spe cific note values. Although the Eastern and Western notations are thus based on entirely different principles, it is interesting to note that 1. The earlier notations, which are not yet fully diastematic, are said to have their roots in the Greek grammatical accents. 26 27 Hermannus Contractus (1013-1054) proposed a notation in which letters 2 indicated intervallie progressions. The oldest Byzantine manuscripts containing musical notation are 3 dated no earlier than A.D. 950. These early manuscripts make use of 4 two archaic notational systems: the Coislin and Chartres. Inter pretation of both systems has been subject to much controversy. 2. Gustave Reese, Music in the Middle Ages (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1940), p. 137; Carl Parrish, The Notation of Medieval Music (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1959), pp. 30-31 and Plate XII. Hermannus' system of notation is explained in his Opuscula musica. Cf. Martin Gerbert, Scriptores ecclesiastici II (1784; Facsimile ed., Milan: Bollettino bibliografico musicale, 1931), 149. 3. Oliver Strunk, Preface of "Specimina notationum antiquiorura," Monumenta Musicae Byzantinae (MMB), Serie principale VII (1966), 15. 4. H. J. W. Tillyard is credited with naming these two notations with French names as a tribute to French scholarship. The name of the Coislin system was derived from the best preserved example of this type of notation which was preserved in an Hirmologion manuscript: Coislin 220 of the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale. (The Coislin col lection of Greek manuscripts had been originally formed by Pierre Séguier [1588-1672]. His grandson, Henri Charles du Cambout, the due de Coislin [1664-1732], greatly expanded the holdings and in turn bequeathed the collection in 1731 to the monastery of Saint- Germain-des-Prés. The manuscripts remained there until 1793 when fire partially destroyed the collection. The remaining 389 manu scripts were then moved to what is now the Paris Bibliothèque Na tionale.) Cf. H. J. W. Tillyard, "Byzantine Neumes: The Coislin Notation," Byzantinische Zeitschrift XXXVII (1937), 345-58; idem, "The Stages of the Early Byzantine Musical Notation," Byzantinische Zeitschrift XLV (1952), 29-42. Robert Devreesse, Bibliothèque Nationale, Département des manuscrits. Catalogue des manuscrits grecs. Le fonds Coislin (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1945). The best specimen of the Chartres system is found in Lavra MS. P. 67. The system was named from the six folios of the Lavra manuscript, that had been moved to the Chartres Bibliothèque Municipale. The holdings of this library were destroyed in 1944 by Allied bombard ment. Cf. Strunk, "The Notation of the Chartres Fragment," Annales musicologiques III (1955), 8 . Also Strunk, Preface of "Specimina," pp. 2 and 6 . 28 According to Oliver Strunk the Chartres notation reached its high point of development around 1025; with the year 1050, however, a turning point was reached when the Coislin notation surpassed the Chartres as the emerging and dominant notation.^ By the year 1106 the Coislin notation too had begun to decline, and by 1177 the fully diastematic Middle Byzantine Notation had supplanted all earlier systems.^ The principles of this new notation remained the basis for the transmission of Byzantine chant until 1821, but over the centuries many accretions changed what originally was a simple system into a highly complex one. In 1821, with the publication of his treatise Introduction into the Theory and Practice of Church Music, Chrysanthos, a Greek musician and educator, greatly simplified, as well as altered, the notation in an effort to return it to its original form.^ From that time until the present, the Chrysantine notation has been used in the liturgical books of the Greek church. 5. See Strunk’s Preface of "Specimina" for a complete account of these early notational systems. Also, cf. C. H^eg, "La Notation ekphonetique," MMB, Subsidia l/ii (1935); H. J. W. Tillyard, "Handbook of the Middle Byzantine Notation," MMB , Subsidia I (1935). 6 . In comparing this system to the Western notation, Oliver Strunk states: "To the Latin neumes in campo aperto correspond the so- called paleo-Byzantine neumes; to the Latin diastematic neumes, with or without a staff, correspond the neumes of the Middle Byzantine notation." 0. Strunk, "The Chants of the Byzantine- Greek Liturgy," Essays on Music in the Byzantine World (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1977), p. 302. 7. In Greek this treatise is entitled, EiaaymY^ eig to OstopeTiKov icax TTpaKTiKdv yigpoç thç eKKAriaiaoTiKri*^ youaiKTiç. These same principles were later published in the Mega Theoretikon (GeaipETiKov yigyg ttiç yiouaiKns) in 1832. Cf. Maureen M. Morgan, "The Three Teachers' and Their Place in the History of Greek Church Music," Studies in Eastern Chant II, eds. E. Wellesz and M. Velimirovid (Oxford, 1971), 86-99. 29 After the first Byzantine manuscripts with musical notation had appeared about the middle of the tenth century, the bulk of Byzantine chant began to be preserved in five basic types of musical manuscripts: Heirmologion, Sticherarion, Asmatikon, Psaltikon, and Akolouthia. This is not to say that musical notation is not found at times in other manuscripts, but these five types are by far the most important. The Heirmologion and the Sticherarion, choir books, are perhaps the earli est of the collections. Both of these were codified and compiled around the year 1050. One early Heirmologion has already been men tioned as a manuscript in Coislin notation. Heirmologia manuscripts contain the heirmoi or model stanzas for the nine Odes of the Kanons used in the Orthros or Matins of the Byzantine rite. Relatively simple and nearly syllabic, the heirmoi are usually arranged according either to mode or to type. Some forty Heirmologia manuscripts survive from g the period between the tenth and fifteenth centuries. The contents of the Sticheraria manuscripts are the stichera or troparia (verses or stichoi set to music) for most of the Morning 9 and Evening Offices. These stichera could be grouped within the 8 . See the following sources for more information on this genre : Milo^ Velimirovid "Heirmos" and "Heirmologion" in Grove's Diction ary of Music and Musicians, 6 th ed. (forthcoming); idem, "The Byzantine Heirmos and Heirmologion," Musikgeschichte nach Gat- tungen-Gedenkschrift Leo Schrade (Munich, 1973); idem, "Byzan tine Elements in Early Slavic Chant," MMB Subsidia IV (1960); R. von Busch, "Untersuchungen zum byzantinischen Heirmologion, Der Echos Deuteros," Hamburger Beitrage zur Musikwissenschaft IV (Hamburg, 1971); and Egon Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, 2nd edition (Oxford, 1961), pp. 141-42. 9. The Sticheraria also included the Ordinary psalms of Orthros (Psalms 148, 149, and 150) and of Vespers (Psalms 140, 141, 129, and 116). See Strunk, "The Chants of the Byzantine-Greek Liturgy," p. 302. 30 manuscript in several ways: 1) by the cycle of fixed feasts for the ecclesiastical year (that is, from September 1 to August 31); 2) by the Oktoechos cycle (an eight-week cycle of the Sunday offices arranged according to the eight modes); 3) according to the movable feasts— particularly from the Sunday of the Publican and Pharisee in Lent until the Sunday of All Saints (Trinity Sunday); and 4) by groupings of stichera for special feasts. Furthermore, the manuscripts usually include three types of stichera melodies: 1) stichera idiomela (stichera using their own melody); 2 ) stichera prosomoia (stichera using a contrafacta melody); and 3) stichera automela (stichera using a model melody). Similarly to the Heirmologion, the Sticherarion can be dated as early as the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. However, as opposed to the number of Heirmologia, Oliver Strunk estimates that approximately 650 Sticheraria written prior to 1500 are still in existence.In comparison to the Heirmologia, the Sticheraria manuscripts contained music that is less syllabic and more ornamented. Highly melismatic responsorial chants are found in the Asmatikon and Psaltikon manuscripts. Both of these types mostly contain the Middle Byzantine Notation— with a few sources in Coislin. The Asmati kon and Psaltikon are two of the most valuable musical sources for chant prior to the fourteenth century in Byzantium. The few of these manuscripts that do exist are late survivors dating from the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. Kenneth Levy, however, states that the tradition of this type of manuscript possibly dates as far 10. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music, p. 142. 11. Strunk, "The Chants of the Byzantine-Greek Liturgy," p. 303. 31 12 back as the tenth century. The Asmatikon contains an independent collection of melismatic chants for the choir or psaltai— perhaps 13 intended for the choir of the Haghia Sophia in Constantinople. Many of these chants are for use in Vespers, the Liturgies, and other lA Offices. The Psaltikon, on the other hand, contained the even more florid, elaborate chants intended for the precentor or protopsaltes. In addition, the Asmatikon contained some choral refrains and responses for solo sections of responsorial chants in the Psaltikon. Thus, in essence, these two manuscripts were part books for the choir and solo chanter, respectively, that were used in the cathedral practice, par ticularly from the eleventh through the thirteenth century. 12. Kenneth Levy, "The Italian Neophytes' Chant," JAMS XXIII (1970), 202. 13. For a discussion of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon manuscripts, see the following sources: B. Di Salvo, "Asmaticon," Bollettino della badia greca di Grottaferrata. New Series XVI (1962), 135-58. 0. Strunk, "S. Salvatore di Messina and the Musical Tradition of Magna Graecia," Essays on Music in the Byzantine World, pp. 45-54; idem, "Byzantine Music in the Light of Recent Research and Publi cation," ibid., pp. 240-54; Kenneth Levy, "A Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week," Jams XVI (1963), 127-75; idem, "The Italian Neophytes' Chant," p. 202; idem, "The Byzantine Communion Cycle and Its Slav ic Counterpart," Actes du Xlie Congrès International d'Etudes Byzantines, Ochride 1961 II (Belgrade, 1963), 571-72; S. Harris, "The Communion Chants in 13th Century Byzantine Musical MSS," Studies in Eastern Chant II, eds. E. Wellesz and M. Velimirovid (Oxford, 1971), 51-67; Constantin Floros, "Die Entzifferung der Kondakarien-Notation," Musik Des Ostens III (1965), 7-71. 14. The Greek Liturgy is the equivalent of the Roman Mass. 15. Strunk states that the Psaltikon is comparable to the Western Cantatorium. Strunk, "The Chants of the Byzantine-Greek Liturgy," p. 311. 32 Beginning with the early fourteenth century, a new class of manu script, known as the Akolouthia ( *AKoXou0fa), appeared.It is be lieved that the anthology of chants, contained in these manuscripts, was first compiled towards the end of the thirteenth century or the be ginning of the fourteenth century by a Lavra monk by the name of loannes Koukouzeles; thus, this class of manuscript is often referred to as the Koukouzelian "Order of Services.The Akolouthiai introduced two important aspects that were not present in the earlier manuscripts: 1) an anthology of mixed repertoire, and 2 ) chants in a new musical style. As an anthology, this class of manuscript was the first to bring old and new elements together in one collection. Among the old elements were the traditionally anonymous and generally more simple chants of the earlier Asmatikon and Psaltikon, which Edward Williams 18 has referred to as the "quasi-traditional" chants of the Akolouthiai. The greatest portions of the Akolouthiai, however, were compilations of 16. This type of manuscript is also called ’AvBoXoyfa, HaTraSiKfi, WalTiKf), MouaiKdv, ^AvoiÇaVTdpiov, and/or MaGqpardpiov. The last title, "Mathematarion," refers to the theoretical discussions, which were illustrated by didactic melodies that appear at the be ginning of the Akolouthiai manuscripts. 17. 0. Strunk, "The Antiphons of the Oktoechos," JAMS XIII (1960), 53. 18. The terms "quasi-traditional" and "newly composed" were used by Edward V. Williams in his dissertation: John Koukouzeles' Reform of Byzantine Chanting for Great Vespers in the Fourteenth Century. For additional information on the Akolouthiai manuscripts, cf.: M. Velimirovid, "Byzantine Composers in MS. Athens 2406," Essays Presented to Egon Wellesz, ed. Sir Jack Westrup (Oxford: Claren don Press, 1966), pp. 7-18; Kenneth Levy, "A Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week," pp. 154-57; idem, "The Byzantine Sanctus and Its Modal Tradition in East and West," Annales Musicologiques VI, 12-13. Also, Strunk, "The Antiphons of the Oktoechos," pp. 50-67. 33 "newly composed" chants that included settings of simple as well as more elaborate, rhapsodic melodies. These newly composed chants were primarily intended for use in the monastery and represented a new and 19 distinctive style. The work of identifiable composers, this new style developed a characteristic idiom known as the kalophonic or beautified versions of earlier chants. The new kalophonic chants used the same liturgical texts with more florid and embellished melodies than the largely anonymous and simple chants of the Asmatikon and Psaltikon. One way by which kalophonic chants expanded traditional forms was by the insertion of extended repetitions of the nonsensical 20 "teretismata" syllables (terere, tiriri, anane, anena, etc.). Supplanting the Asmatikon and Psaltikon manuscripts, the Akolou thia is the first liturgical book to collect in one volume the ordinary and proper psalms, as well as hymns, from Vespers, Matins, and the 19. Even though the Akolouthia manuscript was considered basically for monastic usage, it did contain settings of the newly composed chants of the office (both parish and monastic), as well as the Constantinopolitan liturgies. 20. The teretismata syllables are the following: A~auE, AitE~a, T o t o t o , Topopo'V', T i t i t i , Tipiipi, EppEpE, TepEpE, T e t e t e , and TEpipEy. These syllables are found within melodies known as "Kratemata." (This title was derived from the funtion of these syllables: that is, to hold back or "k p o t C" the melody from moving.) For informa tion on the teretismata, cf. Grigoris Stathis, T5 XEipdypa^a BugaVTivn< MouaiKn< *^*Ay i o v ^Opos I (Athens: II. KAeiaicOvri, 1975), y '• Dimitri Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia and Cheroubika of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Thessaloniki, Greece: Patri archal Institute for Patristic Studies, 1974), pp. 44-45, 273-86; and E. G. Vamvoudakis, "Tct tv t h BuÇaVTivf!' youoiKn VpaTriyaTa, ^EïïETnptS ^EtaipEfa^ ButaVTivwv ImouSuv X (1933), 353-61. 34 21 three Liturgies. The earliest appearance of this collection is Athens MS. 2458, which is dated 1336 by its colophon. While a great number of Akolouthiai are found from the fifteenth century and after wards, only some dozen manuscripts from the fourteenth century are 22 known to exist. Even though this is the standard arrangement, some Akolouthiai manuscripts contain chants for special feast days, portions of the Akathistos hymn, and for the cathedral services specifically designated as "Chanted Vespers" and "Chanted Orthros" (see Chapter 4). The contents of the Akolouthiai usually followed a standard arrangement in four or five large sections. Within sections, however, scribes freely added some chants or eliminated others. At times the repertory of chants was influenced by the locality where the manuscript was prepared. Nevertheless, the contents of the average akolouthiai maintained the following basic order: 21. The following were some of the newly composed chants in the Akolouthiai manuscripts: Alleluiaria, Cheroubika, Koinonika, Kekragaria, Anoixantaria, Makarios Anir (Psalm 1), Dochai, Polyeleoi, Antiphons, Amomoi, Katanyktika, Theotokia, Kontakia, Anagrammatismata, and Kratemata. 22. Levy, "A Hymn for Thusday in Holy Week," p. 155. 35 I. Theory A theoretical treatise, if present, usually precedes any of the music. This treatise explains the princi ples of the notation system. The didactic song of Koukouzeles usually serves as an illustration to these principles by identifying the neumes. At times even artistic diagrams are used for neume and mode explana tion and identification. Also, it is in this section that the schemes for the intonation formulae and modes are to be found, if they are present. II. Evening Office Usually the first chants that appear in the manuscript are for the office of Great Vespers. The music is usually arranged according to modes or settings of the same chant by different composers. III. Morning Office Then appear the chants of the Matins service or Orthros as it was called in Byzantium. IV. The Three Liturgies After the conclusion of the Akolouthia of the office, there appears the music of the three liturgies: Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom, Liturgy of Saint Basil, and Liturgy of Presanctified Gifts.23 V. Conclusion If the manuscript is average in length, it will usually end with a large body of Kratemata. 23. The Cheroubika and Koinonika chants, which are part of the litur gies are unusual in their placement, for they follow the complete anthology of the chants of the liturgies and appear just before the Kratemata. A possible explanation for this position is that since these chants were usually very melismatic and incorporated the teretismata syllables, they were placed with the melismatic repertoire which was the portion at the end of the Akolouthia manuscript. 36 The Amomos in the Akolouthiai Manuscripts The Akolouthiai manuscripts are the oldest written record of Byzantine Psalmodie practice.Consequently, these sources from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries are the earliest manuscripts con taining the Amomos chant. Even though these are the earliest known sources, they are by no means the beginning of psalmodie practice. The singing of psalms had been a long-standing tradition since the begin ning of Christianity. Thus, a major dilemma arises concerning the early performance of Psalm 118 and its much later written transmission. We have no way of knowing whether these written examples faithfully transmit earlier performance practice and liturgical usage. This pre dicament is particularly evident in the fourteenth-century Athens MSS. 2061 and 2062. Out of all the manuscripts examined for this study only these two contain versions of the Amomos chant incorporated in the Asmatikos (or Chanted) Orthros. It is known that this cathedral reper toire was in use in the tenth century and it has been suggested that it 25 may have existed as far back as the ninth century. It can only be hoped that Koukouzeles, in compiling his Order of Services, copied the chants as they had been handed down through the centuries by oral transmission. A possible solution to the question of transmission might be pro posed, if one accepts the findings of Oliver Strunk on the transmission 24. Strunk, "The Antiphons," p. 64. 25. Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 181. 37 of the Anabathmoi or Gradual Psalms (Psalms 119-133).^^ Strunk states that the Anabathmoi, as they appear in the thirteenth- and fourteenth- century manuscripts, are a survival of their archaic form. He reached this conclusion by comparing the chant in Greek manuscripts with Slavic sources of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Because Slavic manu scripts tend to be more explicit in detail and more conservative, they resisted change and apparently maintained the earlier traditions of 27 Byzantine chant. Perhaps the same conclusion might be reached in re gard to the Amomos chant if the later Greek versions could be compared 28 with older Slavic sources. On the other hand, the argument could be presented that the Akolouthiai manuscripts contained newly composed melodies and highly ornamented melodies and thus may have altered a more conservative tradition of psalmody. Of the five kinds of musical manuscripts discussed in this chap ter, the Amomos chant is found only in the Akolouthiai manuscripts, where it has been recorded and transmitted from the fourteenth century until the nineteenth when the Chrysanthine reform took place. It is in the manuscripts listed below, therefore, that one can trace the devel opment and transformation of the Amomoi chants through the centuries. 26. These psalms are often called the "Songs of Degrees" and are sung in the Orthros on Sundays and feast days. 27. Strunk, "The Antiphons," pp. 65-66. 28. Although it has not been available for this study, a Slavic Amomos chant exists in the Leimonos Codex 258, Part A. A description of the contents of this manuscript may be found in MavdXnj K. XaTÇnyioiKoupns, MouaiKd Xsipdypaclia TonpKOKpaTfaq (1453-1832) I (Athens, 1975), 31-35. 38 List of Manuscripts Consulted A. Dated Manuscripts from the 14th Century Athens MS. 2458 1336 Athens MS. 2622 1341-c. 1360 Vatopedi MS. 1495 c. 1360-1385 Athens MS. 2062 "not later than 1385" Athens MS. 2061 c. 1391-142529 B. Undated Manuscripts from the 14th Century Athens MS. 2444 Athens MS. 90430 Athens M S . 905 Athens MS. 906 Athens MS. 2454 Koutloumousiou MS. 399 C. Dated Manuscripts from the 15th Century Iviron MS. 985 1425 Pantocrator MS. 214 1433 Athens MS. 2406 1453 Athens MS. 2837 1457 Iviron MS. 1120 1458 D. Undated Manuscripts from the 15th Ce Athens MS. 899 Athens MS. 2599 Athens MS. 2456 Athens MS. 2401 Varlam MS. 21131 Sinai MS. 1293 Konstamonitou MS. 86 29. From this list of manuscripts, only Athens MS. 2458 is dated ex actly by its colophon. The other sources are dated according to the acclamations or polychronia for the emperors or empresses which are preserved in the manuscripts. Cf. Strunk, "The Anti- phons," p. 53; also, Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia, pp. 47-49. 30. Conomos states that this manuscript also contains music written in the fifteenth century by a different scribe. Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia, p. 48. 31. E. V. Williams dated this manuscript in the fifteenth century be cause of the presence of Manouel Chrysaphes’ name on folio 239r. (Bees' catalogue of manuscripts of the Meteora monasteries in cludes only those from the Great Metamorphoseos and not Varlam or the other monasteries.) 39 32 *Metamorphoseos MS. 21 Iviron MS. 973 Iviron MS. 974 Koutloumousiou MS. 449 Pantocrator MS. 211 Filotheou MS. 122 Sinai MS. 1529 Vatopedi MS. 1527 Vatopedi MS. 1528 Vatopedi MS. 1529 Vatopedi MS. 1530 Vatopedi MS. 1281 E. Other Manuscripts Consulted 16th Century Dionisiou MS. 579 Filotheou MS. 134 Iviron MS. 951 Iviron MS. 984 Koutloumousiou MS. 459 1591 Xiropotamou MS. 269 17th Century Xiropotamou MS. 276 (perhaps 18th century) 18th Century Docheiariou MS. 332 Docheiariou MS. 338 19th Century ^3 Synopsis of Joannes Larapadarios 1842 *Non-musical MS. In the Akolouthiai manuscripts the Amomos is usually placed at the end of the repertoire of chants for the Orthros. In this scheme the Amomos chant usually follows the Polyeleos (Psalms 135 and 136) and precedes the chants of the three liturgies of Byzantium. Even though the Amomos usually follows the chants for Orthros, it is not designated 32. This is not a musical manuscript; nevertheless, it is important for establishing the akolouthia of the Amomos for the Holy Satur day services. 33. My thanks to the owner of this manuscript, Markos Dragoumis of Athens, Greece, who allowed me to examine this manuscript and also provided me with a transcription of the Amomos in this late Chrysanthine source that purports to have melodies by the medieval composer Joannes Kladas Lampadarios. 40 as part of that service in the rubrics— but rather as part of the Nekrosimon Akolouthia or Service for the Dead. (The already mentioned exception to this is the special usage of the Amomos in the Asmatikos Orthros.) As part of the Nekrosimon Akolouthia, three basic types of Amomoi appear in the early Akolouthiai manuscripts from the fourteenth through fifteenth centuries: 1) the regular version for laymen, 2 ) the special version for monks, and 3) the special version for the Theotokos (the Virgin Mary). The third version is also used in services for saints, martyrs, bishops, the righteous. Saint John the Baptist, and for the Burial Service of Christ on Holy Saturday. These three types will henceforth be referred to, for the sake of 34 brevity, as the versions for laymen (Kosmikoi), monks (Monachoi)," and Theotokos— respectively. Table 3, which corresponds to the list of manuscripts consulted, indicates the various versions and folio numbers of Amomoi in the manuscripts investigated for this study. From this table it becomes evident that the three standard Amomoi are well repre sented in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; there can be dif ferences, however, in that additional versions may be added and any of the standard versions may be eliminated. The distribution of Amomoi in the different manuscripts is more clearly shown in Table 4. During the fourteenth and fifteenth centu ries the three standard Amomoi are predominant, but in the sixteenth 34. Sometimes a shortened version for Monachoi is identified as the version for "Kalogeroi" (monks). See Athens MSS. 2458 and 2454. Table 3 The Versions of Amomoi in the Manuscripts Consulted A. Dated Manuscripts from the 14th Century Athens 2458 Athens 2622 1) Kosmikoi: Politikon = 125r-136r 1) Kosmikoi = 295r-309v 2) Kalogeroi = 136v 2) Monachoi = 309v-311v 3) Theotokos = 138v-142v 3) Amomos chanted after Alleluiaria = 311v-312r 4) Theotokos = 321r-327r Athens 2061 5) Selected verses of Amomos = 415r 1) Amomos as used in Asmatikos Orthros = 23v-25v 2) Amomos as used in Asmatikos Orthros = 45v-47v Vatopedi 1495 3) Amomos as used in Asmatikos Orthros = 64r-68v 1) Kosmikoi = 157v-165r 4) Amomos as used in Asmatikos Orthros = 105r-lllv 2) Monachoi = 165r-167v 3) Amomos chanted for deacons, Athens 2062 priests, monks = 169v-172r 1) Amomos as used in Asmatikos Orthros = 40r-44r 4) Theotokos = 175v-180r B. Undated Manuscripts from the 14th Century Athens 904 Athens 2444 1) Monachoi = 125r-132r 1) Kosmikoi = 117v-125r 2) Amomos chanted in Thessaloniki, in all the world = 133r-140v 2) Monachoi = 125r-126v 3) Kosmikoi = 286r-295v 3) Theotokos = 129r-132v Athens 905 Athens 2454 1) Kosmikoi = 67r-76v 1) Kosmikoi = Ir-llr 2) Monachoi = 77r-79r 2) Kalogeroi = H r 3) Theotokos = 81r-83v* 3) Theotokos = llr-15v Athens 906 Koutloumousiou 399 1) Theotokos = 153v-158v* 1) Kosmikoi = 169r-173v 2) Kosmikoi = 159r-169v* Table 3 (coat'd) G. Dated Manuscripts from the 15th Century Athens 2406 Iviron 985 1) Theotokos = 179r-184r 1) Kosmikoi: Politikon = 104r-116r 2) Monachoi = 184r-190r 2) Monachoi = 116v-119r 3) Kosmikoi = 190v-211v 3) Amomos chanted after Alleluiaria = 119r-119v 4) Amomos chanted after Alleluiaria = 211v 4) Theotokos = 123r-131r 5) Amomos chanted for the departed monks in the city of Serres = 215v-216v Iviron 1120 1) Theotokos - 414v 434v Athens 2837 2) Kosmikoi = 453r-459r 1) Theotokos = 99r-108r 3) Monachoi = 459r-474r 2) Kosmikoi = 108r-132v 3) Monachoi = 132v-143r Pantocrator 214 1) Theotokos = 160r-170r 2) Kosmikoi = 170r-197r 3) Monachoi = 197r-205v D. Undated Manuscripts from the 15th Century Athens 899 Metamorphoseos 21 1) Kosmikoi = 150r-173v 1) Amomos for the Great and Holy 2) Monachoi = I73v-182v Saturday = 370v-373v 3) Theotokos = 182v-192v Pantocrator 211 Athens 2401 1) Kosmikoi = 300r-311r 1) Theotokos = 150r-155r 2) Monachoi = 311v-322r 2) Kosmikoi = 156v-170r 3) Monachoi = 170r-174v Sinai 1293 4) Amomos chanted in Thessaloniki for 1) Theotokos = 146r-156r departed Kosmikoi = 175r-180r 2) Kosmikoi = 195r-222r 5) Amomos chanted for monks = 180r-180v 3) Monachoi = 226r-235r 6 ) Another Amomos chanted for priests = 180r -C' N3 Table 3 (coat'd) Athens 2456 Sinai 1529 1) Theotokos = 108r-117v 1) Theotokos = 128r-137v 2) Kosmikoi = 150r-173r 2) Kosmikoi = 138r-164r 3) Monachoi = 175r-183r 3) Monachoi = 164r-172r Athens 2599 Varlam 211 1) Kosmikoi = 287r-315r 1) Kosmikoi = 81v-97v 2) Monachoi = 316r-322r 2) Theotokos = 98r-102v 3) Theotokos = 323r-330v Vatopedi 1281 Filotheou 122 1) Theotokos = 179r-187v 1) Theotokos = 143r-152r 2) Kosmikoi = 187v-211v 2) Kosmikoi = 152v-I78v 3) Monachoi = 211v-224v 3) Monachoi = 178v-186r Vatopedi 1527 Iviron 951 1) Selected verses of Amomos = 265r 1) Amomos for the departed = 185v-187r Vatopedi 1528 Iviron 973 1) Kosmikoi = 35r-52r 1) New Amomos composed by Kyr loannes Lampadarios = 123v-130v 2) Monachoi = 52r-60v 2) Theotokos = 169v-176v 3) Theotokos = 62r-68v* 3) Kosmikoi = 203v-225r 4) Another Amomos chanted for departed monks = 226r-231r Vatopedi 1529 1) Amomos chanted for de Iviron 974 parted monks = 61r-64r 1) Theotokos = 216r-220r 2) Kosmikoi = 220r-242v Vatopedi 1530 1) Selected verses of Amomos - 422r Konstamonitou 86 1) Monachoi = 202r-205v* 2) Amomos chanted for the departed composed by Kyr loannes Kladas and Lampadarios = 258r-271v* (jJ Table 3 (cont'd) Koutloumousiou 449 1) Kosmikoi = 222r-224v 2) Another Amomos composed by Kyr Chrysaphes = 225r-227r E. Other Manuscripts Consulted Dionisiou 579 Xiropotamou 276 1) Amomos chanted for the departed = 224r-228r 1) Amomos chanted for the departed, (version of Chrysaphes) shortened version from the old by Kyr Chrysaphes - 151r-155v Filotheou 134 1) Amomos chanted for the departed = 335v-341v Docheiariou 332 (version of Chrysaphes) 1) Amomos chanted for the departed by Kyr Chrysaphes - 553v-556r Iviron 984 1) Kosmikoi = 270r-283v Docheiariou 338 Amomos composed according to vari 1) Amomos chanted for the departed ous old and new technics composed by Kyr Chrysaphes = 361r-363r Koutloumousiou 459 Synopsis of loannes Lampadarios 1) Kosmikoi = 174r-197v 1) Amomos for the departed = 220-226 Xiropotamou 269 1) Shortened Amomos chanted for de parted Kosmikoi composed by Fardi- voukes = 67r-74v *Ends abruptly— whether additional folios have been lost is not known. Table 4 The Number of Amomoi in Different Manuscripts Cent. 1 Amomos 2 Amomoi 3 Amomoi 4 Amomoi 5 Amomoi 6 Amomoi 14th Athens 2062 Athens 906 Athens 2458 Athens 2061 Athens 2622* Koutloumousiou 399 Athens 904 Vatopedi 1495 Athens 905 Athens 2444 Athens 2454 15th Metamorphoseos 21 Pantocrator 211 Athens 2837 Iviron 985 Athens 2406 Athens 2401 Iviron 951 Varlam 211 Iviron 1120 Iviron 973 Vatopedi 1529* Iviron 974 Pantocrator 214 Vatopedi 1529 Konstamonitou 86 Athens 899 Vatopedi 1530* Koutloumousiou 449 Athens 2456 Athens 2599 Filotheou 122 Sinai 1293 Sinai 1529 Vatopedi 1281 Vatopedi 1528 16th Dionisiou 579 Filotheou 134 Iviron 984 Koutloumousiou 459 Xiropotamou 269 17 th Xiropotamou 276 18th Docheiariou 332 - Docheiariou 338 19 th Synopsis of I. Lampadarios ^Selections. U l 46 century and afterwards an important transmutation occurs in which only one standard version remains. Returning to Table 3, the numbering of the folios gives some interesting information on the versions of Amomoi. More often than not, the versions are found together (one following another); however, at times the versions may be interspersed throughout the manuscript, such as in Athens MSS. 904 and 2456. Furthermore, from the table it can be observed that exceptions to the standard arrangement within the Ako louthia manuscript do exist. For instance, in Athens MS. 2454, the Amomos begins with the first folio— as the sole representative of the repertoire of the Morning and Evening Office— and is then followed with 35 the liturgies. Another exception is found in Athens MS. 899 where the Amomoi follow the Koinonika or Communion chants of the liturgy and 36 precede the special service of the "Chanted" Vespers. The placement of the Amomos in Iviron MS. 984 is even more unusual, for it is pre ceded by chants known as Anapodismata and Anagrammatismata and suc ceeded by poetic verses set to music by Xenos Korones. 35. In Athens MS. 2454 the Amomos for laymen is located on folios Ir-llr; another version of the Amomos for the Theotokos, Saint John the Forerunner, and others is present on folios llr-15v. On folio 16r the liturgy begins. 36. In Athens MS. 899 the Amomos for laymen begins on folio 150r and terminates on 173v. Another Amomos for monks commences with 173v and ends on 182v; while the version for the Theotokos is located on folios 182v-192v and is followed with the "Chanted" Vespers beginning on folio 192v. 47 The various versions of the Amomoi will be analyzed and described in the following chapters. Transcriptions of these versions into modern staff notation follow the system adopted for the Monumenta 37 Musicae Byzantinae. Any variations from this system will be indi cated. 37. Tillyard, "Handbook of the Middle Byzantine Notation." CHAPTER IV ASMATIKOS ORTHROS The most exceptional usage of the Amomos chant was in the archaic "chanted" or "choral" rite known as the Asmatiki Akolouthiai (aoyaxiKfi aKoXouGfai). Essentially for cathedral services— particularly as per formed in the Hagia Sophia of both Constantinople and Thessaloniki— this rite had the unique characteristic of being sung throughout, with no spoken words except for the prayers and supplications of the priests and deacons. Furthermore, the rite involved very elaborate ceremonies performed by a large body of priests and choirs. This was in direct opposition to the monastic rite, which was normally performed without singing, or at least with a minimal amount, and was often recited by a single monk.^ The "chanted" office in Constantinople can be dated from as early 2 as the ninth or tenth century. The origins of this cathedral rite, however, have been found to exist in the East as early as the fourth century where it was practiced in the Typikon of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem. The account of Etheria, a Spanish nun, who witnessed this liturgical rite in Jerusalem at the end of the fourth century offers an invaluable opportunity for comparing this 1. Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, PG, CLV, col. 556. 2. Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 181. 48 49 fourth-century rite to the much later "chanted" office in Constan tinople and Thessaloniki. As Edward Williams aptly said: Certain local features of the Jerusalem service, arising from the special physical conditions of the church of the Holy Sepulcher with its holy sites, had shaped the rite witnessed by Etheria and has led Skaballanovich to regard this ordo as the prototype of the chanted service (^ayariKfi ($KoAou0fa), the urban cathedral rite of Constan tinople. 3 Around the sixth century, two different liturgical traditions, cathedral and monastic, began to develop their respective typika (orders of service). The cathedral rite in Palestine evolved from the prototype of the Service in the Holy Sepulcher (as witnessed by Etheria). It was this tradition that, by the ninth or tenth century, had been transferred to Constantinople where it became the Typikon of the Great Church. The monastic rite, on the other hand, developed in the Lavra of Saint Sabas in Wadi en Nar (near Jerusalem) and therefore became known as the Typikon of Saint Sabas or the Typikon of Jerusalem (see Table 5). When the Monastery of Saint John the Baptist of Studios was reestablished in Constantinople in the tenth century, the Studite 4 Typikon, became the monastic model for the Typikon of Mount Athos. The "chanted" office, as practiced at the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, had lost its dominance in Jerusalem by the time the Crusad ers ravaged the city in 1069. Various historical developments in the 3. Williams, John Koukouzeles*, p. 3. 4. FeûjpYioç r. MfreicaTdjpoy, "TuiriKdv," GHE XI, cols 900-04; ^Imdvvru* MoutÇ(5ypti5 > "Tuiriicdv yovaaxnpictKdv," ibid., cols. 904-05. For more information on the typikon, cf. Alexander Schmemann, Intro duction to Liturgical Theology (London: The Faith Press, 1966), pp. 116-17 and 156-61. 50 Table 5 Genealogy of Liturgical Practices Cathedral Practice Monastic Practice 4th Cent. 5th-6 th Cent. Church of Holy Sepulcher Lavra of Saint Sabas in Jerusalem in Wadi en Nar 1 (near Jerusalem) Typikon of Constantinople I Typikon of Jerusalem/ v i Typikon of Saint Sabas Asmatikos Akolouthia 1 Regular Akolouthia 10th Cent. Monastery of Saint John the Baptist of Studios reestablished in Constantinople i Studite Typikon (derived from the practice at Saint Sabas) Typikon of Mount Athos 11th Cent. Russian Liturgical Practice 51 Middle East had helped to bring about the transference of this cathe dral rite to Constantinople. Perhaps the primary factor was the spread of Arab conquests that forced the observance of Mohammedanism and in turn led to the relocation of the Orthodox hierarchy. The process was a gradual one, in which the cathedral rite was probably transmitted by way of the See of Antioch.^ The duration of this rite in the Byzantine Empire, however, was limited, and by 1204 its usage began to wane. Its disappearance has been blamed on the capture of Constantinople by the Latin conquerors of the Fourth Crusade.^ With the arrival of the Cru saders, the large body of priests and singers needed to perform this "chanted" service left Constantinople and was dispersed throughout the Empire. Although the chanted rite was thus neglected in Constantinople after 1204, it remained in use for more than two centuries at the Hagia Sophia of Thessaloniki. Only when Thessaloniki fell to the Turks on March 29, 1430 was this cathedral rite brought to a sudden and final end. The primary source of our information about the "chanted" office is the treatise On Divine Prayer (De sacra precatione) by Symeon, Arch bishop of Thessaloniki from 1410 to 1429. The champion and greatest advocate of the "chanted" office, Symeon was, as might be expected, opposed to the monastic akolouthia.^ Even though Symeon wrote his treatise two centuries after this "chanted" office had fallen into dis use in Constantinople, he described the manner of its celebration 5. Williams, John Koukouzeles', p. 8 . 6 . Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacro templo, PG, CLV, col. 325. 7. Idem, De sacra precatione, col. 556. 52 during his lifetime at the Hagia Sophia of Thessaloniki. According to Symeon, the "chanted" office at the Hagia Sophia of Constantinople was O performed regularly three times a year and for some special feasts. Symeon blames the gradual disappearance of the "chanted" akolouthia both on the Crusaders and on strong opposition to the Cathedral Typikon 9 within the church itself. The "chanted" cathedral rite, which was sung throughout in con trast to the monastic rite, had another important distinction: the selection and distribution of psalmody. In the monastic rite the entire psalter was used in divisions known as Kathismata. On the other hand, the cathedral rite used a Distributed Psalter in which only 140 of the 150 psalms were incorporated.^^ These 140 psalms were 8 . Symeon indicates performance of the "chanted" rite for the feast of the Exaltation of the Cross celebrated on September 14, the Dormition of the Theotokos on August 15, and the Commemoration of Saint John Chrysostom on November 13. Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, col. 553. Cf. Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 178; Panagiotes N. Trempelas, MiKpov EuyoXdyiov II (Athens, 1955), 170; loannes Foundoules, T5 AeiTOUpyiKov ~^EpY0V EDyemv t o u GEOoaXovfKnK (Thessaloniki, 1965), p. 148. According to Baumstark, a form of the Asmatikos Orthros is chanted, on occasion, on the eves of Great Feasts at the Monasteries of Mount Athos. See Anton Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy (Westminster, Maryland: The New man Press, 1958), p. 113. Also, Athens National Library MS. 2401 on folio 243v gives additional information that the "chanted" office for vespers was performed on special feast days: such as Christmas, the name day of Saint Dimitrios, and on special occa sions commemorating various saints. Cf. Diane Touliatos-Banker, "The 'Chanted'Vespers Service," KXppovopfg VIII (Thessaloniki, 1976), 107-108. 9. Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, cols. 641, 677. 10. See above, 11. Strunk in his article, "The Byzantine Office at Hagia Sophia," was the first to use the term "distributed" Psalter. In this psalter Psalms 3, 50, 62, 85, 118, 133, 140, 148, 149, and 150 were omitted. 53 divided into a series of sixty-eight numbered antiphons. All odd- numbered antiphons used an alleluia refrain, and the even-numbered 12 antiphons were followed by any one of ten little refrains. The antiphons varied in length but could contain anywhere from a minimum of one psalm to a maximum of six. Performance of the Distributed Psalter in the cathedral rite had no predetermined time period such as a week or the two weeks that existed in monasteries. Oliver Strunk, however, tells us that, depending on the season, the sixty-eight antiphons could be chanted in a little over three days in the Morning and Evening Offices. Even though the number of antiphons in each of these services 13 was more or less dependent upon the length of the day, certain pat terns of performance seem to have existed for particular days of the week. In such a scheme of the "chanted" office, the 118th psalm, as a fixed antiphon set apart from the Distributed Psalter, is found in the Morning Office or the Asmatikos Orthros. As part of this service, the Amomos chant is sung only on Sunday when it replaces the regular week day antiphons of the Distributed Psalter. A similar replacement is 12. Touliatos-Banker, "The 'Chanted' Vespers," pp. 110-111; Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 185. 13. Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 191. A total of twenty-five antiphons were sung in the Morning and Evening Offices, but the distribution was ruled by the season. In summertime when the days were longer, more antiphons were included in Vespers; where as in winter when the days were shorter, fewer were used in Vespers and more in Orthros. Also, the use of antiphons decreased during the Lenten period. After Easter their usage gradually in creased as the days grew longer. Nilo Borgia has further demon strated the variance in antiphons in his reconstruction of the "Chanted" Vespers. Cf. Borgia, '"^%oXdyiov: 'Diurno' delle chiese," pp. 235-42. 54 found in the Saturday Morning Office, where the antiphons are sup planted by seven canticles.A scheme of the weekday psalms for the Asmatikos Orthros can be derived from the two-week "Ordinarium" for the "chanted” office found in Athens MS. 2 0 6 1 . This invaluable manu script contains the music for the Morning and Evening Offices of the "chanted" rite. Its distribution of psalms for the first and second week as given in the "Ordinarium" is shown in Table 6 . For Monday through Friday this two-week scheme progresses in order from Psalm 17 through Psalm 138. When consecutive psalms do not follow in the scheme, it is usually because the Athens manuscript gives only the first psalm of an antiphon (i.e.. Psalm 18 = Antiphon No. 8 = Psalms 18-20).The consecutive pattern can be better observed in the list of antiphons for Orthros in Table 7. In both schemes a repetition of antiphons during the weekdays sometimes occurs at the end of the second week and the beginning of the next day of the first week. (This is designated in the tables by the diagonal lines / or \ .) In three cases, antiphons from the end of the first week are also repeated on the same day at the beginning of the second week. (This duplication is 14. According to the Patmos Typikon No. 266, which is patterned after the Typikon of the Great Church, the canticles are used only once a week. Cf. Aleksej Dmitrievskij, Opisanie Liturgiceskikh Rukopisei I (1895; reprint ed., Hildesheim: Ceorg 01ms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1965), 1-151, especially 124. 15. Also, cf. Trempelas, Euxoldyiov II, 173-75. 16. For a complete listing of the antiphons, as well as their re frains, see Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," pp. 200-01. A listing of the antiphons may also be found in H. Leclercq's "Antienne (Liturgie)," Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, vol. I, Part 2, cols. 2301-03. 55 indicated with brackets ].) For the Saturday Orthros service, only the last part of the 15th antiphon is sung and is then followed by the seven canticles. The two-week schemes in both Tables 6 and 7 indicate that no anti phons from the Distributed Psalter were used on Sunday. Instead, a series of fixed psalms, including Psalm 118, were sung on this day. These psalms were selected from the group of ten that were excluded from the Distributed Psalter (see footnote 11). Because this study is concerned with the Amomos chant, the Sunday service of the Asmatikos Orthros must be examined in detail. Our first information about this service comes from Anthony of Novgorod, a Russian monk who described the Asmatikos Orthros as per formed in the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople around 1200 before the 18 arrival of the Crusaders. The equally valuable account of Symeon 19 some 200 years later has already been mentioned. Furthermore, two 17. Dmitrievskij, Opisanie I, 124. Dmitrievskij states that for the Saturday Orthros eight antiphons are sung (first antiphon and seven of the possible nine canticles or odes). The order of these seven canticles is different in the Asmatikos Orthros from the Monastic Orthros. Besides the omission of the second canticle, which is usually reserved for the Lenten period in both practices, the canticle of Jonah (canticle six) is also excluded from the "Chanted" Orthros. Cf. Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 193. Furthermore, Schneider in his "Die biblischen Oden in christlichen Altertum," Biblica XXX (1949), 58-65 indicates from his investiga tion of the Barberini Psalter, which uses the same order as the Great Church, that the seven canticles are really ten. 18. Antoine de Novgorod, "La Description des lieux saints de Constan tinople," Publications de la société de l'orient latin. Série géographique V (Geneva, 1889), 87-111 and especially 97. 19. Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, cols. 639-49. 56 Table 6 Scheme of Psalms from the Distributed Psalter . Used in the First and Second Week of the "Chanted" Orthros Sun. Mon. Tues, Wed. Thurs. Fri. Sat. 118] 17 37 \ 63 \ 84 \ 106 32 18 39 65 86 107 Ode A' 21 40 67 88 109 It 22 41 68 89 117 " A' 24 44 70 91 119 " E' 26 46 71 95 125] II ji I 28] 48] 73 " Z' " H' 118] 28] 48] 75 97 125] 32 30 51 77 101 131 Ode A' 31 54 78 102 134 II gi 33 55 80 103 136 II ^i 36 57 82 104 138 II J.I 37/ 63/ II 2 * II HI 57 Table 7 Scheme of Antiphons from the Distributed Psalter Used in the First and Second Week of the "Chanted" Orthros Sun. Mon. Tues. Wed. Thurs. Fri. Sat. Amomos 7 19 \ 31 \ 43 \ 55 15 (2nd h f 8 20 32 44 56 Ode A' 9 20 33 45 57 " B ’ 10 21 34 46 59 " A' 4J CO T—4 11 23 35 47 60 " E' 48mid.a 61] II p 1 12 24 36 13] 25] 37 • " z' II gi Amomos 13] 25] 38 49 61] 15(2nd h) 14 26 39 50 62 Ode A' II gi 15 27 40 51 63 (U 16 28 41 52 64 " A ’ ÎÎ II g, c 17 29 42 53 65 N 18 30 43/ 54 II p 1 19/ 31/ " z' II jji Psalm 95 in Table 6 is the second of three psalms of Antiphon 48. Only the second half of the second psalm (32) from Antiphon 15 is found in Athens MS. 2061. 58 typika containing the service have survived: the Typikon of the Great 20 Church from a Holy Cross manuscript of the tenth century and the 21 Typikon that Symeon included in his De sacra precatione. For regular weekday services, the Asmatikos Orthros was cele brated in its entirety at the ambo of the church. On feast days and Sundays, however, the service was divided into two sections, which corresponded with two different placements of the choir within the 22 cathedral. The first or nocturnal part of the service was celebrated in the narthex. For Symeon of Thessaloniki this part was analogous to 23 the Mesonyktikon or midnight service. The second section, which be gins after the entrance to the temple, corresponds to the matinal portion of the office. Besides the bipartite division of this service, Mateos gives three different types of the Asmatikos Orthros: 20. Juan Mateos, ed., "Le Typicon de la grande église. MS. Saint Croix No. 40," I-II, Orientalia Christiana Analecta 165-66 (Rome, 1962-63). 21. See n. 19 above. 22. Evangelos Antoniades, "IlEpl tou popuTiKou n BuçaVTivou KoayiKOU TÜWOU T(i)V aKoXouBxwv Tri5 nyepovUKTfou Trpoaeuxnj," OeoXoYfa XXI (1950), 199. Also, Mateos, "Le Typicon," I, xxiii. 23. De sacra precatione, col. 661. 59 1) the solemn service, 2 ) the service for feast days, and 3) the service for Lenten d a y s . 24 Of these three types, the Amomos chant was found only in the service for feast days (which include Sundays). To facilitate discussion of this liturgical service, its component parts are listed in Table 8 (p. 60). It should be remembered that, except for the indicated pray- 25 ers and petitions, the service was sung in its entirety. The nocturnal part of the service officially begins in the narthex with the censing by the priest. This is followed by the opening pray ers of the priest "EuXoyripfvn f\ BaoiXefa. ..." The Irenika (EipnviKÙ), a series of supplications for the peace of the world, are then recited in an exchange of verses between the choirs and priests. The first antiphon of the "Chanted" Orthros, which is invariable, con- 2 6 sists of Psalms 3, 62, and 133. These three psalms are followed by 24. Mateos, "Le Typicon," II, 309. 1) The "solemn" type was the official weekday service that was celebrated from beginning to end in front of the ambo of the temple. 2) For the service on feast days, the nocturnal psalmody was chanted in the narthex; however, the matinal part began with the Biblical Canticle of the Three Children (Dan. 3:57-88, "Benedicite . . ."). 3) In the Lenten type of Asmatikos Orthros, the nocturnal part of the service was again chanted in the narthex, but the matinal section omitted the Biblical Canticle and began with Psalm 50 in the nave. 25. In determining a scheme of this service, the following sources were used: Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, cols. 636-49; Foundoules, To AeiToupyiKov ^pyov, pp. 156-57. Antoniades, "Hepi t o O hayaTiKOU," pp. 198-200 and 339-41. L. Petit, "Antiphone dans la liturgie grecque," Dictionnaire d'archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie, vol. I, part 2, cols. 2480-83. 26. This first antiphon is perhaps comparable to the fixed psalm of Matins in the Roman Church. 60 Table 8 Scheme of the "Chanted" Orthros Nocturnal 1. Opening prayer: EÔloymiévri n BaaiXefa 2. Irenika 3. Pss. 3, 62, 133 4. Amomos: 21 Eli Eisodikon: "At' ^Agpaay icat loaÙK ..." EIII Matinal 5. Biblical Ode of the Three Children (Dan. 3:57-88) 6 . Synaxarion + Petitions 7. Ps. 50 V. 1-13 Hymn: "Upooraofa t Sv XpiOTiavmv" AdÇa ^ Hymn: "*^0 yovoYevfij uidj" Kal vGv Hymn: "Thv UTTepévôoÇov t o u Geou yyrfpa" Tuiv a^mvmv V. 14-21 8 . Kanons 9. Exaposteilaria with Small Litany 10. Lauds: Pss. 148, 149, 150 11. Troparia or Stichera pertaining to day 12. Matutinal Gloria (entrance of priest with cross and Holy Gospel) Kai vuv Kal del "'YTTEpeuAoYnyévn UTrdpxeis" EÎj t o Dj aiü)ua$ tSv aimvmv. ’Ayfiv. 13. Anastasimon Troparion 14. Anastasimon Prokeimenon 15. "^AudOTTiBi Kdpxe & Qed^ you" 16. Gospel Reading 17. Final Petitions and Apolysis 61 a single doxology and a Small Synapti or Litany. This collect is then succeeded by a refrain consisting of the set phrases: "Tr)V oiKOUyévriv* aXXriXodia," "Tnj nauayfa;and a Reading. The Amomos is then chanted with its usual subdivision in three staseis: I = verses 1-72 II = verses 73-131, III = verses 132-176 These three divisions of Psalm 118 were chanted either as three or as six antiphons— depending on whether the stasis division was considered 27 a double antiphon. Each verse of the Amomos was followed by a re frain which remained constant throughout each stasis. The refrain for the first stasis was " ^AXXriXodxa"; for the second, "Euvériadv ye KOpie"; and for the third, " ^AXXr|Xo6 ia." Each stasis also concluded with a doxology. On Sundays, the Great Doxology was chanted: "AdÇa 001 6 Qc6^ O n feast days of the Holy Trinity, however, the following doxology was substituted: "AdÇa ooi Hdrep, AdÇa ooi uié, AdÇa ooi TW ïïveuya jô ayxov, rpictj ctyxa ddÇa ooi."^^ During the chanting of the three staseis of the Amomos, an elabo rate procession takes place. In the first stasis the priest begins by censing the walls of the narthex while circling around them. He then censes the archbishop and all others present in the narthex, after which he returns to the side of the narthex, deposits his censer, and takes the Holy Cross. Approaching from the right side, the priest 27. If the double antiphon is used, the addition of the first and final antiphons would give a total of eight antiphons in the complete service. Cf. Antoniades, "Hepi t o u aayaTiKou," pp. 199, 341, 343; Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 189. 28. Antoniades, "Ilepl t o u aoyuTiKou," p. 200. 62 begins the procession that will carry the Cross to the altar door of 29 the cathedral. With the beginning of the second stasis, which is still chanted within the narthex, one of the altar doors of the church is opened. This procedure is highly significant, for Symeon tells us that the opening of the door is symbolic of the opening of the heavens to accept the Holy Cross.As an introduction to the third stasis of the Amomos, an Eisodikon or Processional hymn is chanted. At this time the entire procession of priests, deacons, archbishop, and choirs leaves the narthex to enter the cathedral proper. As the procession approaches the altar, the other altar door is opened, usually with the 31 singing of the Amomos verse 170. As the psalm ends, the priest carrying the Holy Cross enters the altar area through the middle altar doors; the other priests and deacons enter the altar from the side 32 doors. With the conclusion of this procession, the first part of the Asmatikos Orthros comes to an end. The second part of the "chanted" Morning Office takes place in the main body of the cathedral. This portion of the service is 29. Ibid., p. 199. Also, Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, col. 641. 30. For a symbolic interpretation of the procession of the Asmatikos Orthros, see Alexander Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology, pp. 130-31. Also, Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, col. 637. 31. Antoniades, "Ilepï t o u aayaxiKOU," p. 200, n. 3. In his account of the event, Anthony of Novgorod recalls that the gates of the altar were opened during the Biblical Canticle of the Three Children, not verse 170 of Psalm 118. Cf. Antoine de Novgorod, "La Description," pp. 97-105. 32. Antoniades, "Ilepï t o u aayaxiKou," p. 200. 63 initiated with the chanting of the second part of the Canticle of the Three Children from the book of Daniel 3:57-88, "EuXoveite Trotvta td ,1 33 epyoi." Following this chant comes a reading from the Synaxarion, a book containing the lives of the saints; the reading is terminated with petitions from the priests. After this recited portion, the chanting begins again with the singing of Psalm 50. This psalm is sung in an interesting bipartite division that frames the performance of the Lesser Doxology ("Gloria patri"). This Doxology is divided into three short sections, each of which is preceded by a hymn. (See Table 8 .) 34 Next come the nine Kanons and the Exaposteilaria with a Small 35 Litany. The final antiphon of the Morning Office is then sung. This antiphon consists of the three psalms known as the Lauds or Ainous: Psalms 148, 149, and 150. These psalms were subdivided into sections that ended with the following refrains: 33. The first part of the Canticle is Daniel 3:26-56. Also, on Sun day the Canticle of the Three Children in the furnace does not appear here but after the final antiphon: Psalms 148-150. Cf. Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, cols. 640-41; Strunk, "The Byzantine Office," p. 192. In his description of the "Chanted" Orthros, Antoniades substituted "EÔlcynTÔs KOpxe, 0 Geoj TCÜV Trardpmv fiycjv" for the Canticle, see Antoniades, "Ilepl TOU aayaTiKOU," p. 339. Also, in the musical manuscripts this portion is referred to in the rubrics as the "Eulogetaria." Cf. Athens MS. 2062 fols. 43v-44r and Athens MS. 2061 fols. 25v, 47v, 68v, and lllv. 34. Foundoules subdivides the Kanons into a scheme with interspersed troparia which is somewhat similar to the recitation in the monastic practice. See Foundoules, To AeiToupyiKov ’^Epyov» p. 157. In his description of the Asmatikos Orthros, Symeon does include the Kanons but gives no indication of an interpolation. Antoniades, in his discussion of the service, does not even mention the Kanons. 35. Antoniades does not include the Exaposteilaria. 64 Ps. 148, verses 1-6: "Zol upéirei UVIV05 tS 0eS" " 7-13a: "Adxe 6 6 Çav tu 0ew" " 13b-14: "Au t u TTp^TTEx aiveaxj" Ps. 149, verses 1-2 "Au t u xrpéïïEX axvEOXs " 3-5 "AdÇa oox ayxE iréÎTEp" 6-7 "Yxe 0EOU EXénaov ny%" 8-9 "^EToax nyuv KtjpxE, 6 xa to xrvEUya to ^dyxov” Ps. 150, verses 1-4: "Yxè 0 e o u sAériaov fiya$" " 5-6: "A(5Ça oox t u ô e x Ço v t x t o After this last antiphon, one of three choices may be sung on Sun day: 1) troparia pertaining to the day, 2) the Anastasima Stichera, or 3) the stichera of a feast or a saint. During the week, however, the canticle of Zacharias (Luke 1:68-79) is sung at this time. The Greater Doxology with the added hymn YTrEpEUloyriyevri umdpxcxg" is then sung during which there is another procession with the priest carrying the Holy Cross and the Gospel. Following this procession, three Resurrection hymns are sung on Sundays in this order: One of the Anastasimon Troparia One of the Anastasimon Prokeimena " ’AvdaTT|0x KDpxe o Qe6$ you."36 After these selections the Gospel Reading takes place in front of the ambo. It is followed by final petitions from the priests and choirs and by the Apolysis or closing of the service. 36. With the procession leading to the opening of the altar gates and with the singing of these Resurrection hymns, this morning service seems to reach a climax that is symbolic of Christ's Resurrection accompanied with the singing of heavenly choirs. 65 The Music of Psalm 118 in the "Chanted" Orthros After this description of the complete "Chanted" Orthros, we may now turn to the music of the Amomos chant. In spite of the great amount of music in this cathedral office, musical sources are extremely rare. (This is in direct opposition to the monastic offices, for which a much smaller amount of music is abundantly represented in the Akolouthiai Manuscripts.) Thus far, the music of the 118th psalm in the cathedral rite has been found in only two manuscripts: Athens MS. 2061, dated between 1391-1425, and Athens MS. 2062, dated "not later than 1385." Athens MS. 2062, the earlier source, has only one version of the Amomos chant within its "chanted" rite repertoire; Athens MS. 2061, however, has four versions in different places in the manuscript: folios 23v, 45v, 64r, and 105r. The remainder of this chapter will analyze these five musical settings, which will be identified by let ters as in Table 9. The content of each of the five versions is listed in Table 9, where it can be seen that only selected verses in each stasis are set to music; all staseis, however, follow the same basic pattern. Each begins with an introductory clause derived from its opening verse (la, 73a, and 132a) and concludes with a Gloria Patri, plus its appropriate 37 refrain. A short Synapti or Litany officially ends each stasis. Even though it is not indicated in the table, a refrain follows each verse of the psalm, including the introductory clause. In the first 37. The Gloria is sometimes indicated by a rubric, sometimes actually set to music. The Litany is not always indicated by a rubric, but none of the versions contain music for it. 66 and third staseis, the refrain is a simple " ^AXXriXoOia"; the second stasis, however, has the phrase "Euvériadv ye K'Opie" ("Make me wise, 0 Lord"). Also, at times the first verse of each stasis is preceded with an Amen introduction as indicated in Table 9. Within this basic pattern, the number and choice of verses set to music, as well as portions of incomplete verses, vary in each of the five versions. Numbers alone in Table 9 indicate complete verses that are set to music. The letter ^ or ^ after a number indicates that only the first or second half of the verse is set. The latter indication is not always entirely accurate, however; sometimes the text is only a short phrase that is common to two or more verses. This is the case in version A, verse 24b, and version D, verse 12b, where alternate verse possibilities are indicated in brackets. This situa tion will be discussed more thoroughly in connection with the musical examples. An examination of the first stasis shows that the earlier source, version A, has six verses and the doxology set to music with two set tings of verses 14b and 24b. This version presents a striking con trast to the barrenness of versions B and C. The first stasis of version B has only two verses and not even an indication of the doxology. Version C includes three verses in misplaced order with performance of the doxology designated only by a rubric. Version D is much richer, with ten musical settings including the duplications for verse la and 12b. Richest of all versions, E, sets a total of seventeen, mostly complete, verses and includes rubrics indicating performance of verse 63 and the doxology. Table 9 Verse Schemes of the Amomos in the Cathedral Rite Stasis I A: Ath. 2062 B: Ath. 2061, 23v C: Ath. 2061, 45v D: Ath. 2061, 64r E: Ath. 2061, 105r Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Amen, la Amen, la Amen, la Amen, la la 12 12b 12b 12b [5b, 8a] 12b [5b, 8a, 26b] 14b 14 14b 24b [26b] 26 24b [26b] 27 29 31 32b 38 38 39 40 42 44 50 50b 50 50 Amen, la 51 51 52 54b 56 62 62 62 63 63 (rubric) Gloria Patri Gloria Patri (rubric) Gloria Patri (rubric) Gloria Patri (rubric) Refrain Refrain Refrain Refrain Refrain Litany Litany Litany ON ■vj Table 9 (cont’d) Stasis II A: Ath. 2062 B; Ath. 2061, 23v C: Ath. 2061, 45v D: Ath. 2061, 64r E: Ath. 2061, 105r Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Amen. 73a Amen. 7 3a Amen. 7 3a 73a 73a 73a 73a 73a 73a 73a 126 126 126 126 126 126b 126b 126b 126b 130 130 Refrain Gloria Patri Gloria Patri Gloria Patri Gloria Patri (rubric) Gloria Patri Gloria Patri Gloria Patri (rubric) Refrain Refrain Refrain Refrain Refrain Litany Litany Litany Litany Litany Eisodikon Eisodikon Stasis III Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain Intro. + Refrain 132a 132a 132a 132a 132a Amen. 132a Amen. 132a Amen. 132a 132a 132a 134b 168 168 170a 170 170 Gloria Patri (rubric) Refrain Refrain Refrain Gloria Patri (rubric) Refrain Eulogetaria Eulogetaria Eulogetaria 00 69 In the second stasis two settings of verse 73a and one of verse 126 are present in all five versions. For verse 126b, versions D and E have one and three additional settings, and versions C and D include settings of verse 130. Differences and similarities in the concluding portion of the stasis are clearly shown in Table 9 (p. 67), but it should be noted that only versions D and E include the Eisodikon hymn. In the third stasis all five versions contain two settings of verse 132a, and only versions B and C have rubric indications for the doxology. Versions A, B, and C contain three verses each, with a different middle verse in version B, and versions D and E have only the setting of verse 132a. The rubric which follows this verse in version E perhaps explains the many omissions of verses in the dif ferent versions: "the stasis is to be chanted until the end to this O Q melody, then the Gloria [is chanted]." Knowing that all 176 verses of the Amomos were sung in the "Chanted" Orthros, it seems reasonable to assume from this rubric that all omitted verses in the various schemes were sung to the preceding musical setting. This theory does create a problem— namely, that of adapting the different words of each verse to these fixed melodies. A possible solution is that the melodic formulae could be repeated in an im provisatory style until the end of text. Still one unresolved question remains: would the doxology be sung to the melody of the preceding psalm verse when only a rubric is present? Unfortunately, we may never be provided with an answer to this question. 38. "Wdl[ETai] 6 È Tf|V ardaiv xaura emç rêXo^ eîj to yëXo5 touto* eÎTO ôdÇa koî vOv" as in Athens MS. 2061 fol. lllv. 70 In addition to the different verse schemes in the five versions, 39 there are discrepancies as to the choice of mode for each stasis. Listed in Table 10 are the modal designations along with the starting notes as determined from the martyria in each of the five versions. Of the melodies for Stasis I, both the earlier setting in Athens MS. 2062 (A) and the first version in Athens MS. 2061 (B) are in Mode II Plagal. In the three remaining settings of Stasis I, there is a change; version C is in Mode IV Plagal; D begins in Mode IV Plagal but changes at verse 50 to Mode IV Authentic; E follows the same modal pattern for the beginning and end of the stasis but has a unique change of mode in the middle to Mode III and its derivative Nana Mode. Two modal areas dominate Stasis II in all five settings: Mode II in either its Plagal or Authentic form and the related Nenano Mode. In settings A and B, these two modes are alternated within the stasis; in the other settings the mode remains constant throughout the stasis. It is interesting to note, however, that the Eisodikon hymn, which follows Stasis II in versions D and E, has a change of mode to Mode I Plagal. This change probably influenced the choice of the same mode for Stasis III of these two settings. The other three versions of Stasis III are all in Mode IV Plagal. Even though modal variants in the different settings do exist, two modal areas predominate in all but two settings of the three staseis: the deuteros and tetartos. This predominance is probably not coincidental; Kenneth Levy has proposed that these were the two 39. For an explanation of the modal system of Byzantine music, see Tillyard's "Handbook of the Middle Byzantine Musical Notation," pp. 30-37. Table 10 Modes of the Amomos Verses in the Five Versions from the Cathedral Rite Stasis B D Mode II PI. Mode II PI. Mode IV PI. G Mode IV PI. Mode IV PI. E: Intro.-Gloria E: Intro.-12b G: Intro.-39 G: Intro.-26 A: Refrain A: Refrain Mode IV Auth. Mode III Auth. D: 50-Refrain G: 27 Nana Mode G: 2 9 - 4 4 Mode IV Auth. D: 50-Refrain II Nenano Mode Nenano Mode Mode II Auth. Mode II Auth. Nenano Mode A A: Intro.-73a A: Intro.-73a B : Intro. B : Intro. G: 73a-Gloria G: 73a-126 Mode II PI. Mode II PI. B : Refrain B: 126b E: 126 E: 126 G: 130-Gloria B: Refrain Nenano Mode Nenano Mode A: Refrain A: Refrain Mode I PI. Mode I PI. G: Eisodikon G: Eisodikon Mode II PI. G: Gloria-Refrain III Mode IV PI. G Mode IV PI. G Mode IV PI. G Mode I PI. D Mode I PI. D 72 modal areas most frequently used in the liturgical chants from the earliest times. As has been noted earlier the length and complexity of the 118th psalm make it impractical to discuss in detail the musical settings of all three staseis in the present study. Consequently, analyses will concentrate on the first stasis, and particularly on relationships among settings of the same psalm verse in the five versions of the Amomos chant for the Cathedral Office (see Table 9). Settings of Oi aymyoi ev o6m The introductory clause of the first stasis, 0Î aymyoi ev o6m ^AXXnXodia (derived from verse la), is present in all five sources (Example 1). The different modes used for the settings of this clause immediately suggest a division into two separate families. The music of this Introduction is identical in versions A and B. This chant in Mode II Plagal is based on the rising motive EFGA and is partly neumatic, with a short jubilus on the final syllable of the Alleluia. For the most part, the melody moves stepwise with no skip larger than a third. Its range is narrow, but its shape emphasizes textual accents / / by rising to high points on the syllables of "oDO" and "alleLUia." 40. This idea is postulated by Levy in his article; "A Hymn for Thursday in Holy Week," pp. 127-75. Also, cf. Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia, p. 56. 41. In Byzantine manuscripts, the vowels to which melismas are sung are repeated for each neume. To simplify presentation of the texts, such repetitions have been omitted in the musical examples. 73 The melodies of versions C, D, and E clearly belong to a dif ferent family, although they are not identical. The common bond in these settings is that all are in Mode IV Plagal and all begin with the melodic progression GA. All three are also melismatic settings, with version E being the most highly ornamented. Even though these settings move mostly in stepwise progressions, skips of fourths and even fifths do appear (versions D and E). In version C the GA motive returns continually throughout the melody, and the cadence CBG, which appears in the refrain, is standard for the mode. The settings of versions D and E, however, are so wide in range, so melismatic, and so improvisatory that the motive is often obscured and even lost. The refrains that follow both settings are equally rhapsodic. Furthermore, these refrains are troped with intercalated syllables such as ou, yy, Xe, ~a, which are meaningless but apparently were introduced to vary the vocal quality of the melismas. In the examples, vertical brackets enclose sections of melismas in which these tropes appear. The two settings have a common concluding phrase of twelve notes, with the cadence EFGAFEDE that is more suggestive of Mode II Plagal than of Mode IV Plagal. The Settings of "Amen" and Verse la The two families of chant for the Asmatikos Orthros are even more clearly evident in Example 2, which includes all five settings of the introductory Amen and the first word of psalm verse la. (The continu ation of each version is the same as the melody given in Example 1.) In all five sources the Amen is sung to repeated notes on the starting pitch of the mode. In examining the five melodies of this introduction. 74 Example 1: Versions for the Introduction Intro. R e f r a i n -I > a n d j B U Oi 2_y u / u / "“^*>01 CV O— SiJ 2(L Û-- t — O- *------ Intro. R e f r a i n i - W r r r n i r r i l jv /v y? Æ J Ut A< 0 ",— yju- C."*.» - — £.1/ Ô - (U C. — - 1Û. UX.“ “ -- - fSZailRT#- — *1.0“ “ &•“ — \ Qtf “ “ — — ewe C &"» In t r o . h r-:------1 1 1 1 ..... - 1 1 . ■■'■■. ,, r - 7 ...a m ■■ .------„ . <1 h . r - 7 ~ r ^ I p - V il j : V / ^ ^ " JJJ J A - - - &v O - c-)^~o------^ R e fra in 7 . . . r - | ? . , , . n J U :....m 70“" A - ÿ l - 0 ------Yp. yp a. to. ÎÛ. ,------, ' cadenpo * f 4 = ^ ------F'—^ p r i ------M— [ j j J J''PI 1 i i £ - d \rli- )W ^ J' i i = ypu *— — — —" C — OL. /Ÿn X t------ ^ ^ ” ^eM/“ •“ — “ — I— Qi CV 0— ^0 - 2S Refrain a. 20.— o-— ^L- 0“ CL. x o , - y i- C L — )(&.------X ° — la- ) p CL> ] ' Y S ------1 >f>...... T - 7 - 7- ( p J » - ^ 20.— 20.-' — W c - - x ° ------xe-— A C-'Xe- « c-ynt- * c a d e n c y * [— |)------^ ------— 1 'j — r l * 2 ) - ; V - ...... J ^ ------t ------o - 75 it is found that only two basic melodies exist. Example 2; Versions for "Amen" and Verse la a n d B 'J *A-^ü«nV — - - - — pL- 0(, C 4 f ■!' J’ 0-r:/ f h n ' l V ^ " — — — — — p t " — ^ o t The melodies of versions A and B are again identical, as are, in this case, those of versions C, D, and E. In spite of this clear distinc tion between families, the two melodies have common characteristics. After the opening repeated notes, both move primarily in stepwise / progressions, and both stress the textual accent of "maKArioi" with short melismas that rise to the highest pitch of the phrase. The Settings of Verse 12 The different settings of psalm verse 12 are given in Example 3. Versions A and B are again identical except that version A includes the complete verse, while version B has a setting only for 12b. The melody is in Mode II Plagal and is structured on two motives which are indi cated in Example 3 as A and B. Motive A is based on the ascending pitches EFGA, which were found in the opening formula of the Introduc tion in this mode (see Example 1). On the other hand. Motive B in volves a rise and fall on G ABAC. Both motives usually begin with repeated notes. The intonation formula is formed from the repeated opening pitch followed by the interval of a third. The cadence formula, typical of the mode, is simply the descending pentachord B-E. The first half of this verse has a simple, almost syllabic setting; how ever, verse 12b and the Alleluia refrain are highly melismatic. 76 Example 3: Versions for Verse 12 12a 12b A rrnTônïCTBn rx~ 1 liiLuiiU'tluji 11 Ar -I r-S- and B d k6_ pi_ e. f i t 1 4 f t - w i - à - 1 t-B- -irAr n r-A— I ffou & . ^c,------Ja.'£t£-iit------— J^ou — — — t - a, 20^ \ r s ------1 f~r -3 B Ï' I *7\ cadencecadence ' gU-r^^ryji iJ-jj r m - ' 2Û**" c ” Y^-— —• ILL “ — ZLLt YbU — — — — — — 12b ^ ^ R.fAln c rz 3 'iTXJisüjLMlU.rJ'iu'^ f yS ^o-îo.------ti£, _ — liU- - -U.C*’* - \ ‘ c a d e n c e ' « OL- ^ -^ov ------i - a R e f r a i n -Lik. J anvbiiatlon Ta. ÎL-iuu-i!) .^üi6 ------U-o. aw ou- Z o - - r 5 2 ff:?; f J'trJrUU'fh - - CL(L-^ Jpu t - CL ------ÿ - C"-- ùZ - )^L“è6 — îû------— L" )(C-y — jT ' J ^e»>- ^cadence * -O. — t — a. Refrain 1 2 b * Intonation 5 S vj To. Gi- K at-U -yj-y- - w —^jua,— —T& fbU i J ! ii !• t ii .trji.sj: i I ?■'{ tr 'f, r J' r~rr (J 2o,-jjt"CL %.- y -0-- - you-b-0.-20.-#— CL. - -yL- -0-- ^ ------yt.---- u£._ xL" . n ' cadence ^ > < L* ^ . 0 A*/ t D S im i - 4 ^ /^V V' -tiS^ J 77 A second type of melody for verse 12b is represented with one set ting in version C and two settings of the same verse in D. No music for this verse exists in version E. All three of these settings are in Mode II Plagal. The composition in version C is the simplest and shortest of the three melismatic settings with a range of only a sixth (f’-d"). This melody is based on a three-note motive GAB, which can be reversed in order. The cadence formula is typical and is based on the descending CBAG. The final complete Alleluia is almost identical to the final Alleluia in the Introduction of the same version (Example 1). Both settings of verse 12b in version D are related to one another and are members of the second family of chant. The first musical phrase of each is the same but then the second melody begins to differ. These variances may have resulted from a different composer writing a continuation of this verse for a different choir— providing a contrast in ending. Support for this idea can be found in the rubric preceding the second setting (on folio 64r) that states that it is to be sung by the left choir in response to the right choir.Both settings of the verse itself are structured from the recurring motive GCBA. The Alle luia refrains of both settings are also preceded with intonation formu lae that are sung to the meaningless word "a~ayia.The two formulae 42. The rubric states exactly: "6 éxeT[ai] o àpiarepos x°PÔ5 to OTÎXOV ÏÏPÔ5 TÔ oiuxd • UTraXayn 3'-" 43. For more information on intonation formulae and their function, the reader is directed to the excellent study of J(^rgen Raasted's "Intonation Formulas and Modal Signatures in Byzantine Musical Manuscripts," MMB, Subsidia VII (1966). 78 are different, however, and are not characteristic of the formulae for Mode IV Plagal, but rather for Mode IV Authentic. The intonation for mula in the first setting is based on the melodic outline, AGFEDEFGFD; in the second setting it is based on GGAGFG— clearly from Mode IV. Furthermore, expansions of melody with intercalated syllables take place in both refrains, but these are not identical. The final cadences for both settings are predictable with a descent of a fourth or fifth to a close on G. The Settings of Verse 14 Only two of the five versions of the Amomos chant include settings of verse 14 (Example 4). Version A has two settings of verse 14b in Mode II Plagal, while version E provides a melody in Mode IV Plagal for the complete verse. Of the two settings in version A, the first is attributed to Georgios the domesticos, and the second is labeled "of the same" (t o u o u t o u ) . The neumes of Georgios' first melody are almost completely illegible, but by comparing the beginnings of the two melodies it can be seen that they belong to the same family. Perhaps one is a mutation or elaboration of the other. The setting of 14b is based on two motives: 1) the three-note motive EFE is used at the beginning and ending of the verse proper, and 2) the stepwise ascending 44 pattern D-A is present in the middle as a contrast. After the set ting of the verse proper, a connecting module with the text " A ê y e " (say) follows. A " A ê y e " module is a device used to connect different sections of a chant and also at times to intone the starting pitch of 44. Both motives are characteristic of Mode II Plagal and are found in the Introduction ("’■Aymyoi iv o6^ . . .") of the same source. 79 Example 4: Versions for Verse 14 l4b Modul. ^ I---- 1------tr-ff--1 . J % tto/.tI ■6- T O ■ ■ ■ . R o f r a l n o , ^ / n /pv - L — c u txx.------— } > y ^ ~ A®'*' rg 1------I— X--- 1 I H “ Ç — — 4 — CL- Î.Û- — -- — — - a --- 1 i~ ■ cfifl«nci 1 ^-sj7 1 AT-?--^n— i T n 4fT "-7— r~ I Iif2^ “ ' A°"^- ‘ ---- l4b 1 I T r h " ■'Ev Tm Ô - SC^ TÔV Ti/-pt - wv c w c-Tt^— i-vl-y^L I------1 ^ ' cadenc# • g i g ;•>.../ ^ 7 f/- N P ‘'-f j ’-J l. a;-;.'-! ^ ira,-vft.------a V - T t t t i d O-'S ---_____ a. y| a (/ iK / V — ___ \ / V ______T*T»..I W ---- — — - .ü M - w —l - . J l —\A ^ u ^iaJJ lafraiif , , ^ ______ J S2 -tV J-Jy J j'J i lit ' Hodul* [\- . T n < — n- . ? A_ ^ g ’r^ y ;éisirU . J- / } f t , ■'-' { i c ü u .,/ U 2a--Î0 X&.- X"------^ - 0-- 20^^ zeu " X^" X^ " ^ ^ ------R e f r a i n m "i > » -A' n I . » T' ' , . -i l i i m i 'W r ■'*• — Î6-C----- x&--- ÿ - c.-)li^ ft-— 2°------^ T(L— LtC« — — — — —» — — ^oV “ — — 80 the following section.In this instance, the " A ê y e " module joins the verse proper to the Alleluia refrain. The module is again the stepwise ascending motive D-A, and in essence it serves as an intervallic link between these two pitches. The refrain consists of melismatic repeti tions of Alleluia. At the end of the first repetition, the ascending skip of a fifth, D-A, serves as a link to secure the correct starting pitch of A for the final Alleluia. The refrain begins at a tonal level of F-C, but the latter portion moves to a lower level of D— A. The cadence is based on an AGFEE formula typical of the mode. The complete setting of verse 14 in version E is a representative of the second family. In comparing this setting to the one in version A, one finds it to be even more highly ornamented and improvisatory. The ambitus is unusually wide, encompassing an interval of a twelfth (a to e"), and the large number of progressions of skips— including intervals of a third, fourth, fifth, and sixth— is also unusual. The chant does not begin on the common starting pitch (G) of mode IV Plagal, but rather on A; however, it cadences on the expected final. Structurally this setting is composed, not so much of motives, but of rising and falling thematic shapes and sequences of these shapes. The first pattern begins on the starting pitch of A and is followed by others on B and G. The refrain is stylistically modeled after the entire chant, since it is ornamented and the text is extended with intercalated syllables. The "Adye" module appears in the middle of the refrain and is an unusually long and melismatic link forming the 45. Williams, John Koukouzeles', p. 183. 81 descending skip of a sixth, A to C, between the two parts of the re frain. The chant cadences on the familiar formula CBAG. The Settings of Verse 38 Only versions D and E include settings for verse 38 (Example 5). At first glance these settings appear to be different in melody as well as mode. The setting in version D is in Mode IV Plagal, while the one in E is identified as being in the Nana Node (Mode III). Even though both settings are melismatic, the example in version E contains even more melodic ornamentation. A similarity between the two settings is first noticed in the final cadence, where both end with the same formula: a descending CBAG. Furthermore, several passages in the set ting in D reappear in version E, particularly in the refrain; however, these sections are usually transposed a step higher. These repeated sections are indicated in Example 5 by lettered brackets. Based on these similar passages, the two settings seem to be relatives in spite of their differences. This relationship would follow the general pat tern for the second family of Amomos chants represented by versions C, D, and E. Unfortunately, no setting of verse 38 exists in the two versions (A and B) that are representative of the first family. The Settings of Verse 50 A setting of psalm verse 50 appears in all versions, except B (Example 6). The melody of version A, in Athens MS. 2062, is again by Georgios domesticos and is similar in style to the earlier verse set tings in this manuscript. It is in Mode II Plagal and is structured on the typical motives: a) EFGA, b) AGA, and c) DEFGA. Most of the verse is set syllabically, but with the last two words of 50b the chant 82 Example 5: Versions for Verse 38 s ' 'J, > j y ...... 'J!..J-L j X ? 2 r iri^-tr-cn/ TW SoO~^ Û j, I. J '/ H t TZiztTp ^ l ï ^ - f)Q — — — — — ObO î a - — TXi — — C-ypU"^ — (L' ijCLr~“ ? S i la Za •gfi. ------Zn— X° ^ c - cl. t o . ------Za,-\C •— D ZT-I » » J ' Ü — — — èJ — £. — x^*" — ----— — 6$ — £,— — — — — 2^"* u-t, - — — — — ^ ”” — (" — 38a jnj 33B » S f - J j A '-t-f (f f T T «- f t T r y i f ^ - J 0 1 rl fJ (po ~ io H------— --- - oV tfW-If 2ft. ■" 7Û-— — — —— — — — — — — — 1 I B olmliar > * * C H-rrrirr h ÿH Cr-f‘t ^ ^-- —. — ------Ï .— cu zi “• 2Cl.- Zou- yf'Ct, — — — yC,------% "* * ^ D Btapstap blghar hlgh.r ^7 '______i oadmno# ^ * i-s-- tpl ,--- i- *. I ui ^ 4 ; I1-rR Z. — “ — ~ — — — •— — •— — — — — “ Z» — —* — — •— — — — — ” “ICc” —y^o^ — — — I ■*“ 83 Example 6: Versions for Verse 50 50a 50b nr n r T p y ;}-} ' -j' y> j> j. J flw-T-ti ■nv-jjt/-Ka'^£,- :C|i J j g : : ; ? V ji^i :Q 'J2'Ü J ------\ = c <^£ jujc. R e f r a i n ------r r ------y-g—n—B-1 r~Br-ff------1 r g ------r > C-- lA.- la. ■ — - • r-x—I I— c— -I T~S 1 I I 1 •» — — —» — *“ ■ '■—? Cc. — • — — — ' ' ^ — — — — — 0^5 — — — — ^ 2 ft. I — • * " r ~ B I I g T | g - i J j § h rl^— X*** "— 'c nr —-^ou ——/ - — — rn'■* CL—® % ft. — — • 2=JC 50b la. — Ul.~~ ‘i” Final Alleluia Refrain in Introduction of Version C Cl \--- :-- (T--- p?=7--— >----- rk— -7 f ^ :...J, :„ J- - / ? ; f - / / ^ -J • -LJJ — _— L 50a ^ N T ' ------56b— Ou - ir ^ 3: tt f j p t ] It, 11 TD t l Av- TTa-^C - KO. -^c- S$ i t r Ü ;/ M- r /feTf tiTf yu^£.» ZA* *• -- — - - IjDu — --- — X^*” M — t*"* Zft.*“ Tftr" JL eef-ef. ~r\ n VI0~t A >Z I f• B ^ ' *' cadence * f - ss ^ y Lul-U^-i’J' ’-!' rPrrl ------2CL"" C — H L —------— — — £.- ftt. —èJ — L-yyL" * L— CLx 84 Example 6 (cont'd) 5 0 a 5 0 b \ '/T A '______■' f, * 3,rJc f. rf tHiini ihiko xj/}lia J AÜ-Xfr^ TfCL" pC-“ Kc>-J^t-C£V C*^ Tj5 7ÏL-2/ — Tf 7"^ C“èj"£*“" ^ 0.#. >■ *r-B-T ^ I______--- c— = a ______------:---- 1*. I - . cag#nc#C.d.nc. ^_ » ' R«fraln r\______i______ S a I r f r Q-^-fr rtr/j r f ~ H ' 'J'Jii:JjjJrai v f s I ^ — — — — — — «— '—sS'if ^ C« / J O 10 . - v l ------a. OryL-Oa-J^Oa— — A I y I B SÎ ^a.--- —— — —Ou— — — —2A."^t — — — “'X^“ “ — ^ ""O— * I ~CTChrnüv~i 85 becomes highly melismatic. Melodic progressions are primarily conjunct with occasional skips of a third or fourth. In the middle of the Alleluia refrain, however, a sudden skip of a sixth from C to A takes place. The following section, which begins and ends on A, is a nearly exact quotation of the complete Alleluia refrain to the Introduction of version A (Example 1). This passage is bracketed in Example 6. The chant ends with an elaboration of the typical cadential formula AGFEDE. The remaining three settings of this verse are members of the Mode IV family of chant, although version C is in Mode IV Plagal and versions D and E are in Mode IV Authentic. The setting in version C consists of only the last two words (Içnae ye) of verse 50b set to what could be a standard connective module, for it leads to the start ing pitch of the Alleluia. Following the intercalated syllables, the complete Alleluia text of the refrain begins with the structural out line of the final Alleluia in the Introduction of version C (see Example 6). The jubilus of the Alleluia ends with the cadence CAGFG. Of the three versions in the second family, C bears little resemblance to the other two. Versions D and E are closely related, however, with many melodic correspondences. As may be seen in Example 6, the first lines of the psalm verse are almost identical in the two versions and are structured on an EFED motive. Furthermore, both versions of the psalm verse begin in the upper tetrachord but move to the lower tetrachord before the end of the verse. The refrain of each begins in the lower tetrachord,forms an arch shape extending to the upper tetrachord, then returns to the lower tetrachord in order to 86 cadence on the final. This movement results in a wide range of a tenth or eleventh g'(f')-b". The cadential formula in both versions is a descending stepwise pattern from C to G for both the verse ending and refrain. The Settings of Verse 51 Settings of verse 51 appear only in versions D and E (Example 7). These settings strongly confirm the family relationship, for the two chants in Mode IV Authentic are identical. The simple and nearly syl labic chant contrasts strikingly with the elaborate settings of verse 50 in these two versions. The melody of verse 51 has a range of a seventh, from g’ to f", and except for a few skips of a third, the melodic progressions are entirely stepwise. An unusual aspect of this verse setting is its clearly repetitive form: AA'B. (The repeat has a slightly varied ending.) This form does not correspond with the division of the verse and is completed by the refrain which returns to the range of section A and cadences with the formula FEFED. Example 7: Versions for Verse 51 5 1 » 5 1 b D and E V Svf^M 6v< ) -f V -V 1 IJ k [J . i. V The Settings of Verse 62 Settings of psalm verse 62a and b are found in three of the ver sions: A, D, and E (Example 8). The melody of version A, again in Mode II Plagal by Georgios domesticos, is a syllabic, recitative-like 87 Example 8: Versions for Verse 62 6z« 62b AfrfO-Vu-WM'CV 6 ■]£."j(tl-|:>0"^Jy toV n* t-v \ Ta fja.-ra^ m ~^-' ± £ Hodul» ■ Hirfaln" I------1 2 3 ^ — — — — - —^C* CL— 20-— — — -- —— - It- y — — — *• t •“ Ou OU — 2o_- ~cAd«nc» - Î O . - ■ 62a 62b \ 1 “ 1 • <•.' I \ p ^ . iu ,■' /< 1‘ Ij K -W-" /j ..rrrV/ r r ' f / J~r'*/‘ f~r— V Afj-O _ W K - Tt'OV' c- J£,'ÿ’£L-^-/>|/TiC t-70- wo - lO - yWf-zlt «bj. c -?7t To. tcoi-/uur To. f ■■j.ii.i.-a— ------Rafraln ' ' t l U i l l f t ^H'-r i- ; 'O- a W ; ^ ”^'^5 — — — —— — OV"“Wa^ —— — — — — — G t > 0 CL — — — — — ^rt- — — — — — — ?-- ,;|- Bxpanalon ^1 -| y n 7~>n^ I q - — ,— I r ~ n d — - — L & -- 15 - Erto.-ucj--^ -- t— ÎOL— UL— ----- 7Û-— tCu— yi - H .f: t T r /-f r A - f r A l r f. fr r..f ^ ; 1 w 1 CL ÎÛ.*" ^ L “ Û- j)yL — — — — — 65 — & — — — — — — — — .20.'-' ia.~t-H-C-)^trUL-^— 45 — N ,---- r - r - ^ '.. • -•’ --- p— r/~f— f~î~'î f f 'f~M'(^f ~f f 'r f— — ■) .ip~ ij I i [A LU a J I I ^■JSI!^-- ^-6 i.-^"i-^ou - Ï— OL. 88 Example 8 (cont'd) 62m 62b A 0 A't-ro- vdK-TiW C-|C-^£t-pc-/^V c-jjo-^t>-^0-ÿtîf-55ta m KpC— J ^ “ Ta> -.-- 1 ^ I--- ' -1 f cm^nc. r, I n f n '»______ r ^ > Expansion ^ "I 1 n V * • # -f- — k -f r r f r - f . % y = p ^ & = ■ ■ . ... - ^ U t; y — ti_î— j j j - . [ j . — •—TA.*— — — A* — — V A S 3a )^a.-« - a,-^K é 0 U I— — Ou 89 declamation until the final word "diKaioadvn" (dikaiosini), which re ceives a melismatic setting in the lower range. Characteristic of the mode, the melody begins with a rising motive in the tetrachord of E to A which is repeated three times. An extended outline of this motive appears in the melisma which follows. The motive returns in the "Aêye" module with an extension up to B to connect the psalm text with the refrain. In the highly melismatic refrain similar passages occur with only slight modification. The version ends with the cadence formula AFGFGEE. The two settings of verse 62 in versions D and E again demonstrate how closely related the two sources are. Both are in Mode IV Authentic and both are structured on a motive, DEFED, that is characteristic of the mode. The melodies of the verse proper differ only slightly until their final phrases. At this point version D descends to a cadence on G, but version E remains in the c " - f " range and ends on D. The refrains of the two versions differ from each other more widely. Version D makes much greater use of the DEFED motive and cadences on the final D. The refrain of version E begins with this motive, but quickly moves to a higher range and then descends to a final cadence on G. It is noteworthy that the cadences of the re frains in the two versions reverse the pitches on which the verses proper ended. In the refrains of both versions, the DEFED motive seems to have been expanded by brief insertions with intercalated syllables as indicated in Example 8. This process occurs twice in version E. In each case these expansions return to the last part of the motive. Both versions have a wide ambitus : a ninth (g'-a") in 90 version D; a tenth (g'-b") in version E. Verse 62 is the last verse of Stasis I that appears in more than one version. The unique setting of verse 63 in version D is the last verse with music in the first stasis in any of the five versions. Following the psalm verses, rubrics in all versions except B call for the doxology, but no version provides a musical setting for it in Stasis I. It may be assumed that choirs accustomed to performing the "chanted" services had a common repertory of doxology chants which the scribes thought unnecessary to copy. Consequently, the selection of a doxology in the appropriate mode was left to the singers. The Final Alleluia Following the doxology, the first stasis in each version ends with a melismatic Alleluia refrain (see Example 9). As might be ex pected, these final refrains in versions A and B are identical. Furthermore, this melody is not entirely independent of preceding musical material. In fact, it is a direct quotation from the end of verse 12b and the beginning of the refrain in versions A and B (see Example 3). The setting of this refrain in Mode II Plagal is not complex. Progressions are predominantly stepwise; the ambitus is only a sixth (from d ’ to b'); and intercalated syllables are not introduced until the cadence. Even though the refrain is melismatic, it is not the highly ornamented, expansive type of melody that appears in versions D and E. 46. Doxology settings at the end of the second stasis are found in versions C and D, but only rubrics appear at the end of the third stasis. 91 Example 9: Versions for the Final Alleluia I n t o n a t i o n ~\ nX 1 * ® I I B I I cadanc# ' a n d - p 7] îQi: J! .. J / ) .->jy-^- „ é i : ± = j : : I ---- 7a" ttc \ ' I ' yv / _— I '______L . ~ l I cttdanea > i V ^«1 - ^ou - t a. a •AA">"/V’^------1------(u d.-^O—TA- \ I > I y % r - ' ' ' n I Mad. c a a a p f * i f " A" ^ 0 L CL> CU *" “■ — — — —“^ caJ — — — —— — — — _ — ^ — — — — — — —. —— .... — £L* _ t / r * ^ n > > ' >______#. > 2 A ^ ^ - I i r B ^ ^ - t v b r t a ^ L L P b U i m ^ kJ — — — — 2CL — — — — — — — — — — ^ — — — 2û,*“ tlC/ — — — — —— ^ "2 0_ 5-, ry-f-4-Q-ë"" ' w ir MJ i i ^ f f _ 7 ■ m-I±Il^ » ^ ' r u __ — 2CL------%CU — Z y - V ff/ f— r f t - y L -t_. -0, J ’A-^yn~)fi6-V--a. i.-^-^oJ KoJ-’t-O- a, ------— ^L~~ TfÇ/YJr ^ “"'Q-' •“ — — — — — — — w — —a""Ou"" ÿÿû» _ _ ... —— — — — X t' ““ tf ” *“ £|»““ " -f-'. . ' n______. A n *1 ri ‘*>7^ tj., T£/ f I'f, 4lh4-U U -.d.J.. i .U t-iSJ-J-jJ ---- — — — - — ---- pç^-- — — — — — (,__0u ou* ^Ou““ — — — — — — — ÛJ- c a a # n c # A / u ■A- 92 The Alleluia in version C is also simple, without elaborate orna mentation. The melodic range is only an interval of a fourth (b' descending to f), and the progression is again mostly stepwise. Ver sion C is in Mode IV Plagal but revolves entirely on the interval of the third G-B (except for a single F) and cadences on G. Strangely enough, this bears some resemblance to the melody of versions A and B. The refrains transmitted in versions D and E are related mutations of the second family. Both settings are in the Authentic Mode IV, and both are extremely ornamented, using intercalated syllables for pur poses of melodic extension. Skips of thirds, fourths, and fifths com monly occur in both settings, and the general tessitura of both is quite high. The melody of version D has a range of a ninth (g'-a"), while that of version E spans a tenth ( a ' - c ' " ) . Each setting is structured on the now familiar motive from Mode IV, DEFED. This motive appears throughout the setting in version D except for a short passage that expands into the lower range of the mode and leads to a medial cadence, CBAG, more representative of the plagal than the authentic mode. The final cadence, DECD, however, is typical of the Mode IV Authentic. The final refrain in version E has an opening similar to that of the preceding refrain in the same version (see Example 8). Both are based on the motive DEFED, and in both the final Alleluia breaks away from this motive and proceeds to a highly melismatic section with intercalated syllables. In version E several paired phrase repeti tions, either exact or somewhat varied, contribute to the unusual length of the final refrain, which cadences with the formula FDE. 93 Relationships Within Families From a comparison of the settings of verses in the first stasis common to the five versions, certain conclusions can be reached. The most important discovery is the existence of two basic families of melodies for the Asmatikos Orthros. Version B has only four settings in the first stasis (Examples 1, 2, 3, and 9), but all are identical to those in A. The music in versions A and B comprises one family of chant that is in Mode II Plagal and is basically simple in character, with little melodic ornamentation. The settings in versions G, D , and E are members of a second family. In this second family, the settings in D and E are more closely related and similar to each other than to the settings in version C. Certain similarities between version C and the first family of chant, especially in Example 9, suggest that version C might be a l i n k between the first family of chant to the second. Such a relationship is merely speculative, however, since no definite proof exists. Version C does have definite affinities to the melodies in the remaining two sources, although it is a simpler type of chant, perhaps more comparable to the first family in style. The settings in versions D and E, on the other hand, are generally very melismatic and are characterized by much ornamental figuration. Of the two versions, E is more elaborate, with more embellishments and higher vocal ranges. This source also provides many more verse set tings than any other version. Since tbe second family of chant contains so much melodic orna mentation, one might assume that it represents a later style than the simpler settings of the first family. Dimitri Conomos, however, warns 94 against such an assumption. He states that "melodic ornamentation should not be viewed as evidence either for stylistic development or for chronological progression."^^ Melodic ornamentation and melismatic extension were commonly used in Byzantine chant from the earliest times along with syllabic settings. Perhaps the choice of either family was dependent upon the singers at hand and the character of the service, with more elaborate settings used for greater feast days and less elaborate ones for ordinary ser vices or lesser feasts. Another possible explanation for the two families of chant and their modal dichotomy is that they illustrate the different practices of two localities, such as Constantinople and Thessaloniki. Although no connections with these cities are indicated in our sources, other manuscripts containing a different type of Amomos— particularly the version for laymen— assign various settings to one or the other city, which may support such an explanation for the families of the "chanted" Orthros. In these two families, an interesting feature of composition is the use of migrating melodies. This was a technic lying somewhere beteen contrafacta and centonization in which a melody for one psalm verse is adapted to another. At times the adaptation did not involve a complete melody but rather migrating phrases within melodies. Also, the repetitions of melodies or phrases were not always literal but were subject to variational technics as well. In Byzantine chant this common phenomenon of wandering melodies evolved into two classifica tions: 47. Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia, p. 150. 95 1) Intra-Psalm Migration— in which melodies are retained from verse to verse within a psalm, and 2) Inter-Psalm Migration— in which melodies wandered from one psalm to another.48 Obviously, this second type does not apply to our discussion in this study. Of all the settings of verses (refrains and doxologies) in each version, all of the versions demonstrate the technic of Intra-Psalm Migration to some degree. As is shown in Table 11, versions A and B do not use the device as prominently as do versions C, D, and E. (In the table the brackets indicate settings that have migrating melodies or phrases in common.) The instance of migrating phrases in version A and B has already been discussed on pages 90-92. Versions C and D both make use of migrating phrases in two instances, and in version D as many as four verses and the Alleluia refrain of Stasis I incorporate portions of the same melody. Version E contains four occurrences of migrating phrases, with a minimum of two related set tings to a maximum of five (four psalm verses and the Alleluia refrain). From Table 11 it is evident that these wandering melodies usually take place in groups of verses arranged in the order of their appearance in the manuscript. An exception to this occurs in version E, where verse 54 is present but is set to a new melody. In each instance of wandering phrases in the five versions, the melody is never repeated in its entirety. Usually the pattern is that the ensuing verse begins with the same or nearly the same melody but 48. Williams, John Koukouzeles', p. 243. Table 11 Migrating Melodies A: Ath. 2062 B: Ath. 2061, 23v C: Ath. 2061, 45v D: Ath. 2061, 64r E: Ath. 2061, 105r ZI 12a & b EX 12a & b EX None EX 50a & b EX 29a & b Alleluia Refrain Alleluia Refrain 51a & b 31a & b 62a & b 63a & b 38a & b Alleluia Refrain 40a & b 42a & b 44a & b 51a & b 52a & b 56a & b 62a & b Alleluia Refrain EXX None EXX None EXX 126a & b EXX 126a & b EXX 73a 130a & b Doxology 126a EXXX None EXXX None EXXX 168a & b EXXX None EXXX None 170a & b VO OV 97 changes midway through the chant and in most cases has a different ending section and final cadence. Use of this technic of migration for the 118th psalm perhaps reflects its antiphonal performance in the service, with the verses being sung alternately by the right and left choirs of the Hagia Sophia. The method of performance of the Amomos chant is easily per ceived from rubrics for the first stasis of the two more complete versions D and E (see Table 12). The Introduction followed by the Amen intonation and verse la is chanted by the precentor or domesticos. In version D the repetition of verse la is then chanted "all from the choir" (oXXoi amb xopou). Interspersed among the verses, the rubric "change" ("uTraXayn") denotes the chanting of the right choir. Each source indicates and numbers five such changes, which always occur on even-numbered verses. The chanting of odd-numbered verses by the left choir is indicated by rubrics that include the word "left" ("apiaxepd^") . In version E the scribe has also numbered two of the changes or "aXayya" for the left choir (see verses 39 and 63).^^ Ver sions D and E do not have rubrics that indicate right or left choir for every verse set to music, but it seems probable that, after the first verse was chanted by the domesticos and then repeated by the two choirs, the right choir sang all even-numbered verses and the left choir, all odd-numbered ones. This type of antiphonal chanting must have exploited the acoustical properties of a large cathedral such as the Hagia Sophia, 49. The word "aXayyot" is a different word for "change" that is used only in describing the left choir in this version of the Amomos. 98 Table 12“ Comparison of Rubrics in Stasis I Version D Version E Rubric Verse Rubric Verse Intro. Intro. Precentor Amen, la Amen, la All choirs la 1st change 12b(5b,8a) 1st change 14 And immediately the left choir responds with melody [15] 2nd change 26b 2nd change 26 (12b,5b,8a) Received by the left [choir] [27] Left [choir] change 27 29 31 32 3rd change 38 3rd change 38 Received by the left 2nd change received by [choir] 39 the left [choir] [39] 40 42 44 4th change 50 4th change 50 Change received by the left choir 51 52 54b 56 5th change 62 5th change 62 Left [choir] 63 4th change left choir [63] a The verses in brackets are only rubric indications and not musical settings. 99 and rubrics also call for varied levels of dynamics in the chanting of certain verses. In versions B and E, verse 73a of Stasis II was to be chanted "by the choir in a softer declamation ("airb xopou eaoi iK(j)(jijvriaxv") , and in versions C and D verse 126 of the same stasis should be sung by the domesticos in a "louder voice" ("YEywvdTEpos rubric before verse 12 in versions A and B shows that censing always took place during the singing of that verse. Other rubrics specify that with the chanting of verse 168 the procession had entered into the cathedral proper (from the narthex)— with verse 170 always being chanted inside the temple. In comparison to the Amomos chants of the monastic rite, for which many composers are identified, few attributions to composers are in cluded in the "chanted" Orthros. How sparsely identified are the set tings in all five versions may be seen in Table 13. No attribution is indicated in the third stasis of any version, and in the first stasis, only versions A and E give composers' n a m e s . T h e second stasis of all four versions in Athens MS. 2061 acknowledges the contributions of more Byzantine composers. Only version A has no attribution indicated in the second stasis. In Table 13 the number of settings in each stasis that are attributed to a particular composer is given in paren theses after his name. The name, however, is not necessarily mentioned in every attribution. After the first reference to a composer, rubrics often say no more than "of the same" (" t o u a U T O u " ) . 50. The settings of Korones and Christophoros of version E in Stasis I were not included in the discussion of musical examples, since they did not offer comparative verse settings to the other versions. Table 13 Attributions to Composers in the Asmatikos Orthros Ath. 2062 Ath. 2061, 23v Ath. 2061, 45v Ath. 2061, 64r Ath. 2061, 105r ZI Georgios, None None None Korones (3) domesticos (6) Christophoros (1) ZII None Christophoros (1) Georgios Georgios Christophoros (4) Panaretos (2) Panaretos (4) Germanos (1) Moschianos (1) EIII None None None None None o G ■ 101 From a total of 110 settings in the three staseis of all five versions, no more than twenty-three are attributed to a total of only five composers. Even though the attributions are few, these com posers were all reputed musicians of the Empire, comparable in rank to Leonin, Perotin, and Machaut in western Europe. Brief identifications of the five men are given below: 1) Georgios, the domesticos/Ceorgios Panaretos (the two names were used interchangeably for the same person)— a tenth-century composer who was the son of the composer Panaretos Patchada.51 2) Xenos Korones— an eleventh-century Peloponnesian composer who became the protopsaltes, first cantor, of the Hagia Sophia. 3) Christophoros Patrikios— a twelfth-century composer from Mytilene, commonly known as Christophoros.53 4) Germanos [the New]— musician-composer who had been a deacon of the Great Church and later became the Patriarch of Constantinople from 1222-1240. He was known as "the New" to distinguish him from Germanos, Patriarch of Constantinople (715-730).54 5) Moschianos— it is uncertain whether this attribu tion refers to Constantinos Moschianos or to Georgios Moschianos, the domesticos 51. George Papadopoulos, lOygoXai Tfjv ^OTopfav rng Trap* ^KKXTiaiaaTiKnS youoiKHS (Athens: TUïïOYPa(j)efov KouaouAfvou Kai ^A0avaaid6oo, 1890), pp. 257-58. 52. Ibid., pp. 266-67. 53. Ibid., p. 267. 54. Ibid., p. 269. 55. Velimirovid, "Byzantine Composers in MS. Athens 2406," p. 17. 102 The use of the Amomos in the "Chanted" Orthros presents a striking contrast to versions of this psalm in monastic services. As opposed to the abundance of manuscripts containing the Amomos for the Monastic Orthros and funeral services, only a few sources contain the Amomos for the "Chanted" Orthros. Furthermore, the monastic versions provide settings of many more verses, including multiple settings of the same verse by different composers. The greater number of attributions and settings make the monastic versions of the Amomos a much more complex repertory, not so easily divided into the two-family relationship of the Amomos for the cathedral rite. CHAPTER V THE AMOMOS IN OTHER LITURGICAL SERVICES Besides the use of the 118th psalm in the Asmatikos Orthros, the Amomos played a major role in other important liturgical services of Byzantium. It formed part of the weekday services of the Mesonyktikon (Midnight Office) and appeared in the Saturday and Sunday services of the monastic Orthros (Matins).^ It was also sung in the special serv ices for the Taking of the Greater and Lesser Habits and in the Nekrosimon Akolouthia, the Repertoire of chant used in the various services for the dead. The incorporation of this text in so many diverse services contrasts with the Roman rite, where the 118th psalm 2 was only chanted during the Lesser Hours on certain Sundays. This chapter will examine the function and placement of the Amomos in these different services of the Byzantine rite. 1. The usage of the 118th psalm in so many services in the Byzantine rite is perhaps no accident. Based on the contents of verse 164 ("Seven times a day do I praise Thee . . ."), Dugmore states that this psalm might have suggested the practice of prayer in litur gical services as early as the fourth century. See Clifford William Dugmore, The Influence of the Synagogue Upon the Divine Office (London; Oxford University Press, 1945), p. 69. Duchesne also states that verse 164 suggested prayer throughout the day and resulted in the development of the canonical hours. Cf. Mgr. L. Duchesne, Christian Worship: Its Origin and Evolution, trans. from the 4th French ed. by M. L. McClure (London: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1967), pp. 448-49. 2. Cf. C. Marbach, Carmina Scripturarum scilicet Antiphonas et Responsoria (1907; reprint ed., Hildesheim: Georg 01ms Verlags- buchhandlung, 1963), pp. 225-31. Also, see The Liber Usualis (Tournai, Belgium: Desclée & Co., 1938), pp. 226-247. 103 104 I. MesonyktIkon When the Mesonyktikon or Midnight Service appeared as an office in the Byzantine rite is unknown, but it is almost a certainty that the office was derived from the celebration of the all night vigil in 3 the monasteries. The basis of this office was probably founded on the second coming of Christ, for Christians thought that Christ would return at about the same time that He arose from the sepulcher— which was during the middle of the night either on Holy Saturday or Easter Sunday.^ The passage in Luke 12:37-38 perhaps indicates most clearly the purpose of this office: "Blessed are those servants whom the master finds awake when he comes. . . . If he comes in the second watch, or in the third, and finds them so, blessed are those servants." According to the Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus, prayers at the third, sixth, and ninth hours along with the morning and evening prayers were being observed by the third century.^ Thus, it is not an assumption that three hours after Compline, in keeping with the 3. FempYXoj F. MireicaTwpoj, "Meoovuktikov," 0HE VIII, col. 1022. 4. Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, PC, CLV, cols. 549-552; F. MirEicaTwpo; , "MeoovuktikÔv ," col. 1022. 5. Dom Gregory Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (London: Westminster Dacre Press, 1945), pp. 62-65. Dugmore, Influence of the Synagogue, p. 67. Also, Jungmann gives an exegesis as to why the third, sixth, and ninth hours were chosen as hours of prayer. Cf. Josef A. Jungmann, S.J., The Early Liturgy, trans. Francis A. Brunner (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1956), pp. 100-102 and p. 104; Mgr. L. Duchesne, Christian Worship, p. 447. 105 three-hour or Trinity division, the Mesonyktikon service was added.^ In support of the practice of midnight prayer, Origen in Egypt ad- 7 vacated prayer to God every night. The practice was already ob served by St. Paul and Silas, who prayed and sang hymns at the mid- g night hour while imprisoned at Philippi. In his writings Tertullian also mentioned the Christian practice of prayer at midnight; however, 9 he did not describe the service in detail. The office of Mesonyktikon does not correspond to any office in the Roman rite. As the name indicates, the office was to be cele brated at midnight, but more often than not it directly preceded the Matins service. On Sundays, when monastic offices were usually con tinuous, there would sometimes be no pause between the two services. When a vigil or agrypnia was celebrated, however, the Mesonyktikon was completely omitted.Furthermore, as an Office, the Mesonyktikon was considered to be of lesser importance and solemnity and was celebrated in the narthex. 6. In his writings Cyprian states that the Trinity was acknowledged every three hours, so that the hours were a celebration of the "sacrament of the Trinity." St. Cyprian, Liber de Oratione Dominica X X X I V , PL, IV, col. 559. Also cf. Dugmore, Influence of the Synagogue, p. 66. 7. Origen, Libellus De Oratione, PC, XI, col. 452. 8. Acts, 16:25. Cf. Foakes Jackson and Kirsopp Lake, The Beginnings of Christianity: The Acts of the Apostles IV: Translation and Commentary (London: Macmillan and Co., 1933), 196-98. 9. Ad uxorem libri duo, 11:4, PL, I, cols. 1 4 0 6 - 0 7 . 10. E. Mercenier, "L'Office de Minuit selon le rite Byzantin," Irënikon XI (1934), 89-192: Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, The Festal Menaion (London: Farber and Farber, 1969), p. 45. 106 Two ordines of the Mesonyktikon exist: the weekday ordo from Monday through Friday; and a different ordo for Saturday.Although there is no official ordo for Sunday, the first part of the Mesonykti- 12 kon is celebrated. Moreover, the service is not observed on Satur day of the Akathistos, Holy Friday, Great Saturday, and on days in 13 which an all night vigil is kept. In this office the Amomos chant is found only in the weekday ordo, which is divided in two parts. Psalm 118 is found in the first divi sion as Kathisma XVII, where it is always read in three staseis. An outline of the two sections of this service with their component parts is given in Table 14 (see p. 107). From this table it can be seen that the Amomos is always preceded by Psalm 50 and followed by recitation of the Nicene Creed. Probably the Amomos was excluded from this office on Saturdays and Sundays because it appears in the Orthros service for those days. In any case, the Mesonyktikon service on Saturday sub stitutes Kathisma IX (Pss. 6 4 - 6 9 ) for Kathisma XVII. Even though there is sufficient evidence of the practice of ob serving the midnight service, the question arises why the lengthy 118th psalm was included in this lesser office. A possible explanation may be found in the text of the psalm, for in verse 62 the psalmist states 11. r. MireKaTüjpo5 ," MeaovuKTXKov, " col. 1022. In this article in cols. 1023-25, MxTGKaTwpo^ gives a detailed analysis of the differ ent ordines and their divisions. 12. Ibid., col. 1024. On Sundays and days of feasts, the second part of this office, which is devoted to the dead, is omitted. 13. Ibid., col. 1022. 107 Table 14 Scheme of Weekday Mesonyktikon^ Initial Prayers First Part ^ 1. Introduction: "Aeuxe irpo0KUvncni)viev" 2. Psalm 50 , 3. Kathisma XVII (AMOMOS) 4. Nicene Creed 5. Trisagion and the Lord's Prayer 6. TropariaC 7. Gloria and Theotokion 8. Prayers Second Part (Omitted on Sunday) 1. Introduction: "Aeuxe TTpoatcuvnamyev" 2. Psalm 120 3. Psalm 133 4. Trisagion and the Lord's Prayer 5. Troparia*^ 6. Gloria and Theotokion 7. Prayers Dismissal Mutual Pardon Final Supplications This scheme of the service is based on Mercenier's "L'Office de Minuit selon le rite Byzantin," Irënikon, pp. 92-103; MtreKaxwpo^, "MeaovUKXiKov," cols. 1023-25; 'fipoXdyiov xo Meyot, 6th edition (Athens: xpj ’AiroaxoXxKnj Aia On Saturday Kathisma IX is substituted, and on Sunday Kanons and troparia to the Trinity are chanted. On Monday through Friday troparia are sung in Mode IV Plagal. On Sundays one sings an hypakoe in the appropriate mode; on feast days, however, the troparia of the feast are chanted. On Satur days, troparia in Mode II are sung. On feast days the Kondakion of the feast is sung. On other days troparia in Mode II Plagal are sung. 108 that he "rose at midnight to give thanks to God for His righteous judgements." II. The Taking of the Schemata In Eastern Monasticism, the Amomos was known to have been chanted in the special services of the Taking of the Habit or Schemata.This applied to the habit for nuns as well as for monks,This section will examine the Taking of the Habits for monks with an emphasis on use of the Amomos in these services. According to their stages of service Byzantine monks were classi fied as 1) novices, 2) those wearing the Lesser Habit, and 3) those who had attained the Greater Habit. As a novice of six months, the monk was tonsured and received his first tunic (xxTmv) and tall cap (KaXxyyauxiov). This service for the first clothing was designated as the ■’AKoXouSia eij apxctpiou paao(f)OpouvTa or Officium in Novitum Habi- tum.A f t e r a three-year apprenticeship as a novice, the monk re ceived what was known as the mandyas (yavduag) or the Lesser Habit (t5 yiKpov axnyoi). At this time the monk was again tonsured (but in 14. In the Eastern rite the term "Schema" (oxpya) refers to the clerical dress. 15. The service for nuns was designated as the ’A k o Xo o Gi o t o u ayxou oxnyaTO^ TÙJV ïïapGevmv. For this service see Michaël Wawryk, "Initiatio Monastica in Liturgia Byzantina," Orientalia Christiana Analecta CLXXX (Rome: Pont. Institutum Orientalium Studiorum, 1968), 108-12 in Appendix. 16. For this service see Jacobus Goar, Euchologion Sive Rituale Graecorum (1730; reprint ed., Graz: Akademische Druck-U. Ver- lagsanstalt, 1960), pp. 378-79; e {>x o X6y x o v t o Meya (1862; reprint ed., Athens: t o G Iic6o t x k g G o x k o u "*AoTnp," 1970), pp. 188-89). 109 the form of a cross) and received a new habit which consisted of the monastic cloak (yavôOaj) accompanied with a tunic, belt, cap, and sandals. This service was known as the ^AtcoXouSfa tou MiKpou Sxhyaxoj, PTOI TO? yavôfou or Off icium Parvi Habitus id est Mandiae.^^ It was the receipt of this mandyas that made the novice a true monk. Also, it was with this service that the vows for monkhood were taken with the ordination usually administered by the abbot of the monastery known as the hegumenos (nyodyevog). The origins of this service can be dated around A.D. 500 with a ceremony known as the "sacrament of monastic ^ 18 perfection" (jjuOT^ipiov yovaxtKTij TEXeiüioEWj). One of the first descriptions of a service celebrating the Taking of the Habit by a monk 19 was given in the sixth century by Dionysius Areopagita, but the 20 service was not observed regularly until the eighth century. After having proven oneself as a monk for several years, an even higher habit could be received as the greatest reward for those who had accepted the ascetic life. This service was known as the Great Habit, 17. Goar's Euchologion describes this rite on pp. 382-89; in the E^xoXdyioy TÔ M^yg the service is on pp. 190-99. 18. Adrian Fortescue, "Eastern Monasticism," The Catholic Encyclo pedia X, 469. 19. De ecclesiastics hierarchia VI, ii, PG, III, col. 533. 20. Michaël Wawryk indicates that the testimony for the Taking of the Lesser Habit is found in the Barberini Euchologion dating from the eighth century. See Wawryk, "Initiatio Monastics in Liturgia Byzantina," 84. In Dmitrievskij 's "E^jyoXdyia" the earliest Taking of the Schema (in this case the Great Habit) is from 1027 in Codex Coislin 213, an Euchologion from the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale, cf. Aleksej Dmitrievskij, Opisanie Liturgi%eskikh Rukopisei II (1901; reprint ed., Hildesheim: Georg 01ms Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1965), 1028-30. 110 ’AtcoXouBia too MeyaXoo Koti ^AyYEXiKoo SxnyaTOS or Off icium Magnl et 21 Angelici Habitus. For all practical purposes, this service was the same as for the lesser habit and consisted of a renewal of the vows. Monks who received this habit, however, were given a larger and more distinguished role as chief dignitaries and superiors in the ^ . 22 monasteries. The Taking of the Lesser and Greater Habits is a tripartite service that ordinarily takes place during the Liturgy before the Epistle and Gospel readings. The first part of both services, a catechism, consists of questions by the hegumenos and answers from the monk confirming his profession of monkhood. It is at this time that the monk voluntarily accepts all the obligations imposed upon him and recites an affirmation of the necessity of an ascetic life. The second section is comprised of the tonsuring and the actual acceptance of the vestments. It is during the tonsuring that the Amomos is chanted in 23 this service. Symeon offers an explanation for the tonsuring which also perhaps explains the reason for chanting the Amomos at this time: the shaving of the monk's head (in the form of a cross) is a personal 21. Goar describes this service on pp. 403-14; in the Euxoloyiov to Meyg, on pp. 199-219. Also see Symeon of Thessaloniki, De poenitentia, PG, CLV, cols, 489-504. In col. 489 Symeon explains how the Great Habit received its name. 22. Some opposition to this habit, which imposed a class distinction among monks, did exist. St. Theodore of Studion stated his ob jection: "As there is only one baptism, so is there one habit." See St. Theodore of Studion, Testamentum, PG, XCIX, col. 1819, chapter cB'. For general information on the classification of monks, see Adrian Fortescue, "Eastern Monasticism," pp. 467-72. 23. The monk is tonsured in the shape of the cross and in the name of the Trinity. Ill sacrifice from his body to the Lord— just as Christ sacrificed His body on the cross for the salvation of mankind. Consequently, the Amomos is chanted as a funeral anthem to represent an analogy to the 24 death of worldly pleasures. The third part of the service returns to the Liturgy itself. The scheme of the Taking of the Lesser Habit is given in Table 15 (see p. 112). Minor variations between the ceremonies for the Lesser and Greater Habits do exist, the biggest being that the Greater Habit is usually celebrated in the Liturgy of a vigil. Preparations for the ceremony then begin with Vespers, when the garments of the future wearer of the Great Habit are brought to 25 the altar table for sanctification. The service begins with the monk in the narthex for the singing of the antiphons. He is then escorted in an Eisodikon or Processional to the center of the church in front of the ambo where various litanies are chanted. The procession ends in the solea where the monk kneels in front of the altar door. He then prostrates himself for the catechism. III. Orthros The Amomos was also chanted in the monastic office of Orthros, the Byzantine equivalent to the Western office of Matins. Unlike the Western morning services, which consist of two separate Hours (Matins 24. Symeon, "Ti xwv xpiywu aripotavei Koupa," De Poenitentia, PG, CLV, col. 493. 25. The complete vigil which includes the celebration of the Greater Habit is included in the fifteenth century EiixoAoyiov MS. No. 73 (274) from the Patriarchal Library. See Dmitrievskij, Opisanie Liturgiceskikh Rukopisei II, pp. 512-17. 112 Table 15 Taking of the Lesser Habit^ First Part Antiphons Eisodikon Gloria (AoÇa) Kontakion of the Day (Kai vuv) Troparia of the Day Catechism Blessing Second Part Tonsuring— Chanting of Ps. 118 Acceptance of Vestments: Tunic (xiTuva) Belt ( cüvpv) Tall Cap (KaXxyyauxxov) Sandals (aavSctXxa) Cloak (yavôuav) >i % j Ends with Statement: "*0 ’A 6 eX(j)ôs yytüv eXaSe t o v appaBtova t o u yeyaXou kux 'AyyEXxtcou ...” Final Petitions Third Part (Return to Liturgy) Irenika (Supplications) Prokeimenon: "Kupxo; (fxiixxayof you. . . ." Epistle Reading: Ephesians 6:10-17 Gospel Reading: St. Matthew 10:37; 11:1 Giving of Cross to the Monk Idiomelon: "ExrxyvwyGV aSeX(|)0 x. ..." Aspasmos (Apolysis) The scheme for this service was taken from the following: Michaël Wawryk, "Initiatio Monastica," Appendix, pp. 1-5; the Greater Habit Service is included on pp. 5-39; Goar's Euchologion, pp. 382-89; and EuxoXoyxov x8 Meyg, pp. 190-99; and R.P.D. Placido de Meester O.S.B., "Studi di Rito Bizantino alia luce della Teologia del Diritto Ecclesiastico, della Storia, dell' Arte e dell' Archeologia," Liturgia Bizantina II, Part VI Rituale- Benedizionale Bizantina (Rome: Tipografia Leonina, 1930), 43-61. Meester gives a descriptive narration of the Taking of the Greater and Lesser Habits (especially preparation and vestments). A photograph of the Greater Habit is included on p. 55. 113 followed by Lauds), the Orthros combined nocturnal and morning parts 26 in a single Office. The Byzantine Morning Office, one of the oldest of the offices, had its origins from the vigil as it was celebrated in the monasteries 27 of Sinai and Egypt. In fact, as early as A.D. 400 an office that was similar in almost every respect to the performance of the Byzantine Orthros, was celebrated in a Sinai monastery by an Abbot Nilus. The performance of this office is known through the writings of two travel ing monks. Abbots John and Sophronios, who recorded their observations 28 in the Régula monastics communis. Not much is known about the evolutional history of the Orthros. In A.D. 528, however, the Emperor Justinian decreed that the office of Orthros was to be celebrated daily throughout the empire by monks and clergy alike. It is generally believed that the Orthros service, like most liturgical forms in use in Byzantium, assumed its medieval shape 29 during the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries. 26. It is interesting to note that the Byzantine rite, as well as the Egyptian, Coptic, and Ethiopian rites, celebrates this same service as a single office. 27. Vespers and the Morning Office are considered to be the oldest of the offices— perhaps dating as early as A.D. 65. See Dom Suitbert BaUmer, Histoire du Bréviaire, 2 vols., trans. Dom Reginald Biron (Paris: Let.ouzey et Ane, 1905), I, 58. 28. Jean Michel Hanssens, "Nature et Genèse de l ’Office des Matines," Analecta Gregoriana LVII (1952), 40. 29. Edward V. Williams, John Koukouzeles* , p. 5. 114 As can be seen from the scheme of the Orthros provided in Table 16 30 on p. 115, the service is extremely long and complex. Both chanted and recited parts include extensive passages from the Psalter. Be cause of this great length, only the portion containing the Amomos will 31 be analyzed. Indeed, the Amomos makes its appearance in the Orthros only on Saturdays and Sundays with the readings or Stichologia (Nos. 13-15). The three Stichologia of Orthros are separated by hymns and prayers. The first would always be Kathisma II, Psalms 9-16, in the Sunday service. This is followed by a Little Collect (Miicpt) ZuvairTT^) and a Kathisma hymn. The Second Stichologion on Sundays would be Kathisma III, Psalms 17-23. On Saturdays, however, the Second 30. This scheme was derived from the following sources: Typikon Manu script St. Sabas (Monastery of Lavra, Mount Athos: 15th century); cQpoldyiov TO Meyg, pp. 61-73; ^OicTmnyojî H ^AvaaTdaiyoÇ ^AKoXouSfg Tns Kupiacf^ (Athens: r % ^AmooroXiKn^ AiaKovfoj ^EKicXncTfay rnj cEXXddog, no date); Mgyag Kal ^lepS^ ZuvgKdTiyo; ^Op6 o6 ggou Xpiaxiavou (Athens: ^*^<05 ■’Aarrip, 1966), pp. 246-346; Mrivafov roC ’louXfou (Athens: oitco^ Mix- ZaXig€pou, no date); M. Arranz’s, "Le Typicon du monastère du Saint-Sauveur à Messine," Orientalia Christiana Analecta CLXXXV (1969), xxxvi-xxxvii; J. M. Hanssens, "Nature et Genèse de l'Office des Matines," p. 18; N. Borgia, "‘^fipoXdyiov. 'Diurno* bizantino," pp. 209-17; Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, The Festal Menaion, pp. 75-76; Symeon of Thessaloniki, De sacra precatione, cols. 561-88; Jacobus Goar, ËuxoXdyicv, pp. 39-45; Juan Mateos, "Le Typicon de la grande église," pp. 309-10; Aleksej Dmitrievskij, Opisanie Liturgi%eskikh Rukopisei, 2nd éd., vols. I and III. 31. For a detailed analysis of the entire service, the reader is directed to the author's article, "The Byzantine Orthros," pp. 323—83. 32. Although classified as a reading, the Amomos was chanted in the Orthros with elaborate melodies. 115 Table 16 Scheme of Orthros Read Chanted 1 . Trisagion 2 . Pas. 19 and 20 3. Trisagion 4. The Lord's Prayer 5. T\fo Troparia 6 . Theotokion and Litany 7. Two Old Testament Verses 8 . Hexapsalmos 9. Great Collect 1 0 . Theos Kyrios (or Alleluia) 1 1 . Troparion of Day (or Anasta- simon Apolytikion) 1 2 . Theotokion 13. First Stichologia 14. Second Stichologia AMOMOS 15. Third Stichologia 16. Triadikon (or Small Doxology) 17. Theotokion (+ Lesson) 18. Hypakoe 19. Anabathmoi (3-4 Antiphons) 2 0 . Prokeimenon 2 1 . Pasa Pnoe 2 2 . Gospel Reading of the Day 23. Hymn of Resurrection 24. Pentikostos Psalmos 25. Small Doxology 26, Two Intercessory Prayers 27. Hymn— "Resurrection of Jesus" 28. Great Litany of Intercession 29. Kanon with Heirmos 30. Small Litany 31. Agios Kyrios 32. Theotokion 33. Exaposteilarion (Photagogikon) 34. Ainoi Verses (Pasa Pnoe) 35. Stichera Anastasima and Anatolika 36. Small Doxology (Begun) 37. Eothina Hymns 38. Small Doxology (Cont'd) 39. Theotokion 40. Great Doxology 41. Trisagion 42. Troparion 43. Two Litanies 44. Theotokion of Praise 45. Final Blessings and Polychronion 46. Apolysis or Prime Hour 116 Stichologion is always Kathisma XVII, Psalm 118. This reading, re gardless of the day, is also followed by a Kathisma hymn. The Third Stichologion may or may not include a Kathisma. Using Sunday again as our model day, if one is read it would be Kathisma XVII. On certain Sundays of the year, however, a Polyeleos, consisting of Psalms 134 33 and 135, replaces the Kathisma. Usually the Polyeleos is substituted for the Amomos on feast days of the Lord, the Theotokos, or celebrated saints. There are exceptions to this, especially on the Sunday of Apokreos (Carnival or period before Lent), Sunday of Cheese Week, and 34 Easter. In some parts of the empire, moreover, it was a regular practice that both Kathisma XVII and the Polyeleos were chanted on 35 Sundays. In this case the Polyeleos always followed the Kathisma. As a third alternative for this last stichologion, the reading could be chosen from the Gospels. Whatever the option, the reading would be followed by a Kathisma hymn or by special Eulogetaria (EuXoyTlTctp xa) or Praising Hymns. The Eulogetaria Nekrosima (Eulogetaria for the Dead) 33. For a discussion of the term "Polyeleos," translated "much mercy" or "much oil," see the following: C. Zvegintov, Our Mother Church: Her Worship and Offices (London, 1948), pp. 34-36; PetiSpYXOs^ r. MxTEKUTwpog', "noXuéXeo5 ," OHE X, col. 522; N. A. Xpuaoxoxdns, "ïïoXueXeos," MeyaXn ^EXXnvxKÜ 'EYKUKXoxTaxdExa XX, 487. 34. When the Polyeleos was sung, as the Third Stichologion, there was a slight change in the liturgical scheme, and the Megalynaria would follow on Great Feasts and on certain saints' days. 35. The usage of both the Amomos and Polyeleos in the Orthros is exem plified in the service for Palm Sunday in the Jerusalem Typikon, Codex XLIII Agios Stauros of the year 1122. See Athanasios Papa- dopoulos-Kerameus, ’AvaX^KTa ^lepoaoXuyixTXicfis STayuoXoYxa,? II (1891-[1898] ; reprint ed., Bruxelles: Culture and Civilization, 1963), pp. 5-6. A similar duplication appears in the twelfth- century Evergetidos Typikon of the Monastery of the Theotokos and the fifteenth-century St. Sabas Typikon from the Monastery of St. Athanasios. See Dmitrievskij, Opisanie, I, 487-89, and III, 266. 117 were chanted on Saturdays and the Eulogetaria Anastasima (Eulogetaria of the Resurrection) on Sundays. In trying to determine when the Amomos or Polyeleos would he used in the Orthros, Juan Mateos found that the choice is dependent upon 37 the season of the year. With the exception of Holy Week and Easter, the Orthodox calendar is divided into three periods: the period of summer from the Sunday after Easter until the Exaltation of the Cross (September 21st); the period of winter from September 22nd until Lent; and the period of Lent. As a general rule, it is during the period of winter and Lent that Kathisma XVII is recited on Sunday, with the Polyeleos replacing the Amomos only during the summer period. The schemes of Kathismata for these periods (Table 17) show that, regard less of the period, Kathisma XVII is always present on Saturday as the Second Stichologion. It is not strange that Psalm 118 should always have been recited at the Saturday Orthros. According to the dogma of the Greek church, Saturday is the day of the week dedicated to the departed; thus, all the hymns and other texts chanted on this day are devoted to this 38 purpose. When and why Saturday became the acknowledged day for the 36. For an explanation of the Eulogetaria chants, which succeed the Amomos, see Panagiotis N. Trempelas, ^EkXoyp ^EXXnvxKTis 'OpGodogou ^YyvoYpg 37. Juan Mateos, "La Psalmodie variable dans l ’Office Byzantin," Acta Philosophica et Theologica II (Rome, 1964), 331-39. 38. In the liturgical book of the Parakletiki (IlapaKATiTiKri), the eight Saturdays which are included are dedicated to the martyrs and in general to the departed. 118 Table 17 Schemes of Kathismata for Three Stichologia of Orthros*^ First Second Third Stichologion Stichologion Stichologion Period of Summer Sun. II III Polyeleos Mon. VIV Tues. VII VIII Wed. X XI Thur. XIII XIV Fri. XIX XX Sat. XVI XVII Period of Winter Sun. II III XVII Mon. IVV VI Tues. VII VIII IX Wed. X XI XII Thur. XIII XIV XV Fri. XIX XX Sat. XVI XVII Period of Lent Sun. II III XVII Mon. IV V VI Tues. X XI XII Wed. XIX XX I Thur. VI VIIVIII Fri. XIII XIV XV Sat. XVIXVII The scheme of Kathismata for the Orthros service was de rived from a manuscript psalter in the private collection of Father Matej a Matejic of Columbus, Ohio. The psalter comes from the skete of Saint Elias, Mount Athos and is dated 1898. The schemes for Passion Week and Holy Week differ from the above. 119 deceased is unknown. One possible but not too likely explanation is that the word Saturday or Sabbath as derived from the original Hebrew meant repose or rest; thus, perhaps the day was designated as one of 39 prayer for the rested souls. A more probable explanation is that Great Saturday was the day in which Christ's body lay in the tomb. Through the ages this came to be the day set aside to celebrate the martyrs and deceased with liturgies for the dead and with memorial 40 services. Consequently, it is no surprise that the Amomos as a funeral chant was always included in the Saturday Orthros service. As the office of morning prayer, Orthros is symbolic of the rising sun and the Resurrection of Christ from the dead. The relationship between the Orthros and the funeral service is 41 even more apparent in the Orthros for Holy Saturday. On this day, which commemorates the burial of Christ, the Orthros has been trans formed into a funeral service, and the Amomos is sung as a dirge with 42 interpolated troparia or refrains of lamentation. For this special 39. ^ I m . rp. Tiyayevnj, "Ai qyepai t S v VEKpwv," 0HE IX, cols. 386-87. 40. *Eyyavour|X MarBaiaKn» To Epyov xps ^icKXnaia( Eis t o KoiynTppia (Athens: $. Taipmvri, 1973), p. 112 and 118. 41. The Orthros of Holy Saturday in modem practice is chanted as Vespers of Holy Friday. When this change took place is not exactly known. It would seem to be a late practice, however, since the old Typika and Triodia have the service at the usual time on Saturday. 42. These interpolations, known as either "encomia" or "megalynaria," will be discussed in the following chapters. Cf. "*EyK(jjyiov," MEyaXr) ^EXXnviicn ^EyKUKXoiraiSEia. IX, 687; fEwpy. P. MwEKarmpog, "MEyaXuvdpxov," GHE VIII, cols.881-82. 120 feast the service was sometimes celebrated as part of an all night 43 vigil or Agrypnia which continued from one office to another. On Sundays, as the Third Stichologion, the Amomos is chanted in the three-staseis division; however, on Saturdays, as the Second Stichologion, the division may vary. Usually on Saturday during the non-Lenten periods— when the "Theos Kyrios" chant is used in Orthros— the Amomos has the same three-staseis format. During Lent this arrangement is altered. All through this period— when the "Theos Kyrios" chant is replaced with "Alleluia" verses— the Amomos is per- 44 formed in the two-staseis division. The foregoing discussion has centered on the Orthros and its in corporation of the Amomos only as practiced during the Middle Ages. In the present day service. Psalm 118 has completely disappeared from the monastic Orthros. IV. NekroSimon Akolouthia Since antiquity, some type of funeral rite to honor the departed has existed, and in these ceremonies music always played an important 43. The celebration of the "sleepless" vigil or "apuirvia" exists in two classifications : Greater and Lesser. For information on the distinctions, see D. C. McPherson, "The Divine Office in the Byzantine Rite II," The Eastern Churches Quarterly VII, No. 5 (Jan.-March, 1948), 328. When the Vigil is celebrated, it begins with Great Vespers and continues non-stop with Orthros, Prime Hour, Third Hour, the Liturgy, Sixth Hour, and then the Ninth Hour. The form of the Vigil, which includes the chanting of the Amomos in three staseis, is described by Fempy. F. MircKaTApog, "^Aypuirvia," 0HE I, cols. 329-32. Cf. Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, The Festal Menaion, p. 45. 44. For further explanation of the interchange of "Theos Kyrios" and "Alleluia," see D. Touliatos-Banker, "The Byzantine Orthros," pp. 342-47. 121 45 part. During the period of the ancient Etruscans and Romans, the ceremony consisted of pagan dirges; with the beginning of Christianity, however, psalms and hymns were introduced.The Apostolic Constitu tions, which represent the Eastern Christian traditions of the mid fourth century, indicate that the faithful were expected to accompany 47 the dead in a funeral procession with the singing of psalms. St. John Chrysostom states that the practice of psalm singing was an indi cation of joy and an expression of thanks to God that the departed had 48 been freed from suffering. The early writers of the church have left little information about the funeral service. In fact, no preserved material on the funeral 49 rite exists prior to the fifth and sixth centuries. Nevertheless, it is believed that the most significant theme of the service, at least 45. Alfred C. Rusch, C. SS. R., Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1941), p. 230. The Office of the Dead was one of the most ancient portions of the Breviary. H.-R. Philippeau states that the service had a dual purpose: a gesture of farewell and of respect; "Origines et évolution des rites funéraires," Lex Orandi XII (1956), 202-203. 46. St. Jerome, Epistola CVIII, 30, PL, XXII, col. 905. A. C. Rusch, Death and Burial in Christian Antiquity, p. 231. 47. Constitutiones Apostolorum, in F. X. Funk (éd.), Didascalia et Constitutiônes Apostolorum I (Paderbornae, 1905), 381. 48. Homilia IV in Epistolam ad Hebraecos, PC, LXIII, col. 43. 49. That material does not exist on the funeral service before the fifth and sixth centuries might be attributed to the fact that one of the most important celebrations of the service, the Dormition of the Virgin (August 15th), was not established as a feast until the reign of Emperor Maurice (582-602). Martin Jugie, A.A., "La Mort et l'Assomption de la Sainte Vierge," Studi e Testi CXIV (1944), 117. 122 from the third century, was that of the Resurrection.^^ The Office of the Dead or the ’AKoXou0\a ^EÇodxaaTiicou, as it was known in Byzantium, was an extremely long service. With psalm singing forming a major portion of the service, the Amomos was one of the psalms included. The Office of the Dead varies according to whether the service is for laymen or children, monks, priests, or bishops, as well as the celebration for the feasts of the death of the Virgin Mary, of Christ the Lord, and of various saints. The service was also sub ject to seasonal variations.^^ Within these different services per formance of the Amomos varied between the division into two- or three- staseis and special melodies were provided for some services. The funeral service begins with the Liturgy for the Dead, which is similar to the regular Liturgy but with the names of the departed included during the preparation and consecration. Following the Liturgy, the Nekrosimon Akolouthia takes place. It is this service that includes the Amomos and that differs for laymen, monks, priests 52 and children. An outline of the Nekrosimon Akolouthia for the layman is given in Table 18 (see p. 123). From this scheme it can be seen that the lengthy service is divided into several parts. After an introduction, which consists of opening prayers, the first part begins with the chanting of Psalms 90 and 118. In this type of burial 50. Joseph Ntedika, L'Evocation de l 'au delà dans la prière pour les morts (Louvain: Editions Nauwelaerts, 1971), pp. 255-56. 51. After Easter different prayers and hymns were used. Herbert Thurston, "Burial," The Catholic Encyclopedia III, 78. 52. Today, only the Nekrosimon Akolouthia for laymen is celebrated in the churches. The other classes of the service are only ob served in the monasteries. 123 Table 18 Nekrosimon Akolouthia for Laymen^ Introduction Opening Prayers: Trisagion ÏTavayia Tpia; IIAt g p fipwu ^ ^ Troparion: "Mera irveupaTwv ôiKotitüV TeTeXeiwyevcjv" First Part Psalm 90 Psalm 118 (3 Staseis) Nekrosimon Eulogetaria Troparion: " 'Avairauaov Zwrnp nyoïv. ..." Psalm 50 Canon with Heirmoi Composed by Theophanus Idiomela by John of Damascus Second Part Makarismoi or Beatitudes Prokeimenon Hymn Readings from the First Epistle to the Thessalonians IV:13-17 with Alleluia Verses Readings from the Gospel According to John V:24-30 Supplications in Memory of the Departed Third Part ^ Aspasmos (aairaayos )— the Kissing of the Departed Stichera Prosomia Nekrosimon Trisagion Apolysis Begins: Axvoi ("Memory Eternal"— 3 Times) Trisagion (Repeated) Recitations : Eavayia Tpia$,^ IlaTej) pycSv, Troparion Closing: "AoÇa t w 0 e S t S o u t u s oiicovoyfiaavTX. " The following sources were used to obtain a scheme of this service: Goar's E^xoXoyiov» pp. 423-33; Symeon of Thessaloniki, De ordiné sepulturae, PG, CLV, cols. 669-88; EuyoXoYiov t o M e y g , pp. 393-420; De Meester, "Studi di Rito Bizantino . . . ," pp. 85-88. 124 service, the Amomos is always sung in three staseis and is followed by the Nekrosimon Eulogetaria and the Troparion, " ^Avairauaov Zwrnp nymv. ..." This first part concludes with the singing of Psalm 50, the Canon of Theophanus, and the Idiomela of John of Damascus. The second part of the service contains the chanting of the Beatitudes and a Prokeimenon Hymn, followed by the message of the Resurrection, a supplication, and prayer for absolution. The third and last part of the service includes the Aspasmos (ioTTaayoj ) or the kissing of the departed, during which the chanting of the Stichera Prosomia, Trisagion, and the Ainoi— often referred to as the "Hymn of the Last Kiss"— takes place. With this final dirge "Aioivia n yvpyri" ("Memory Eternal"), the relatives and friends of the departed pay their last respects. The service concludes with a Trisagion, the Lord's Prayer, a troparion, and the final apolysis or closing. A short service 53 precedes the actual burial at the cemetery. During the period following Easter the funeral service for laymen is somewhat different, for it includes the singing of "XpxaTOj aveam," "^AvaoTaoxv XpiOTOV," and other such resurrection hymns, which are sometimes included as part of the akolouthia and other times substi- 54 tuted for items of the regular repertoire. The service for children displays even more differences, for Psalm 118 is not necessarily 53. Pere Sévérien Salaville, An Introduction to the Study of Eastern Liturgies (London: Sands and Co. Limited, 1938), p. 78. Also, Sirup, r. Maicpfis, "NeKpwoiyog 'AKoXouGia KpSexa," GHE IX, col. 384. 54. De Meester, "Studi di Rito Bizantino . . . ," p. 91. 125 chanted. As can be seen in Table 19 on p. 126, the Nekrosimon Akolouthia for monks differs from the service for laymen. The Amomos still ap pears in the first part of the service; but it now begins this part and is sung during the initial censing of the body of the departed. Furthermore, in the standard fifteenth-century form of this service, the Amomos is chanted in the two-staseis division. After the first stasis, the chanter recites the collects in a soft voice, but at the end of the second stasis the collects are louder. Also in this service the Troparion " ’AvaTrauoov Zwrpp fiymv" succeeds Psalm 118 rather than the Eulogetaria Nekrosima. The order pf the rest of the service can be followed in Table 19.^^ The Nekrosimon Akolouthia for priests, outlined in Table 20, is usually much longer than the other services, with more hymns and as many as five Epistle and five Gospel readings. After the opening prayers, the service begins with the chanting of the Amomos in three staseis followed by the Nekrosimon Eulogetaria. 55. De Meester states that a choice exists in the first part of the service: Psalm 118 Psalm 90 Nekrosimon Eulogetaria or Psalm 142 Supplications Alleluia or Troparia Psalm 50 etc. The remainder of the service is more or less the same as that for laymen. Cf. De Meester, "Studi di Rito Bizantino . . . ," pp. 92-93. 56. There are variations to this order in the service for an abbot rather than a monk. Also, a particular akolouthia exists for the funeral of a nun; this service contains a different canon for Yuvoiicaj povaÇoi5aa5, which is entitled "AÉairoTa iravoxKTipyov." Cf. De Meester, "Studi di Rito Bizantino . . . ," pp. 98-100. 126 Table 19 Nekrosimon Akolouthia for Monks^ Introduction (of Akolouthia for Laymen and Continues with Following) Deacon: EÔX6YTiaov Aeoirora Chanter: EuXoyTlT^s. . . . Psalm 90 Alleluia (in Mode IV Plagal) with Verse "MaKaptoj ov eÇeXeÇü). . . Troparion: "‘G gaGei oo^ia$" First Part Psalm 118 (2 Staseis) Troparion (in Mode I Plagal); *'*Avairauaov Iwrnp ppwv. . . Second Part Psalm 50 Antiphons from the 8 Modes with Stichera Prosomoia That Are Composed hy St. Theophanus and That Use the Acrostic Text: "Eobj Xpiaxè SouXouç ypa^ov ev çmvxmv gigXmu" Collects Orations Kontakion and Oikos to the Dead (in Mode I Plagal) Prokeimenon Hymn Readings from the Epistle and Gospel (Similar to the Akolouthia for Laymen) Makarismoi Supplications: " ’EXenaov fiyaS" Recitations hy the Priest in a Loud Voice Third Part Various Added Hymns and Verses Aspasmos / h Troparion: "Mexct Trveuyaxmv Siicaimv xexeXeimyevmv" Collects and Orations in a Loud Voice Apolysis For this scheme, see Goar's Euxo^oyiov, pp. 438-47; EuxoXoyiou x& Meyg, pp. 421-37; De Meester, "Studi di Rito Bizantino . . . ," pp. 97-102. There is no Trisagion in this version. 127 Table 20 Nekrosimon Akolouthia for Priests^ Introduction Opening Prayers : Trisagion ITavayxcx Tpia$ IlaTep nySv ^ ^ ^ Troparion: "M e t o i TrveuyaTmv dxKaiuv TETEXexaiyevrnv" First Part Psalm 118 (3 Staseis) Nekrosimon Eulogetaria Collects for the Departed ^ ^ ^ Orations with Ekphonisis: *'Ot x ox) ex y avaoraaiS. . . . Eulogetaria (Mode I Plagal): "TSv ayxoiv 6 xopo5" Theotokia with Small Collect and Ekphonisis for the Departed Troparion: " ’Avairauoov Zmrrip" with "AoÇa . . . Kax vuv. ‘0 e k irapSevou. ..." Anabathmoi of Mode II Plagal Second Part 1) Prokeimenon Hymn First Epistle to the Thessalonians IV:13-17 with Alleluia Refrain After Each Verse; Gospel Reading from St. John V:24 Deacon: "t o u Kupxou deyGwyEv" Chanter: "AeOTroTa Kupie" Kathisma Hymn (in Mode II Authentic) 1st Antiphon: Psalm 22 with Alleluia Refrain Repeated Twice After Each Verse Troparion: " ’ExrExdy iraVTEj'. . . ." (in Mode II Authentic) 2) Prokeimenon Hymn St. Paul to the Romans V:12-21 ; Gospel Reading from St. John V:17-24 Deacon: "t o G Kupxou ÔEyOwyEv" . . . Orations 2nd Antiphon: Psalm 23 with Alleluia Refrain Repeated Twice After Each Verse Troparion: "’Ev irxoTEx. ..." (in Mode II Authentic) Katlxisma Hymn; "rxviiotcexs 6 0 eo5 yywv" (in Mode I Plagal) 3) Prokeimenon Hymn St. Paul to the Corinthians XV:1-11 with Alleluia Refrain After Each Verse; Gospel Reading from St. John VI:34-40 Deacon: "t o u Kupxou ÔEyGmyEv" . . . Orations 128 Table 20 (cont'd) 3rd Antiphon: Psalm 83 with Alleluia Refrain Repeated Twice After Each Verse Troparia (4— All in Mode II Plagal) 4) Prokeimenon Hymn St. Paul to the Corinthians XV:20-28; Gospel Reading from St. John VI;40-44 Makarismoi Troparia 5) Prokeimenon Hymn St. Paul to the Romans XIV:6-9; Gospel Reading from St. John VI:48-55 Third Part Psalm 50 Kanons (in Mode II Plagal): After the 3rd Ode, Small Collect and Kathisma; After the 6 th Ode, Small Collect and Kontakion— "McTot t 5v ayiüiv" with Troparia and Trisagion; After the 9th ^ Ode, Small Collect, Exaposteilaria, and Doxology Aivoi with Appropriate Stichera (in Mode II Plagal) Great Doxology "Ka'caÇiojaov Kupie" Idiomela by John of Damascus for Each of the 8 Modes (Some Accompanying Troparia and Verses) Troparion: "^AvctTrauaov Zmrnp npwu. ..." Aspasmos Stichera Prosomoia Kanon with Heirmos (in Mode II Plagal) Trisagion, ITavayia Tpiaj, IIctTep fiySv Troparia: "Mexct ïïveuyaxüjv Aixaiwu," Apolysis: Supplications and Orations for the Departed This scheme was derived from the following: Goar's EuyoXoyiov, pp. 451-65; E^yoXoyiov xo Meya, pp. 437-70; De Meester, "Studi di Rito Bizantino . . . ," pp. 102-14. 129 In the various forms of the Nekrosimon Akolouthia, we find three different ways in which it was performed. It might be divided into two or three staseis or it might have interpolated troparia. This practice of inserting new verses in the texts of psalms was common in Byzantine chant and apparently was introduced around the end of the fourth century. Besides the appearance of Psalm 118 in the major services already discussed, portions of the text were used in other services. In Codex 863, an Horologion in the St. Sabas tradition from the Sinai, verses 133, 134, and 135 of the psalm are recited on Saturdays at 58 Prime. In this same Horologion, verse 12 of Psalm 118 is repeated three times in the Vespers service preceding the text of the hymn / / 59 "KaraÇimaov Kupie." In the manuscripts no music is included for the Amomos in the Midnight Service or in the Taking of the Greater and Lesser Habits. It is found only in the Nekrosimon Akolouthia as it is chanted for lay men, monks, and the Virgin Mary. No Amomos is specifically designated 57. These interpolations were usually attributed to many different composers. See Marie Pierik, The Song of the Church (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1947), p. 83. 58. Juan Mateos, "Un Horologion inédit de Saint-Sabas. Le Codex sinaitique grec 863 (IXe siècle)," Studi e Testi CCXXXIII (Citta del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1964), 50. 59. In the scheme of Vespers the "KataÇimaov" is preceded by psalm verses with their alleluia refrains and followed by the chanting of the "Nunc dimittis." Mateos, "Un Horologion . . p. 69. 130 for Orthros, but the melodies of the Amomos chanted for laymen are identical to Orthros. Even though Psalm 118 was incorporated in seve ral services, its role in the funeral service was perhaps the oldest and most dominant, for in the present day Orthodox Church the Amomos is sung only in the Nekrosimon Akolouthia. 60. Psalm 118 is still found in the Mesonyktikon but it is only read. CHAPTER VI THE AMOMOS FOR LAYMEN Placement of the Amomos was almost always within the Nekrosimon Akolouthia. The settings, if all were present, appeared together one after the other in the order for a) laymen, b) monks, and c) the Virgin Mary. These three were placed at the beginning of the Nekrosimon Akolouthia and normally followed the repertoire of chants for Orthros. The placement of the Amomos chants between the two repertoires leads one to believe that they were purposely placed here and that the chants were interchangeably used for both repertoires. Even though this in formation is not provided in the manuscripts, it is known that the Amomos for the funeral of the Virgin Mary or Christ was that used in the Orthros of the Dormition of the Virgin Mary or at the Orthros of Holy Saturday, for the services were the same. Consequently, it is not unlikely to assume that the Amomos for laymen in three staseis was also chanted in the Sunday and most Saturday services of Orthros, while the standard fifteenth-century Amomos for Monks in two staseis was probably also used in the Saturday Lenten services of Orthros when the Amomos was divided in two staseis. At any rate, the Amomos for laymen is usually introduced in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century manu scripts with variants of the following inscription: "Amomos chanted for the departed laymen composed by different writers as well as by Fardivoukes and the Lampadarios Kyr loannes. The domesticos begins 131 132 from without."^ Although the Amomos in the various services was chanted in its entirety, no source provides musical settings for all 176 verses. Listed in Appendix A are all the verses set to music in the Amomos for laymen in manuscripts from the fourteenth through the nineteenth century. Investigation of the Amomos in this chapter will focus on the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century development of the chant, the distribution of verses with music in each of the three staseis will show the growth and stabilization of the chant during the course of these six centuries. The manuscripts listed in Appendix A are arranged chronologically from the earliest dated akolouthia manuscript, Athens MS. 2458, to our latest source, the nineteenth-century Synopsis of loannes Lampadarios. With four exceptions, these manuscripts preserve only one version of the first stasis in the Amomos for laymen. One fourteenth-century manuscript, Athens 904, and three fifteenth-century manuscripts, Athens 2401, Iviron 973, and Koutloumousiou 449, include two versions of the first stasis. Manuscripts Athens 904 and 2401 are similar in that both contain a second version "chanted in Thessaloniki [and] in 2 all the world." In Iviron MS. 973 a version arranged by Fardivoukes 1. Iviron MS. 1120 fol. 453r: "^'Aymyos i|jaXXayevoS ei^ KOiyyOÉvro# KOoyiKo6^ uoiri0ei^ irapct dia^opwv iroiriTwv. irapa too $ap6iBoi5KTi EKstvoo icai TOO Xayiraôapioo Kop ’Imavvoo. *0 doyeoTiKp; ^air’ e^u. Even though "Sir’ e'Çüi" can be translated "from outside," Conomos translates it "from without" or "away from the ranks of the choir." See Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia, p. 70, n. 23. 2. Athens MS. 904 fol. 133r: "^'Aywyog ^aXXoyevog ev GeaaaXovxKeov ^ev %Xw TÜ) Kooyw." Athens MS. 2401 fol. 175r: "^Aywyoj i|)aXXdyevoj OeooaXoviKdov elg KoiynO^VTog KooyxKooj." 133 3 appears as well as a new version by Kyr loannes Lampadarios. In Koutloumousiou MS. 449 there is a shortened version by Fardivoukes that also appears in the later sixteenth-century manuscript Xiropotamou 269. The second version of the Amomos in Koutloumousiou 449 is com- 4 posed by Kyr Chrysaphes, which is also identical to another sixteenth- century source, Iviron MS. 951. Of the seventy-two verses in the first stasis a total of thirty- one are set to music, in one or more of the manuscript sources. In a complete version of Stasis I the verses set range from a maximum of eighteen to a minimum of four with the average being about eight verses per manuscript. (See Appendix A, Part 1.) To these verses, each com plete version of Stasis I adds an Introduction and a concluding Doxology. In Table 21 a list is given of the most frequently composed verses of the first stasis. In the early fourteenth-century manu scripts, each verse usually has only one setting, with two to three settings for the Doxology. Exceptions appear in the first two sources, both of which have four settings for verse 71. In the later but in complete fourteenth-century manuscripts Athens 906 and 2454, three settings per verse are transmitted on the average. The greatest period of growth takes place in the fifteenth century when more verses are set and more melodies by different composers are provided for single verses. A glance at Appendix A, Part 1 will show this richer treatment of the first stasis, which reaches a maximum 3. Iviron MS. 973 fol. 123v: " ’'Aywpo$ véouç. noinGsig Trapà KUpiou ■’lojavvoi) TOU Aayiradapiou. 4. Koutloumousiou MS. 449 fol. 225r. 134 of seven settings for verse 20 of the first version of the Amomos in Athens MS. 2401 and six settings for the Doxology in Athens MS. 2456. Beginning in the sixteenth century, however, we find a sudden reduc tion in the number of verses and the number of different settings. With two exceptions only one setting per verse or Doxology exists: verse 37 in Koutloumousiou MS. 459, and Doxology in Iviron MS. 984. From the sixteenth-century Iviron MS. 951 through the nineteenth- century Synopsis of I. Lampadarios, only six verses plus Introduction and Doxology are set to music. Interestingly enough, this sparse scheme of verses is the same which has remained in use to the present day. The verses of the second stasis that are set to music and the number of settings are given in Appendix A, Part 2. This table reveals that fourteenth-century manuscripts containing the Amomos for laymen usually have one version of the verses of the second stasis and their variants. Exceptions are found in the later fourteenth-century manu scripts, Athens 904 and 906. In these two sources, two versions exist for the second stasis: one composed in the Mode I Plagal and the other in the Nenano Mode. From the fifteenth-century sources, it is evident that two versions for the second stasis become standard. Of our fifteenth-century sources only three contain one version: Konstamoni- tou 86, Iviron 974, and Pantocrator 211. The majority of the remain ing sources include two versions, the first in Mode I Plagal, the second in the Nenano mode. Moreover, three sources have three dif ferent versions for the second stasis. Besides the two standard versions, Athens MS. 2456 contains an additional version in Mode I 135 Plagal composed by loannes Lampadarios. Similar to Athens MS. 2456 are Athens MS. 2401 and Sinai MS. 1293, for all contain three versions: a Thessalonian version in Mode I Plagal, a version by Kyr loannes Lampadarios also in Mode I Plagal, and a version in the Nenano mode. Even more unsual is Iviron MS. 973, which has four different versions for the second stasis: the regular Mode I Plagal and Nenano modes and then new versions by Kyr loannes Lampadarios in these same modes. After this variety and abundance of versions in the fifteenth century, manuscripts from the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries revert to a simplified single version for the second stasis. With the presence of two or more versions in the second stasis of the fifteenth-century manuscripts, one might wonder when each was per formed. Even though rubrics preceding these versions give some infor mation they unfortunately do not answer the question. The following rubric from Athens MS. 2406 is typical of those preceding the version in the Nenano mode: "As for the second stasis [here is] another begin ning with a change to Nenano [mode]. The domesticos of the left choir begins and chants from 'Ai aou’ and con tinues as in the Plagal I mode until the Doxology then this change to the Nenano [takes place and remains] until the end. The Doxology then [is chanted] according to the way it was delivered by the ancients, arranged by Kyr loannes Lampadarios. 5. Athens MS. 2406, fol. 198r: sig tt^v t o i authv ôsUTêpav oxdaiv, e*Tepav apxflv Tmv aXXayya t o u vevavm. âpxETai o doyëoTiKO^ t o u apiOTcpou xopou, Kal T|)dXXET[ai] airo t o ai xefp^ oou. Kai ot) ov 0 UTW 5 . ^ riTav KttTct nxov to G irXdyiou irpi^T [m^ ] t e v yri auo ôdÇa 0)5 Eipn[VT]] nTa Tdv auTofv aXXdyyaTa t o u vevavw. E&f yèXoç. yETd TÔ ôoÇ[6dÇd] KaSwj &v TOi$ iraXafov^ ^ÔEiXAGnoav. îroifîya KUp ^Iwavvob TOU* AayTraSdpiou. 136 The rubric is vague and confusing, for it does not clearly indicate when the Nenano mode was chanted. Change of mode could not have taken place only at the Doxology, because the Nenano versions begin with verse 73 and continue through to the Doxology— so that they were com plete versions and must have been an alternate choice. It can only be assumed that, regardless of which version was used, the second stasis always began with the precentor of the left choir. Whether the entire Nenano version was arranged by loannes Lampadarios or just the doxology of that version is also a mystery. Of the fifty-nine total verses, the second stasis contains only twenty-two verse settings. In this stasis the number of verses set ranges from a maximum of thirteen to a minimum of five with again the average being about eight verses per manuscript for each version (Nenano mode or Mode I Plagal). The distribution of verses for the second stasis can also be seen in Table 22. In setting verses of the second stasis, the historical development follows the same pattern we have already noted in Stasis I. Fourteenth-century manuscripts include a relatively small number of verses but with these verses having variants by different composers. Fifteenth-century manuscripts show the greatest period of growth, with more verses and more variants. Manuscripts from the sixteenth through the nineteenth century again show a period of regression, with a reduction in the number of verses and usually with just one setting per verse. As may be seen in Table 23 an even smaller number of verses are set to music in Stasis III. Of the forty-five verses of Stasis III, only a total of twenty verses are set to music. The number of verses 137 Table 21 Verses to Music for Stasis I of the Amomos for Laymen Verses regularly composed Verses exceptionally composed Intro, (la) 1 2 12 3 20 9 26 14 28 16 36 21 41 22 45 29 51 32 53 37 57 48 63 55 67 56 58 65 69 71 72 138 Table 22 Verses to Music for Stasis II of the Amomos for Laymen Verses regularly composed Verses exceptionally composed Intro. (73a) • 82 73 89 74 90 83 93 94 95 102 103 106 109 112 117 119 123 121 127 122 129 126 139 Table 23 Verses to Music for Stasis III of the Amomos for Laymen Verses regularly composed Verses exceptionally composed Intro. (132a) 132 133 141 134 149 135 150 137 161 138 163 142 175 151 176 152 156 157 167 171 140 set in any complete source ranges from a maximum of thirteen to a minimum of four with about an average of seven verses present per manuscript. The setting of verses and their variants in Stasis III follows the same historical pattern already observed in Staseis I and II: a gradual period of growth that reaches its height in the fif teenth century and is followed by a period of reduction and stabiliza tion. For the third stasis, most sources have just one version. Ex ceptions to this are the two versions in the same four sources that had two versions for the first stasis.^ From the schematic representations provided in Appendix A, it can be seen that each stasis concludes with the Doxology "A6Ça Trarpf . . . xaf vuv. ..." Furthermore, it is evident from information provided in the manuscripts that in the funeral service for laymen, the Amomos was always performed antiphonally by the two choirs. The rubrics indicate that the introductory verse of each stasis was always sung by the domesticos or precentor of the appropriate choir, with the first and third staseis always beginning with the domesticos of the right choir and the second stasis, with the domesticos of the left choir. Following the Introduction, the first verse of each stasis (1, 73, 132) was sung by all present after which the two choirs alternated in sing ing the successive verses. Other rubrics indicate that the choirs were to follow certain prescribed conditions: "then all within"^ and MSS. Athens 904, Iviron 973, Koutloumousiou 449, and Athens 2401. 7. "E x t k oloxold saw" preipreceding verse 1 of Amomos for laymen in Athens MS. 2401 fol. 156v. 141 g "from within all soft." Finally rubrics call for both choirs to join 9 in singing the Doxology. The complete versions of the Amomos for laymen usually do not remain in a single mode, but each stasis usually follows a consistent modal scheme. All of the modes and starting pitches used in the dif ferent staseis are shown in Table 24. It can be seen that Stasis I is the most consistent and remains throughout in Mode II Authentic. This mode can begin on the starting pitch of either G or B. In Stasis II two modal areas are consistently used: Mode I Plagal and Nenano mode, which is a derivative of Mode II Plagal. In the earliest source, Athens MS. 2458, Stasis II has a mixture of modes, with some verses in the Nenano mode and others in the related Mode II Plagal. This mixture of modes continues in most fourteenth-century mauscripts. With Athens MS. 906, however, a new pattern of two versions and two modes— with the first version in Mode I Plagal and the second in Nenano mode— is established that will appear in most fifteenth-century sources. In spite of this usual pattern in the fif teenth-century manuscripts, one source, Iviron MS. 974, has only one version for the second stasis with a mixture of three modes for various verses: Mode II Plagal; Nenano mode; and Mode I Plagal. In manuscripts 8. xopou oAoi KdtTu" preceding verse 74 of Amomos for laymen in Athens MS. 899 fol. 156r. 9. "Oi 5\3o xoph oyou" precedes the Doxology of Stasis I in Athens MS. 2401 fol. 159v. 10. In the first stasis of Koutloumousiou MS. 399, a Mode I Plagal signature appears in the midst of the Mode II Authentic signatures. This is though to be a scribal error. Also in Stasis I of the Thessalonian version of Athens MS. 2401 the Doxology is oddly enough in the Nenano mode. This mode appears out of place and perhaps could be a Doxology transplanted from the second stasis. 142 Table 24 Modes of the Amomos for Laymen Mode Starting Pitches Stasis I Mode II G or B Stasis II Mode I Pi. D or G Nenano A (Mode II PI.) E or G Stasis III Mode IV PI. G (Nana) G Mode III G [Mode I PI.]* D or G *Used sparingly. 143 after the sixteenth century, only one version in Stasis II remains and this is the Mode I Plagal. The modes of Stasis III are the least consistent, for two or even three different modes could be found. The stable modal pattern for this stasis in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources consisted of two modal areas, but three modes, which usually appeared in this order: Mode IV Plagal; Nana mode, a derivative of Mode III Authentic; and Mode III Authentic. Exceptions to this modal pattern appear in four sources where the last few verses of the stasis— particularly verses 167, 171, 175, 176— are in Mode I Plagal rather than the ex pected Mode III Authentic. Of the modes in Stasis III, the greatest historical growth takes place with Mode IV Plagal, for it is the most stable. Present in the early fourteenth-century sources, it is the only mode which remains for Stasis III in manuscripts after the six teenth century. In addition to the modal patterns of the three staseis, each made consistent use of a refrain. The verses of the first and third staseis always ended with an Alleluia ("’AXXnAodxa"). The second stasis, however, had the refrain "Have mercy upon me. Lord" ("’EXénodv PE, KOpie"). The same melodies or variants of the same melodies reappear in the sources for the entire time span. Manuscripts themselves indicate place of origin or composers of the different melodies. Many melodies are listed as coming from Constantinople (designated as iroXfrxKOV in 11. The manuscripts are Athens 2454, Koutloumousiou 399 and 459, and Iviron 984. 144 the manuscripts) or from Thessaloniki. Various designations in the sources, such as "ancient," "old," and "change," indicate melodies that are identified as Traditional. All of the attributions are indi cated in Appendix B, the General Table of Concordances for all three staseis. A list of the abbreviations used in this table precedes the appendices. The following analyses will deal only with the regu larly composed verses of Stasis I. Introduction (Verse la) The earliest source, Athens MS. 2458 includes two settings of the Introduction: a Constantinopolitan and a Thessalonian. These two set tings remain the basic melodies for the Introduction from the four teenth through the nineteenth century. The Constantinopolitan melody (Example 10) is the more melismatic and thus the longer of the two; the Thessalonian in Example 11 is more syllabic with only a short melisma at the end of the word o6m. As is true of many Amomos melodies, move ment is basically stepwise with only a few skips of a third. Even though the two melodies have different beginnings and finals, a few similarities, such as duplicate pitches (brackets b and c) or even transpositions of the same pattern (brackets a and d), make them some what related. Example 10: Constantinopolitan, Ath. 2458 In tro . b d I ------1 145 Example 11: Thessalonian, Ath. 2458 Intro. y gofraln ^ ê I I I ■ * I f. f. i ^ tv O " «- — - ^*u - — t - - When only one setting of the Introduction is indicated for the fourteenth-century sources listed in Appendix B, Part 1, it is usually the Constantinopolitan, as in the manuscripts Vatopedi 1495 and Athens 2444 and 905. An exception is Koutloumousiou MS. 399, which has a more elaborate version of the Thessalonian setting (Example 12). The melody preserves the skeletal outline of the original, but changes the ending of both the verse and the refrain. It has already been men tioned that melodies in Mode II Authentic of Stasis I always begin on one of two starting pitches, G or B. In the earliest sources, the Constantinopolitan melody begins on G, but in the Iviron MS. 1120 it begins on B, and the entire melody, with a few variants, is simply transposed a third higher. The Constantinopolitan Introduction also predominates in most fifteenth-century manuscripts, although the Thessalonian setting does -appear in the earliest of our fifteenth-century sources, Iviron MS. 985, as well as in Athens MS. 2401, where both versions are present. One fifteenth-century source, Koutloumousiou 449 is particularly interesting in its transmissions of the Amomos for laymen. In this source two versions of the Amomos are also present, and both are important for they begin to show the process of change that trans formed the earliest Amomos melodies into the present-day settings. It 146 has previously been mentioned that the first Amomos in this source is the same as that which appears in the sixteenth-century Xiropotamou MS. 269. According to the rubric which precedes the Introduction, the version is a "Shortened Amomos for laymen arranged by Fardivoukes, the first priest of the Holy Apostles [Cathedral] as sung in Con- 12 stantinople." Except for a few variants, the Introduction in this version (Example 13) is basically the same as the Constantinopolitan setting that appears in Iviron MS. 1120. Example 12: Thessalonian, Kou. 339 Intro. Hefraln g ) I't b F-tf u u 1/ d I' tr--n'jV '11 H r P The second Amomos in Koutloumousiou MS. 449 is a version arranged 13 by Kyr Chrysaphes, which first appears in this fifteenth-century source but occurs more frequently in sources from the sixteenth through the eighteenth centuries (see Appendix B). The Introduction of this setting (Example 14) again has the basic Constantinopolitan melody in its transposed form, but it is truncated with fewer melismas and more omissions than the setting arranged by Fardivoukes. In our latest source, the nineteenth-century Synopsis of I. Lampadarios (which 12. Xiropotamou MS. 269 fol. 67r: "Ayiü)J05 i|JaXX6yevo^ouvoittiko^, KOiyri0 éVTa5 XaiKou^. iroinya tou $ap5i goUKn teal rpwronanna TO)V ayfwv ’AiroaTdXmv. Ka0(ij ipétAXerai Iv KuvaTavTivouirdXex." 13. Koutloumousiou MS. 449 fol. 225r: "eTepo^ aywyog" KaXoTTio0GV Trapot KUp Xp [Xpuaacfiiç ]. The composer referred to is Manouel Chrysaphes, the senior, as opposed to Manouel Chrysaphes, the new, who was born in the 1600's. For more information, see George Papadopoulos, ZuyPoXai: rhv ^ O T o p fg y , pp. 292 and 302. 147 contains present-day melodies for the Amomos), the Introduction (Example 15) has a succinct, syllabic setting— even terser than the Thessalonian setting of our earliest source. At first glance this setting does not appear to resemble either of the two basic settings of the Introduction. In reality, it reduces the oldest Constantin opolitan setting to a recitation on G with the characteristic rising inflection G to A on the final syllable of the verse. The Alleluia is also reduced to a basic stepwise descent A to E. Example 13: Fardivoukes, Kou. 449 and Xir. 269 Intro. Refrain i h - m - W r t ' H' t-j' - n .1 - yuw ^01 Example 14: Chrysaphes, Ivi. 951 and Kou. 449 Intro. Refrain j . j L . i t J ' ^ 7 7 LV 0*ii3 — — — o . Example 15: loannes Lampadarios, SIL Intro. Refrain A - ^jjot cv 6 - ifu) -ypo— t — - For the first verse of the Amomos, two basic melodies are found in the sources, although each manuscript usually has only one setting. (Exceptions are Athens MSS. 904 and 2401, which have two settings— one for each of the two versions in the source.) Our earliest setting of this verse, which appears in Vatopedi MS. 1495, is designated as a Thessalonian version. In the fourteenth-century Athens MS. 904, a 148 traditional setting for this verse makes its first appearance.This setting is an extension of the Constantinopolitan Introduction, but since it is identified in most sources as "apxoaov" (ancient) or "ïïaXaidv" (old), it will be designated as Traditional in the General Table of Concordances (Appendix B). From this table it can be seen that, in the five fourteenth- century sources where verse 1 is found, the Thessalonian setting is in the two earlier sources while the Traditional setting appears in two mid-century sources, followed by a late fourteenth-century source with a setting that is a hybrid of the two. Even though the Thessalonian setting is present in the fifteenth-century manuscripts Iviron 985, Athens 2406, Athens 2401 (second version), and Iviron 974, the Tradi tional setting predominates in the fifteenth century. In the sixteenth century the only two sources that include a setting for this verse have the Traditional melody (Koutloumousiou MS. 459 and Iviron MS. 984). The remainder of the sixteenth-century manuscripts, as well as later sources, do not provide a melody for verse 1. The melodies in Examples 16 and 17 are specific settings of the Thessalonian and Traditional versions of verse 1. It will be seen that, regardless of setting, the verse always begins with an intonation formula on the word "Maxdpioi." This formula consists of a three-note ascent followed by repeated notes and, in the Traditional setting, a stepwise descent. After this standard intonation, the Thessalonian chant, which usually sets only the first half of the verse, proceeds 14. Appendix B, Part 1, indicates that this setting is preceded by another version of the Amomos for laymen which had the Thessa lonian melody for verse 1. 149 with the melody of the Introduction (Example 11). The late fourteenth- century Koutloumousiou MS. 399 presents an interesting variant of the Thessalonian settings: after the intonation formula, the upward skip of a fourth followed by a descent of a third is a characteristic figure in the Traditional settings. The remainder of the chant, however, is identical to the other Thessalonian setting (Example 16a and b) Example 16a: Thessalonian, Vat. 1495 and Ivi. 985 la Refrain Intonation ,jr j j Example 16b: Hybrid Thessalonian, Kou. 399 l a Refrain Intonation h Ala- Ktt.— pi-M •! a - cv Ô- Sù> I. - — Ï — Both halves of the verse are set to music in the Traditional version, three different examples of which are included in Example 17. The three versions of the melody are basically the same, with the major difference being a transposition. The setting of verse 1 in manuscripts Pantocrator 214, Vatopedi 1528, and Filotheou 122 is a third lower but is otherwise almost identical with the melody that begins on G in Iviron MS. 1120 and Vatopedi MS. 1281 (Example 17a and b). The setting is a recitation on G with a few ornamental inflec tions. The second half of the verse lacks the rising third of the intonation but continues the same recitation formula on G with a more 150 melismatic extension at the close. The Alleluia rises from E to G and the final cadence is the same as the beginning of the intonation formula. In Koutloumousiou MS. 459 (Example 17c), the first half of the verse is the same as in Example 17a and b. It is set as in the transposed version beginning on G with recitation on B, but the second half moves the recitation down to G before returning to the transposed version of 17b. The refrains are similar in all the Traditional melodies and cadence with a three-note stepwise ascent. Example 17a: Traditional, Pan. 214, Vat. 1528, and Fil. 122 la lb Intonation / - / - t O - v O u A\a-k£ — pt-ot ûl a - wuJ-iJot Cl/ O — S iù o f *no-p£U-^C»/ V o - ^ o ^ R e f r & l n - - t - Example 17b: Traditional, Ivi. 1120 and Vat. 1281 l a lb Intonation A)a,“ ta ~ ^(-01 ot ‘ot à— SO o* ito-^to— o - ^ t - v o l cv v o -^ u / \ > Rofrain ^ r If' -h .. r y - J - Example 17c: Traditional, Kou. 459 lb Intonatloa C A\(^- ^CL“ pl-ot o2 gy ^ 01 TTO-pCU-O-^t-Vot ^^/ V O - -^ W ^ R e f r a i n ibg^x7'j / {.^9# ku_ _ pi- ou ft - - ^oU-L--0. Verse 12 Fourteenth-century sources and the earliest fifteenth-century source (Iviron MS. 985) have only one setting for verse 12, a Tradi tional melody that is identical in all seven manuscripts (Example 18). The first half of this setting is a recitation on B with rising in flections. In the second half the recitation pattern has moved up to D and has more ornamental inflections and even a melismatic extension on the accented syllable of the word "dikedmata" (diKaimyara), which shows the correlation between speech pattern and recitation formula. The refrain for this setting is the most melismatic that appears in any of our sources for verse 12. The final cadence, AGG, is typical of the mode. Example 18: Traditional, Ath. 2458 and Vat. 1495 f\ 12a 12b ______y ______^ ■1' f, i, ‘ f, t, rj^-lj m I (/ 6- S i J - - - - /wo.- -Tft Later fifteenth-century sources include several settings for verse 12, of which the Traditional melody is usually the first. This Traditional melody, however, differs in some respects from that in the fourteenth-century manuscripts, as may be seen in Example 19 from Iviron MS. 1120. This setting is referred to in the rubrics as "old [melody] changed" ( aXayya TraXaidv). The changes consist mostly of ornamental variations of the reciting pitch, and the major differ ence between the two lies in the refrain, which is very concise and syllabic in the later sources. Example 19: Traditional, Ivi. 1120 12* 12b f V / ^ z r j z f n I ,A 7 ; / > / - v -, • ^ £ i j T o $ ^ ICu - pt “ “ - • £ To, fi-Kûl-tJ- - — - ^ R e f r a i n e r g , i, ë CoU t — flu Another popular setting of this verse that appears throughout the 3 I fifteenth century is known as "etepov oi[3vToyov" ("another shortened [setting]"). This setting, henceforth referred to as Syntomon, con sists of only the last portion of 12b.The Syntomon setting in Example 20 is similar to that of 12b in the Traditional melody in Example 19, but the intonation and melisma at the end of the verse are both omitted. Interestingly enough, the refrain of the Syntomon 15. Because of the great quantity of music, it is impossible to con sider every melody in this and in other discussions of comparative settings; consequently, only the most important will be mentioned. 16. Whenever only the last portion of the verse is set, it is assumed that the omitted part is sung to a recitative formula that has been repeated in preceding verses. 153 setting might be regarded as a condensation of the final dozen notes of the older Traditional melody in Example 18. Example 20: Syntomon, Ivi. 1120 IZb Refrain “ KQl - uf — - WQ.- -To. ^ “ t “ " Û. Another popular fifteenth-century setting for verse 12, this time complete, is that by loannes Lampadarios Kladas (Example 1 5 ) . The first half of the verse again has inflected recitation on B, as does the fourteenth-century Traditional setting. The second half, however, after beginning with recitation on G, becomes highly melismatic, with more frequent and larger skips. The lengthy refrain in this setting follows outlines similar to passages in the refrain of the earliest traditional setting. (The similar sections are bracketed and numbered in Examples 18 and 21.) That Lampadarios uses the Traditional melody as a guide for his own setting is in keeping with his compositional technics. We know from the writings of Manouel Chrysaphes that Lampadarios was noted for retaining traditional melodic outlines in 18 his own compositions. 17. As a rule the rubric indication "Lampadarios" identifies the composer loannes Kladas. 18. Athanasios Papadopoulos-Kerameus, "MavoufiX Xpuoa^n^"— AayiraSdlpioy TOU gaoiAiKou KX-npou," Vizantiskii Vremennik VIII (1901), p. 537 154 Example 21: loannes Lampadarios Kladas, Ivi. 1120 IZa 12b Sl.Sa.-jÔŸ l>lt fi-Hai- é-ltj llU J C ù -^ o -p -T o f t l Ku.pl - L Tft R e f r a i n fTT . 0 3 r s > j ‘ '■'■J ja Si- toi-w-^-Tft. la.- - - f - 2 - (J a- — A"'" L — — CL The setting in Example 22a makes its earliest appearance in the fifteenth-century manuscript Pantocrator 214 and is included in several other sources of that and the next century. The melody is clearly no more than a variant of the fifteenth-century melody by the Constantinopolitan composer Fardivoukes (Example 22b). Both halves of the verse follow the basic melodic outline of the Traditional setting in Example 19. The main difference is that Fardivoukes' arrangement is simpler and lacks the ornamentation of the Traditional melody. The arrangement by Fardivoukes, as might be expected, is found in his complete version of the Amomos in Koutloumousiou MS. 449 and also ap pears in the sixteenth-century manuscript Xiropotamou 269. Example 22a: Fardivoukes, Pan. 214 12ft 1 2 b ^ £ ( J - ^0 - y ^ - - L — — — OL 155 Example 22b; Fardivoukes, Kou. 449 and Xir. 269 . 12» 12b Refrain d Cy-^o. y/*,'Toj ti £ Çl-Ç» ■r |U£. Ta. C i-ka l-u ) f^o. - faV ftr -f J J j V ■ - I — a. Besides the Fardivoukes' setting, Koutloumousiou MS. 449 also has a setting of verse 12 by Manouel Chrysaphes, a later fifteenth-century composer. His melody (Example 23) follows the outline established by Fardivoukes in his setting in Koutloumousiou MS. 449 and Xiropotamou MS. 269. The main difference is that the verse portion of Chrysaphes' setting is a third higher than Fardivoukes', while the refrain is a fifth higher, with the final cadence being a descending stepwise pro gression from G to D. It is interesting to note that none of Chry saphes' settings occur in the fifteenth-century musical anthology, Iviron MS. 1120, which bears his signature. It is only with the late fifteenth-century manuscript, Koutloumousiou 449 that his settings begin to appear. Example 23: Chrysaphes, Ivi. 951 and Kou. 449 12» 12b ^ Refrain as t t, i' ( ^ ^'fff ' fj B I'J [f t r r J . ko - f>i-C f(-foL-|oy fOC. To. ft-knl-w- ^oo a,— - T - - OL 156 In the nineteenth-century Synopsis of I. Lampadarios, the setting of verse 12 (Example 24) does follow the skeletal outline of the fif teenth-century setting by loannes Kladas Lampadarios. The nineteenth- century setting, however, is simpler and more concise, eliminating the melismas and embellishments that characterized Lampadarios' earlier setting (Example 21). The new setting is also written in a tonal area a third lower and has a final cadence of AGEE. Unlike the earlier set ting, which had two Alleluias in the melismatic refrain, the nine teenth-century version has only one Alleluia, patterned after the second in the fifteenth-century source. Example 24: loannes Lampadarios, SIL ) 12a______1 2 b ______£ A R e f r a i n j ' j ' J- / / I ■>' / /--ÿ / J , - j T T l \— fr—f— fl— r~ r v f J J J I - - 0- Verse 20 For verse 20 the fourteenth-century sources have only a Tradi tional setting that the fifteenth-century manuscripts Athens 2406 and 2401 (second version) identify as Thessalonian. Identical in all the early sources, this setting of the complete verse again makes use of what is obviously a traditional formula with a rising intonation lead- 19 ing to recitation on B (Example 25). The second half of the verse begins as a repetition of the recitation formula, but on the last 19. As applied to verse 20a, the formula is almost identical with that in the "hybrid" melody given in Example 16b above. 157 syllable of the word an extended melisma with intercalated syllables ("~i" and "xi") intervenes. The last word of the verse con cludes this melisma, which is followed by a much shorter but still melismatic refrain. At first glance this chant appears to be a com pletely rhapsodic and asymmetrical melody. It is undeniably long, but it is largely based on repetition, ornamentation, and expansion of the recitation formula. As indicated by brackets in Example 25 the intona tion begins the melisma in the verse and appears three more times within it. Except for the third statement, the intonation leads to ornamental figures moving around the reciting pitch. A threefold statement of the intonation then begins the refrain, which also emphasizes the reciting pitch, even in its rather unusual final ca dence AGBG. Example 25: Traditional (Thessalonian), Ath. 2458 and Vat. 1495 20a 2 0 b TTf-Tfi-5,,-rcv/ yo-fjioTcj [ . Ml TO, Kpi-^Ja.-Ta nu C v t r a v - T t Î I X ‘ n I---- 1 R e t r a i n X‘ f5= •j r w n Z l # J 'H r f; I6l- PÜ d - - - - - ^ p o - ) FJ .... - t t - - - - I - 0, 158 All of our sources from the fifteenth century and later include at least one or more settings for verse 20. A glance at the Table of Melodic Concordances in Appendix B reveals that numerous composers wrote settings for this verse, of which two by Nikephoros Ethikos are among the most frequently encountered. His first setting pro vides a melody for the entire verse (Example 26). In comparison to the Traditional setting, this melody is much shorter and simpler, with no extended melismas and with ornamentation limited primarily to the refrain. Again the melody is essentially an inflected recitation on B. The initial intonation is lacking, but it does appear twice within the verse. A descent at the close leads to the pitch d' on which the re frain begins. The Alleluia is sung twice in the refrain with differ ent melodies that are separated by a three-note AéXe module. Example 26: Ethikos, Vat. 1528 20» 2 0 b s ’£ - trc- iro-'A)-fcv Mw Toû c Ta tcpl- ^oi> tv 1 Refrain ^ d -nav. - T( Hxl-pô »ai . ^ - - t - - a - jfC- ~ /Ol/ - - t - Or The second melody by Ethikos sets only the second half of verse 20 along with the refrain (Example 27). It begins with exactly the same notes as the corresponding portion of his first setting, but then 159 expands melismatically with some repetition of words and syllables. The single Alleluia in the refrain also expands the basic melodic out line of the second Alleluia of his first setting and ends with the same cadence. It would seem that Ethikos has offered here a more elaborate and more melismatic alternative ending for the complete setting in Example 26. Example 27: Ethikos, Vat. 1528 \ 20b ______. ______I, J' I f- 4 X r ‘'v i f J- J-J7. t 'U k r " là KpI- crou tv na - - - la. X“- nav-Ti kai-pD x'*' \ R e f r a i n -V f L J I k-M- ..^ tif // ...... V.- In Fardivoukes* arrangement of verse 20, only the last three words of the text are set ("ev Travxt Kotipw"). The melody, which moves within the range of a sixth (e'-c"), is highly melismatic (Example 28). It begins with the intonation GAB that introduces the same words in Ethikos* complete setting of the verse, but Fardivoukes* melody con tinues in a way quite unlike any other settings of this verse. The refrain, in which the Alleluia is sung twice, moves in the tonal area of Mode II Plagal rather than that of Mode II Authentic in which the remainder of the chant is composed. The cadence AGFEFE is also typical of Mode II Plagal. Besides Fardivoukes * truncated setting, the later fifteenth-century source Koutloumousiou MS. 449, as well as the six teenth-century Xiropotamou MS. 269, contains a Constantinopolitan set ting of the complete verse as arranged by him (Example 29). A com parison of this later setting with the earlier complete setting of 160 Ethikos reveals a number of similarities and suggests that Ethikos’ melody may also be an arrangement of a Constantinopolitan setting. Even though there are obvious differences between the two melodies, their frequent use of the same notes for the same syllables of text establishes a clear relationship. Their refrains also follow similar melodic outlines, and both include the A êX e module that divides them into halves. Example 28: Fardivoukes, Vat. 1528 20b § vira------yo. - - — - - - >^0Lv-7t R e f r a i n )Cq I- pu^ ( X I — — d (L — ^ d — — — *— “ t — — Example 29: Fardivoukes, Kou. 449 and Xir. 269 2 0 a 2 0 b I t ' l M ./ - ÎTC - TTd) - - fcy rt) yy — yuVov g — Ta k^i-^a-To. cox) O ' R e f r a i n « i r a v - T l £ d - - _ a. --a. In three ways the truncated setting of verse 20 by Fardivoukes 20 resembles that of loannes Glykys given in Example 30. The most ob vious similarity is their common use of the same three-word text. Like 20. loannes Glykys, who is known as "the protopsaltes" in the four teenth- and fifteenth-century manuscripts, is often identified in attributions as "xou irpijoTou (of the protopsaltes). 161 Fardivoukes, Glykys also begins with the ascending GAB formula. After this opening, however, his melody for the verse remains at a higher pitch level and differs considerably from that of Fardivoukes. The third likeness appears in the Alleluia refrain, for Glykys also changes to Mode II Plagal. The cadence of his refrain, however, is unique, with a triadic descent BGE. Generally, the setting by Glykys is longer and more melismatic, and his refrain contains three statements of Alleluia, while Fardivoukes' has only two. Example 30; loannes Glykys, Vat. 1528 20b na - - - Î0-- . - - - 2a - - Ta - - - %a- R a f r a l n T t pt*) i — — — — — - A. O * * — — t — — " OL a ~ “ — * 2 CL — — — — — %a — — — — “ L *■ Cl Most fifteenth-century sources include a partial setting of verse 20 by Lampadarios Kladas (Example 31a and b). It usually consists of the entire second half of the verse, but in Koutloumousiou MS. 459 it is reduced to the last three words. As is characteristic of Lampadari os, the melody is based on various patterns and formulas from earlier traditional melodies. Lampadarios’ setting of 20b bears some resem blance to the corresponding portion of the Traditional Thessalonian setting (Example 25), whereas his refrain begins the same way as the refrain by Ethikos in his setting that may represent a Constantin opolitan tradition (Example 26). Lampadarios' melody is extended and highly ornamented, with melismata that include lengthy sections of 162 intercalated syllables (yt » ti, ppi in the verse; lie, ttie, in the refrain). The melody moves in the range of an octave, d*-d", and has several skips of fourths and fifths. The final cadence usually found for this chant is BABG, again resembling the Traditional setting. In Koutloumousiou MS. 459, however, the more typical cadence for the mode, AGAG, is substituted. Example 31a: loannes Lampadarios Kladas, Vat. 1528 and Ivi. 1120 20b Ji ro O i v TT4V - T t yJL 7 1 p f l 7 1 T l T l S i J T t T l T l T l T l Tl ri gv R e f r a i n 1' rj -J. ; .rJ } K"J TTav-Ti kai-aû Û. — ^'*1 — — — — — — a tc. TUC S 5 J - , -/7-V.7 2a at, to. lit, V AVn ZQ. - — — ^OU — — — (L ies Example 31b: Joannes Lampadarios Kladas, Kou. 459 2 0 b g , / / ; b r - h ^ J ^ - ê r £v Irov-Tl %( Tl piPI Tl Tl Tl Tl Tl -Tl Ti Ti Tl Tl Tl Tl Tl■fl Tl Tl Tl TC ft pC. TL TL T n-t- LV TTaV-Ti kai-pS R e f r a l n p j J-rt ^ '/ / ’S'7" i- - - Sk^ _ ^eU-i -a- 6. kL, Ttt. uL la- itC- la. UL : r r W ' ^ - -V - i H , A few sources (Iviron MS. 1120, Athens MS. 2599, Athens MS. 2401, and Iviron MS. 973) preserve an anonymous setting of the last three words of verse 20 along with the refrain (Example 32). This setting begins with an intonation formula GACB that seems to be a variant of the one used by Fardivoukes and Glykys. After amelisma on the third syllable of the text, both the intonation and words are repeated, with another melisma on the final syllable. Unlike the settings of Fardi voukes and Glykys, the refrain is in the same mode as the verse: Mode II Authentic. The melody moves primarily within the fifth g'-d", but skips down once to d'. It ends with the typical AGAG cadence. Example 32: Anonymous, Ivi. 1120 2 0 b Refrain ’fv iTttv-Ti u XI tv ïïâv--rî Km-yW — — ■ 164 A complete setting of verse 20 by Chrysaphes appears in one fif teenth-century and later sources (Example 33). The melody is neither excessively long nor melismatic; on the contrary, it is one of the simplest settings of this verse. Although the range is only a sixth, the tonal level b ’-g" gives the chant a uniquely high tessitura for settings of this verse. Instead of the traditional intonation, Chrysaphes begins with a skip of a third, b*-d", after which his melody circles around d" in a way that suggests deliberate ornamenta tion of a recitation formula. He then cadences in the usual way a third below the reciting pitch. The basic intervallic structure of Chrysaphes' melody, B-D-B, is thus no more than a transposition of the G-B-G recitation formula most clearly evident in the Traditional (Thes- salonian) setting in Example 25. Example 33: Chrysaphes, Kou. 449 and Ivi. 951 ^ ’E-TTl-TJo-'ÿ.j-f'tV T«0 t- -■n'L-'do-«-ai to. Kpi-yiJa.-Ta «roo cV \ ^ -TawTL icai- poJ - 'i - - a. Curiously enough, the nineteenth-century setting of verse 20 in the Synopsis of I. Lampadarios (Example 34) also has the same inter vallic structure. Now, however, it is a fifth lower than Chrysaphes' melody, and the whole setting is in the plagal rather than the authentic form of Mode II. For this reason, perhaps the refrain, though greatly shortened, can be related to the beginning and end of Fardivoukes' fifteenth-century (Example 28). In any case, the melody in the Synopsis is clearly derived from earlier sources and may well 165 have been considered a return to the oldest forms of Byzantine psalmody. Example 34: loannes Lampadarios, SIL 20a 2 0 b -I______ÙLL s £. ______til______r-1______(Æ)_____ ^ Tr£.-tro-TSri*ax\^ ^ u;u - u c o TÔV ^ -y*An To. i- wt-^TA. &v TTav- h ______j " ) j ] j d •ft K&i " “ pu) ii^ — — - L — a. Verse 26 One or more settings for verse 26 are found in seven fourteenth- century manuscripts, of which four have a single setting identified as Traditional (see Appendix B, Part 1). Two manuscripts, Athens 904 and 905, contain two settings each, of which only one is legible and identifiable as the Traditional. Athens MS. 2454 has three settings, all of which, unfortunately, are illegible. Consequently, the Tra ditional setting appears as the only identifiable and legible setting for verse 26 in the fourteenth century. In the fifteenth century only four sources include settings for this verse that are also identified as either Traditional or Thessalonian. The rubrics in manuscripts Athens 2 4 0 6 and 2401 and Iviron 974, as well as a comparison of the melodies, indicate that these two versions are melodically identical. After the fifteenth century, verse 26 disappears from those of the first stasis set to music. The Traditional setting in Example 35, then, is the only legible version of verse 26. It is based on a standard formula with recita tion on B after a rising intonation that has already appeared in the settings of verse 1 (Example 17b and c) and verse 20 (Example 25), of which the latter is also identified as a Traditional Thessalonian 166 melody. After repetition of the recitation in the verse itself, there are two more pairs of repeated phrases, one in the melisma and one in the refrain. These paired phrases are bracketed and numbered in Example 35. These repetitions are sometimes exact and sometimes introduce slight variants. The entire setting, long and melismatic, cadences on an ABG formula. Example 35: Traditional, Ath. 2458 and Vat. 1495 26» 26b " koi- kî - - - - -X'J X*J X'*' ï i X(L • r j i !• ^ / 7 j ^ Ut a la «0. uc. To. fu- Kai-k/- I I— r S) V/il.i.J tj. ; 'Jl-i j > (J nJi.-ra. «"oJ — — — — — — CL CL — t I— ) i J >-f. / ? - r n f ? - F - S 3 m CL ZcX — — — — •— Ci t O — — — 6 — — — - OL, Verse 28 As may be seen in the General Table of Concordances, verse 28 is represented in only two fourteenth-century sources: Athens MSS. 904 and 906. Of the two versions of the Amomos in Athens MS. 904, only the Constantinopolitan includes the verse in a setting by Fardivoukes. In Athens MS. 906 the Amomos begins abruptly with what appears to be the 167 ending of 28b. Throughout the fifteenth-century and later sources, however, numerous settings of the verse appear, including three by Fardivoukes. Most sources include only one of Fardivoukes' settings, but all three are found in Sinai MS. 1293 and Athens MSS. 2456 and 2401. Two of the settings are nearly identical, however. The ver sion that appears in Pantocrator MS. 214 is given complete in Example 36. The first half of the verse is again sung to the typical recitation formula that begins on B and has downward inflections to A and G. Recitation on B continues in the second half of the verse, but it soon becomes more highly inflected, with the range finally expanded to cover the octave d'-d". In addition, extensive melismas with intercalated syllables ornament the last four words (ev 10*15 ^ 0 7 0 1 5 aou). The chant then concludes with a simple refrain that cadences on B. As found in Iviron MS. 1120, the other nearly identical setting of this verse by Fardivoukes differs in only two passages, which are given in the appropriate places beneath the complete version in Example 36. The first of these passages occurs within the extended melismas at the end of the verse, but even here a good many motives and melodic figures appear in corresponding places in both versions. The second variant passage is the refrain, which is altered just enough to end a fifth lower on E. The two refrains begin in the same way and have the same cadential formula. That Fardivoukes himself was responsible for both settings is possible. It seems more likely, however, that the variant form of one or the other setting resulted either from oral transmission or as a deliberate revision by a later arranger or performer. 168 Example 36: Fardivoukes, Pan. 214 and Ivi. 1120 28» 28b S i I £ - vu - rl».-|£V if \fJ- }^i(f ^10  - ITO a - M -fl-» ttj ^C.-/lU-kl-U"AV £V 4 /V f -Ji f j ) i Q - J J>. f~}\ O Toi ■ , Xoi J(Ol ibL h ' h ; / ü y uc. a. u t za o. It au.t T u t to. tuc. ja, to. ut. T a U t O n iTl. 1120 a u c la . Tia. u t T u t T u t TU.I, TttUt d T a TUC. Ta Tîa ut Ta ut d Tut Tut la. Ut Rnc2J.iaAji e f r a i n • 'J J çiy fJ rf-j,' ) \ y n - jJ l . . : J V 1 £ V *T»y CTOÜ The third setting by Fardivoukes as found in Koutloumousiou MS. 449 and Xiropotamou MS. 269 is given in Example 37. Although this setting also bears some resemblance to the other two, the differences here are more outstanding than the likenesses. Recitation on B is again the basis for the first half of the verse, but it begins after a rising skip of a third and has rising as well as falling inflections. The remaining and much greater part of the chant has a different melodic setting that emphasizes G more than B and stays within the range of a sixth (e’-c"). Melismas with intercalated syllables are still present, but they are shorter and less highly ornamented than in the other settings. The refrain begins on G and ends with the typi cal cadence AGAGG. 169 Example 37: Fardivoukes, Kou. 449 and Xir. 269 28a 2 8 b V £ - vo-rrx-^sv <1J yu - )(», yk/iV ^ - 7 1 0 i - I C r f ^ - 0 .f jIc- iaî- U-trùv c v -rôîf - i»ls g 7-/;/ ; ’/? Tt 2v T o Tj ^0 - yofy d - — — a — — — — nÿ*n 'Jv J- — — — CL The manuscripts preserve four different settings of verse 28 by loannes Glykys, although as a rule no more than three appear in any one source. None of these settings includes the first half of the verse, and the second half is complete only in two. Both of these are found in Iviron MS. 1120 and are transcribed in Example 38a and b. The first and longer of the two begins with the same ornamental reci tation on B that Fardivoukes used for the corresponding portion of his setting in Example 36. The melismatic continuation is different, al though much of it also circles around B. Glykys ' melody is particu larly interesting for the almost exact repetitions of two extended phrases, which are marked by numbered brackets in the example. Also of interest is the fact that the repetition of the second phrase is transposed down a third. This transposition anticipates and prepares the way for the melodic descent in the refrain to a cadence on E. Glykys' shorter setting in Example 38b is much simpler, being mostly syllabic except for melismas on the first syllable of "Xdyoi^" and in the refrain. This melody seems to have no connection with recitation 170 formulae. Instead, it gradually rises from g ’ to f" during the course of the verse, then gradually descends in the refrain to a cadence on b ’. Example 38a: loannes Glykys, Pan. 214 and Ivi. 1120 2 8 b r j L J L  . ^ jUC. cv foL - - to i ÎOl fiv -tUf - jfoy FOO O. 10, R- Ut t Ttt liC. lac t TUC. lue t TUC Refrain ë r=’^- y > ’Oy-jTfy-J ilf JfË 7a uc. t‘ Ta. £ic Za uc Za uc. a - - — /ou - - t - - - a Example 38b: loannes Glykys, Ivi. 1120 28b R e f r a i n g ; / V' / V' / t,r i} % rij- LU-ii 6 c - /ji- u>- fôy cv Tbîf ^ ------_ feV a. - ^a — - - - y^ou - I - OU Both of Glykys* other two settings begin with the third word of verse 28b. The first of these (Example 39a) is little more than a variant form of the melody for the same words in Example 38b. After the first six or seven notes, the melody is simply transposed down a third with some shifts in the position of syllables. A further change in the refrain leads to a descending cadence GEE. Following this melody by Glykys in Pantocrator MS. 214, a second setting of the same 31 words is referred to in the rubrics as "etepov [another] Glykys" (Example 39b). This setting again begins with the progression from 171 b' to e", but it then becomes a different and longer melody with more expansive melismas. Moving within the ambitus of a seventh (f’-e"), this setting also ends with a stepwise descending cadence, this time BAG. Example 39a; loannes Glykys, Pan. 214 28 b RefrainR e f r a i n ^ a ' r. f /■ r f f j / t' y ' (X. — — — - yCL ’Ey/ T0T5 - — — - e~oO ’i! / g a d " * ^*'1 - ^ 0 - c - o- Example 39b: loannes Glykys, Pan. 214 2 8 b gU.,t ( UJJ-M4/ I J r ti Ü if f/ %i.n J j J m ------xo< c. - - -- Wi f t.- ’ - t Ly/ .y / T o y i n - yVM/ c y a - e o R e f r a i n Besides the settings of Fardivoukes and Glykys, one by Lampa darios Kladas is important in the transmission of verse 28. Although the sources vary in the way they preserve this setting, what may be taken as the standard version is given complete in Example 40. It will be seen that the setting begins with the recitation formula commonly used for the second halves of verses. Thereafter, extensive melismas in both the verse and the refrain continue to ornament the reciting pitch (b'), but they gradually expand the range to cover the octave d'-d", with more than the usual amount of disjunct motion. The version in Pantocrator MS. 214 omits the first two words of the text (enclosed in brackets), but otherwise presents the melody as it appears in Example 40. In Iviron MS. 1120, Lampadarios' setting of verse 28b is 172 complete. The melody differs from the Pantocrator version only in minor variants until it reaches the point marked by an asterisk, where it is transposed up a third. The result is an expansion of the range to a ninth (e'-f") and an ending on B instead of G. In Koutloumousiou MS. 459 the setting is also complete and differs from the Pantocrator version only in some ornamental details. To illustrate these slight differences in the refrain the last complete Alleluia is included in Example 40. Example 40: loannes Lampadarios Kladas, Pan. 214, Ivi. 1120, and Kou. 459 2 8 b . H —d—i y :/ yT7/* j d *—— h f J- J M ----- 5 : 'h- I - g j - V y i J t CW ^ 0- t o — — C & lo . U - C t C * T C , T t t O. «i-t. tt, Te, T O . j i a - u c R e f r a i n f i n \ J J' d o. Tois - — - - - /oij a - - - Jifff -J ICL - - Kou. '*59 i — . 7a. - - ^o6 — t - a . J 'JJJ 7 Ë2 *- A later setting of verse 28 by Chrysaphes also begins with the typical recitation formula and continues with ornamental figures around the reciting pitch. It is of special interest, however, because the 173 same melody, with some variation, returns in Chrysaphes' setting of verse 36. Both settings are included below in Example 41. The nineteenth-century setting of verse 28 in the Synopsis of I. Lampa darios provides another example of adapting the same melodic formulae to different verses, as may be seen by comparing Example 42 with the setting of verse 20 in Example 34. The refrains of both verses, in fact are identical. Example 41: Chrysaphes, Ivi. 951 and Doc. 332 and 338 28tt 28b 1= s J ■J\d J -j7-J!^-T~drTr n-1 ■ ^ - v& — - JTa,-2tV ybJDU i-TTo i— St" Clj J' ; r .Rv; . T m v laif-St'o.v fJcu rà. ^p-TvI-pl-ô. «lu n ù o v C V T ^ s o - u ç j 2 a . u c , T U C V TC m - T o t T O R e f r a i n «rj? t ' i ' M - C5 ï Ta. t v T o -i ^o-ÿotj ffbu à.— “ " • û» -• •“ R e f r a i n i; JJ7 Q. J / , 9 OJ o TO *T^i^o -V£, - - — - l /\V’'~ /p i — c - a, u t o . - - - "^ou - — t. - - - a. *— 'f V } 7 .1 r " H — >J'-/=f— r - J j -fr «/ 1' 4-J — A " — p ' --4 - l - L - — €L U£v tt- -y\o6 " “■ t " " “ £L Example 42: loannes Lampadarios. SIL 2 8 a S 3 " X-và-.Ta-ICV ŸV-XrA fJ,0 d - XtO â - - K.r,-SC - ~ O.S 4c.4,(.W-oVv ______I, R e f r a i n ______/ / ■ 7 ; / g S é v T o T j ^ 0 - yoij fou ^ t _ 174 Verse 36 Verse 36 is found in only two fourteenth-century manuscripts, which contain a total of four settings: Athens 904 with one setting and Athens 906 with three. Most fifteenth-century manuscripts, how ever, contain three or more settings for this verse and may even have as many as six. The most important composer of this verse in the fifteenth century is Fardivoukes, for his five different settings are those most frequently found in fifteenth-century sources. Three set tings include the complete verse, but the remaining two have only the second half of the verse and the refrain. His complete setting of verse 36, transcribed from the manuscripts Pantocrator 214 and Vatopedi 1528 and 1281, is given in Example 43. This setting follows the same recitation pattern on B that has been encountered in other melodies in this stasis. In the middle of the b portion, an embellished melody with intercalated syllables is inserted (see vertical brackets). After this section the remaining b portion follows with a refrain that ca dences on CB. 175 Example 43: Fardivoukes, Pan. 214, Vat. 1528 and 1281, and Ivi. 1120 36« 36b J' J ' / A-V'./ . J vciV T i ) v taji-Sî-aV fJt\) tl} Tc. fJcÇ'Tu-~ a trcJ K a | c y rj^t- o - lo *— ^ -i» " -a / ' A n rS' h i 1 r 1 1 /"7 3^1 - c Ï - a uc Zo. uc ta uc 10. uc TC TC Tt J r) ^ r r f t ^ r[j ■'^JJ J-' _» TC T C x c t a i za , Uc. to. U E . ja. A ' H c H J.J H f "-E- «• 70. at *• a. UE. 70. R e f M i n 4 Î 7 H h r V T t f i /■> fJ J ■^■j"JrJi-n-j7rn tt} - O - - -V£. JI - ai/ o- in. 1120 '/ " v'+ J‘ jp ~ r ^ .... " TT/t - -0- - - - uc A . /> if ^ i^ hj i!Trwj±^.£.U4..UijM Xoü - 6 - - - “ “ - c - Û» rCU J ' ; ' / / J T H . g j ' ^ r j ^ - ^ - L - a. a - - 0.-^-»!-^ou-t - - a- Fardivoukes' complete setting in Iviron 1120 is similar to the one just discussed, for the same recitation formula is present in both halves of the verse. An interpolated section with intercalated syl lables occurs at the same place in the text but it is different in this second setting. It was in these interpolations with meaningless syllables that composers had the freedom to concentrate on the musical aspects of the chant and not the relationship of melody to text. Dimitri Conomos* explanation as to why such a large amount of embel lished material was inserted in settings of verse texts is that "chanters freely included or omitted such additions according to the 176 21 time allowed by the type and nature of the service." The remainder of Fardivoukes' second setting, that is for the end of the verse and the refrain, is included beneath the corresponding part of the first setting in Example 43 as an illustration of the way melodies were often varied and transposed. Fardivoukes begins this section differently, but then follows the basic outline of the first setting a third lower so that the cadence is on G. Fardivoukes' third complete setting of verse 36 in Example 44 is found in manuscripts Pantocrator 211, Koutloumousiou 449, and Xiropota mou 269. Although this setting is slightly more ornamental, it still uses the recitation pattern, but now with inflections both above and below the reciting pitch of B. The interpolated material, which occurs at the same place as in the other complete settings, has been omitted from the example, but its position is indicated by empty brackets [ ]. Example 44: Fardivoukes, Pan. 211, Kou. 449, and Xir. 269 3 6 a kÿ-vov tAv K aj)-ft-ov fjoM Ta -f>l- Ô. Kal Eij T T ^ - 0 ------ R e f r a i n . ___ _ — : W ' : ------1 - | h f 4 . f ■ . 'A A / 7 7 j - - - - e i n - ' - z f ------ " A V - - - - - a. H — = E F = g J> - i ) / Besides the five settings by Fardivoukes, other less frequently found fifteenth-century settings are a "adVToyov" (Syntomon) or 21. Conomos, Byzantine Trisagia, p. 286. 177 abbreviated version by Ethikos, a short setting identified as Koinon (common), and one by Manougra. All three follow the same pattern by setting just the second half of the text to a recitation formula that turns into a melisma on the second syllable of "irXeove^fa" and then returns to the psalmodie pattern and refrain. Even though the recita tion formula in all three settings remains standard, the individuality of each is exhibited in the melismatic interpolated material and in the refrain. All manuscripts of the sixteenth century and later include only one setting for verse 36. The three composers represented during this period are I. Lampadarios, Chrysaphes, and Fardivoukes. The letter's setting is the one found in the late fifteenth-century manuscripts Pantocrator 211 and Koutloumousiou 449 (see Example 44 above). The most elaborate of the sixteenth-century settings is that by loannes Kladas Lampadarios. Because of its great length and the textual repetition, most sources begin with the second half of the verse. The complete setting in Pantocrator MS. 211 is given in Example 45, however. It will be seen that the verse is again sung to a recitation pattern on B with rising and falling stepwise inflections, after which we find the usual interpolated material and melismatic refrain. What makes this setting different is the following repetition of the com plete verse in a freer melodic style with a different interpolation and a new melody for the refrain. Until now we have not encountered such double settings of complete verses. They are not uncommon, however, and some even have more than one repetition. More than in the first stasis, for some reason, these double and triple settings 178 occur with particular frequency in the remaining two staseis and seem especially characteristic of verses 149 and 161. Example 45: loannes Lampadarios Kladas, Pan. 211 36a 36b vov t V Kaj>~fi-aV yuioi) cl^ To. jJaji-Tu-fH-a. j> fj f, Ujju-i irh^S J Î0 - VC - -71 -AV Refrain A® - - Cl _ 1 0 - — - _ - A V l ~/\0Ü — — — CL 2ft-— ^o. — — — — 5 f / U i t Qrhf J ^ov - V — O- z& /WZ. 2<*- k^i _ _ vov T/Av - - av 36b £15 To. - - TV - pi. Refrain _ 1 _ -g-r;.:VL/7- w a l y m ü . . - - VC - AA">" A°‘* I - a. Chrysaphes' setting of verse 36 including the interpolated mate rial and refrain is nearly identical with his setting of verse 28 and was included with it in Example 41 above. A similar repetition of previously used material for verse 36 is found in the Synopsis of I. Lampadarios (Example 46)• Like the preceding examples from this source, it reduces the verse to a simple syllabic chant within the range e'-b' and uses the same melody for the refrain. Since the remaining verses in the Synopsis follow the same procedure, no further examples from this source need be included. 179 Example 46: loannes Lampadarios, SIL 3 6 . \______-tt i’ /■ J / ■M'! J1 t> / /-/ ^ t'J' V(V Xm’J K^i-■ ÛV jjtfJ cl{ Ttt no Kal fJn Ct{ VC -|t-- av -I- - Verse 41 Settings for verse 41 are found in fourteenth- and fifteenth- century sources but afterwards disappear from the scheme of verses set to music. The earliest fourteenth-century sources include only one setting— that of "the Protopsaltes Kyr loannes," the usual designation of the composer loannes Glykys. The setting of the complete verse as it appears in Athens MS. 2458 and Vatopedi MS. 1495 is given in Ex ample 47. Recitation in the first half of the verse is on G, with rising inflections on A that coincide with the textual accents. At the end of this phrase the melody rises to B on the word "Kt3pie." This pattern continues in the second half of the verse, but the main pitches are now B and C. Interpolated in this half is a long melisma on the first syllable of X 6 yo v (word), which is synonymous with the Lord (see Chapter II). This melisma is particularly interesting because it con sists of a single motive stated five times in descending sequences. It is also worthy of note that the melisma continues the vowel sound o^ with which it began, but now with the nonalphabetical symbol ~ pre- 22 fixed. Following the melisma, a repetition of the word X 6 y o v 22. According to Carsten H^eg, the nonalphabetical symbols " V and "u." are always intoned with an "n" sound. See MMB, Serie Principale IV (1956), 27-29. 180 completes the verse. The lengthy refrain, in which Alleluia is sung three times, also shows traces of sequential writing. After a varied beginning, for example, the second Alleluia repeats the melody of the first a third higher. Successions of short motives and intervallic progressions emphasize the descent of the final Alleluia from its starting pitch (d") to its cadence on g'. Example 47: loannes Glykys, Ath. 2458, Vat. 1495, and Ivi. 1120 4ib h f e l l ^ - jUJC -n C-^-os foU TO 1S20 g ka-Tft T b ^ 0' ή 20 Î0 ZD Z D - - ^ / O - 70 To TO 10 R e f r a i n ^ r r f 'j H rjj'n 0-0.- ~^00~ L- — — Û» «. — ^00 — I f,r!ÏÏU 4lj h ijgj^ i ' Û. 2o> — — —- *" *” ~ y^Ol/ — t — £L rn By the time Glykys' melody appears in the fifteenth-century manuscript Iviron 1120, it has undergone considerable modification and been reduced to the last four words of the verse and the refrain. This setting is included under the earlier fourteenth-century version in 181 Example 47. It begins with the rising intonation on G that appears so often in the last half of this verse and becomes the standard figure for leading into the melisma. This melisma repeats the earlier version almost exactly but a step lower. Interestingly enough, sequential repetition is present in the melisma as well as in the following re frain, which now begins a third lower. By the end of the first Alleluia it is only a second lower, and in the final Alleluia the melody returns to the original pitch level of the earlier version so that both endings are identical. Fardivoukes' complete setting of this verse is typical of his style, for it begins with a recitation formula on B that also appeared in his setting of verse 36 and has a melisma inserted in the second half of the verse. It is this complete setting of verse 41 that is 23 more often found in sources. Iviron MS. 1120 also includes a second setting by Fardivoukes for only the last four words of the verse with a shorter melisma but a longer melismatic refrain. A setting by Ethikos of the last four words of verse 41 (Example 48) is found in five manuscripts; Pantocrator 214, Athens 906, Vatopedi 1528, Athens 2401, and Filotheou 122. Following what was evidently common practice in such incomplete settings, Ethikos begins with the rising progression GAAB and then interpolates a melisma with added syllables. The concluding portion of the verse continues the descent begun sequentially in the melisma, through the octave d" to d'. The short refrain begins on E, rises to B, and again descends to end 23. Manuscripts Pantocrator 214, Iviron 1120, Iviron 973, Athens 906, and Vatopedi 1528 contain the complete setting of this verse by Fardivoukes. 182 with the cadence FEFG. Worthy of comparison to the setting of Ethikos is the Traditional setting found in Athens MS. 906, Pantocrator MS. 214, and Vatopedi MS. 1528 (Example 49). Identified in the rubrics as 0\ "ïïaXaidv" ("ancient") or "aXayya" ("change"), this setting begins with the same GAAB motive. The interpolated material, however, has no resemblance to that of Ethikos. It is longer, more ornamental, and circles around G, as does the completion of the verse and the refrain. The latter, interestingly enough, reverses the directions of Ethikos' refrain (Example 48). The first Alleluia ends with a descent from B to E; the second, with a stepwise ascent E-B before dropping a third to end on G. Example 48: Ethikos, Pan. 214, Ath. 906, and Vat. 1528 41 b K a-T ÎL T» U £ 0 T O T o to 20 R e f r a i n t i e'c\} i - - a . Example 49: Traditional, Pan. 214, Ath. 906, and Vat. 1528 ; h h h J - T - 5 - r - J — h — h ,r7 .rr/ . —? = ? —ik „ n ■>. . ,/» K x — T 4 "JO - zo. (tc 'i; a , Z n . u t l a ------r r A » > - a P 7 ^ / — p 7 ^ r - , — H U T A r 1, T — r -V I y t 2E. Tt TC. L a , l a . K ûL — T o . T c V ^ - y O V f ù U . R e f r a i n 0. - ^ ' * 1 ------(£ - - xa. - — -y!^oO-"t — a. Verse 45 Represented in only nine fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century sources, verse 45 then disappears from the verses commonly set to music. 183 Except for one anonymous setting in Athens MS. 905, the other eight sources preserve the same melody, which some designate as a Thessaloni an chant (Example 50). Recitation in the first half of the verse is clearly based on the same formula that Glykys used in his setting of verse 41 (Example 47). In the second half of the verse, recitation is centered on B with a rise to D on the accent of eVToXd^. As usual, a lengthy melisma is interpolated near the end of the verse, after which a repetition of the last word is sung to a melodic pattern that reappears much later in the refrains of the nineteenth-century Synopsis of I. Lampadarios (see Examples 42 and 46). With its range e ’-a' and its cadence on e', this pattern is really in the plagal rather than the authentic form of Mode II. Continuing in the same mode, the refrain of verse 45 is particularly interesting for its three statements of the Alleluia in an aab form. A II(5Xiv module, which indicates "repeat" or "again," separates the first two identical statements. The third Alleluia, after a sequential descent from b' to d', skips up to a ’ to prepare for the cadence GEE. 184 Example 50: Thessalonian, Ath. 2458, Vat. 1495, and Ivi. 985 1*5, 4 5 b kal 6 -’n’o- ^ 0 _o-|U.|v' cv v}(i~-nr-fJ^ c-ri T o / Év-Ta-^Q.5 rbO £-|C-^«-Tt 7 1 u il t:im ±la 7 ^ -jTîÈ ± T^:-'^m Tt Tl Tl Tl Tt Tl TlTt TlTt TlTt Tl Tt O Ÿ g JJJ J i. T l T l T l T l 71 T l 71 TL R e f r a i n V . 7 ' V 7 J, nPF/-f/ -/J77 I Tt C “ " — 7 ^ — I — — — — " iL Û. — 2n ■“ j | " I — o^ (t ^ — A" 24 Verse 53 None of the fourteenth-century sources includes a setting for verse 53, but an overabundance of melodies for this verse exists in later sources. Thirteen manuscripts of the fifteenth century include one or more of four settings by Fardivoukes, three of which include the complete verse. Only the second half of verse 53 appears in a Tradi tional setting found in no fewer than eleven sources from the same century. Lampadarios and Glykys, among other composers, are repre sented by single settings, each of which appears in only one manuscript. A setting of the complete verse by Chrysaphes makes its first appear ance in the later fifteenth-century manuscript Iviron 951, but, as is often the case, it is the only one retained in most of the later 24. The setting of verse 51 will not be discussed in our analyses of regularly composed verses, since the sources contain only the Traditional Thessalonian setting. 185 sources (see Appendix B, Part 1). With regard to melodic style, most settings of verse 53, whether complete or partial, offer little that is new. They normally begin with a standard recitation formula, insert a freely composed and often lengthy melisma with intercalated syllables near the end of the verse, and end with a more or less extended refrain. Three of the settings, however, are particularly interesting for their melodic relationships. The oldest of the three, obviously is the Traditional setting 25 that first appears in Pantocrator MS. 214 (Example 51). Recitation on B begins with the third word in the second half of verse 53 and ends with a downward inflection to G, at which point a relatively short melisma begins. The continuation of this melisma with intercalated syllables consists of a single phrase that is repeated exactly except for an alteration of the second statement to end on e' instead of a ’. After the verse is then completed, a melisma on the final syllable leads directly into the refrain, which continues with a melisma on the first syllable of Alleluia. This final melismatic section might be regarded as a variation and expansion of the repeated phrase inter polated in the verse. At any rate, it consists of rising and falling lines between e' and b '. After the last descent from b ' to e', the melody again rises to cadence with the progression FGAG. 25. This melody is also found in Iviron MSS. 973 and 1120, and Vatopedi MSS. 1528 and 1281. 186 Example 51: Traditional, Pan. 214, Ivi. 1120 and 973, and Vat. 1528 and 1281 53b J7. '> i 7 'J. J Jj / W ^ TCv Cjj'-cv- ka-To.-^t- f^va.-Vov-'mf To ■ uc za. ttc S i n a ut a. uc ra uci' a, xzx XC ‘riv' vo- 1 ^iJOV iToO A" — — «» I2û* ^ “— U,C>UpC — 2/X. — •TttTI2û* •• o O % Fardivoukes’ third complete setting of verse 53 (Example 52) is found only in the late fifteenth-century Koutloumousiou MS. 449 and the sixteenth-century Xiropotamou MS. 269. In the first half of the verse, an intonation beginning on G leads to ornamented recitation on B, which drops down again to end on G. The first two words of 53b are recited on D, after which Fardivoukes closely follows the pattern of the Traditional setting. He completes the verse, however, before interpolating an almost exact quotation of the repeated phrase as it appeared the second time with an ending on e'. Even the first four intercalated syllables are the same in both settings. Following this interpolation, Fardivoukes repeats the last three words of the verse before introducing another melisma on the final word. The refrain is shorter than that of the Traditional setting, which nevertheless pro vides Fardivoukes with his melodic outline and even the BAAGGG formula with which he cadences. 187 Example 52: Fardivoukes, Kou. 449 and Xir. 269 ^ \ k r f - p / 4 J I- ;■ ■ y.T7 -V r J— • -.i V- r_/—f—fü— J.—— \t—U.— ' c -a. ^a.--xL-F]{t fJt, a-TTo *TWV cy-ta.-To^(-^a-Vow_ *—/s— — îP?-]/— -,— I— r— I— r n — f-— i — m ~ i — —fr- -H 1 —P ■V-:..tv -i'' Ji Ji J ..p'—¥ - y, J-J J] Ji - Tuv T&v vt-ZJoi' nO a at 7a ut 7a at -rhsf vo-/kW y J vi:, - ' /, V. e-ox) Kÿ 7a at 7a uc 27a U-C* 2Û. (L“~ 20. — — — —- ^— TÏ— /~7 j n — 'J J ^ — f — i - u AAn - A‘0 - L ^ ~ “ “• — 6L Chrysaphes’ complete setting.of verse 53 also appears for the first time in Koutloumousiou MS. 449, although the version in Example 53 is from Iviron MS. 951. It will be seen that the recitation formula for the verse is simply a variant of the one used by Fardi voukes, and thus the close is also related to the Traditional setting. Chrysaphes, like Fardivoukes, completes the verse with the same end ing, ABGA, before beginning the melismatic extension. Although it begins with repeated Gs instead of Es, this too is a variant of Fardivoukes’ quotation from the Traditional setting, and Chrysaphes even includes the repetition of the verse’s last three words with the same notes as in Example 52. At the end of the melisma, however, Chrysaphes moves up to the range of the short refrain, g’-c". 188 Example 53: Chrysaphes, Ivi. 951 53* 5 3 b 5 5 '/l-Sj-p-a. k& -T(-fyc jJt A-Vo a.iQyj éjj- - To. a. ïi Za UC--L a. ta uc Ta Wt R e f r a i n vT T aov v Vo-yJalV la ut Tttt 0. - f y / M 1 L Verse 57 Settings of verse 57 are limited in the fourteenth century to five in three manuscripts and only one setting is found in a source (Iviron MS. 984) later than the fifteenth century. Most fifteenth-century sources, however, have several settings for this verse. The earliest, in Athens MS. 2458, is a Constantinopolitan version of the complete verse (Example 54). This setting, written within the total range of an octave d'-d", is simply an expanded and slightly ornamented double statement of the recitation and refrain we have seen in the Thessa- lonian Introduction and setting of verse 1 (see Examples 11 and 16b above). Furthermore, the bracketed section from the end of the verse to the penultimate syllable of the first Alleluia is repeated with only one small variant at the beginning of the second Alleluia. The ex tension then reiterates the AG cadence of the earlier verse. 189 Example 54: Constantinopolitan, Ath. 2458 57« 57b ■ f l r J t i ; / y ; p a m Vo-^jjûV rot» " H ê l r a i n Il *- g ’-;7^-; V-; 1(7 h i f C — —- — ■/U'*' i «■ lAl) — -#» L -m. -mm o-Û» o.^£ CL % T yc V t. g ; 2 ù-t Q. 10. txt aa ttC. & "Aod y. V — — - — Ctr After this Constantinopolitan version, multiple settings of verse 57 first appear in Athens MS. 906, where we find two by named composers, Fardivoukes and Keladinos. Both of these reappear in fifteenth- century sources, which, as usual, often include three or four dif ferent settings of verses commonly included with music in the Amomos for laymen. Among the most frequently represented composers are Lampadarios in twelve manuscripts, Fardivoukes in ten, Glykys in nine, Keladinos in eight, and Korones in six. Most settings of these com posers follow principles and procedures that have already been amply illustrated. That of Lampadarios, however, is worthy of examination here (Example 55). 190 Example 55; loannes Kladas Lampadarios, Pan. 214, Ivi. 1120, and Vat. 1281 57« 57b ^ U I j i [ & J ^ou d l(v-^L- c ei-mto S t/-^dC-|ar-to- - - — -— T o V V o — W O V ff’Oü - r & v Vo • R e f r a i n _ > > I______i_ n I ^ 2 -i-l) rit'u-4 ' if tf' f TÔV V o “ — ^.^C V f o U <5.- — — /A'^ - - -L - - a. a, /c. > ‘J 7 0 , U.C, 7 0 . o a. U.C, Ô" i' Û.0 . UU.& -E , 2 0 . & T ' a i . __ . R e f r a i n > ;-// f/-f/ f 5 ^ { j z! Ta TOV yv^i- ^ae-- second half of the verse with a melisma, which is here very short. The verse then concludes with a free melody for the repetition of its last words. As if to make up for this unusual brevity in setting the verse, Lampadarios continues with an extended melismatic refrain, a complete repetition of the verse's second half, and a second equally extended refrain. This procedure is much the same as that already en countered in Lampadarios' double setting of verse 36, in which the entire verse was repeated between the two refrains (Example 45 above). The manuscripts do not indicate any special function for such double settings, and the reason for their existence remains unknown. They are not particularly rare, however, although they occur more frequently in the second and third staseis than in the first. 191 Verse 63 Verse 63 is the last in Stasis I that appears with music in the great majority of sources listed in Appendix B, Part 1. Again the earliest manuscripts have only a Constantinopolitan version, the now familiar composers’ names predominate in the multiple settings pre served in fifteenth-century sources, and only one setting per manu script, usually by Chrysaphes, is found in all later sources. This rich store of melodies well deserves detailed investigation, but we must limit ourselves here to only a few examples. Of Fardivoukes’ two settings of verse 63, the one that most sources include is given in Examp le 56. It is particularly noteworthy for its clearly organized and carefully balanced melisma and the relation ship of that melisma to the setting as a whole. The syllabic setting of the complete verse, except for its last two words, consists of three slightly varied statements of the common formula with recitation on b ’ descending to g ’. These repetitions perhaps suggested the double statement of a short motive with which the interpolated melisma begins. Although it still emphasizes the pitch b ’, this motive ex pands the range upward to d". On this pitch begins a longer descending phrase that is itself sequential and is sequentially repeated a step lower. The continuation, still motivically related, completes the gradual descent to the melody's lowest pitch, d ’. From this pitch a short phrase rises to g’, and a varied repetition continues the ascent another fourth to c". The falling and rising lines of the melisma then become shorter and narrower in range until they lead into the last two words of the verse with a melody that moves from a ’ to e' and back up 192 to a ’. Coming full circle, the short refrain is no more than an orna mental extension of the BAG progression in the opening recitation formula. As displayed here, Fardivoukes' artistry is surely reason enough for this and his settings of other verses to have been copied so frequently in so many different sources. Example 56: Fardivoukes, Pan. 214, Ath. 2406, and Vat. 1528 and 1281 6> 63b & ; / - f j / / M£-7b-)(0$ ft— f-)l TiaV-TiJViw rt, Kaî. T i Ô V ------« T o i t - d TbV TOJ c Ut a . u - t . la. u t Pt— ^ ' ' a uc. 2 a u c UCL OL la uc xf- 1 r > XL UE-'i a. ut 2a ut u. ut Xa. ut zztt- Ut a. ut xut tza i J w jjj -ii -ij ÿ7 ,;i ^ ^ \ » u u-t u t t ÿ " 22a ut %a ut Refrain ^ ^ - 0 ^ r> J -j V J j j y \ j .... V - - - 'TO - ^L$ tr o \} ^ " ^ * 1 “ A*’* ' - L - - a . Keladinos' setting of verse 63 in Example 57 offers an example of how incomplete settings were performed. In some manuscripts, such as Vatopedi 1281, his setting includes only the last three words of the text with, of course, the customary melisma and refrain. In Panto- crator MS. 211, however, the complete text is sung to the same common recitation formula on B used in Fardivoukes' setting of this verse 193 (Example 56), but with the middle statement of the formula transposed a third higher. Keladinos' original contribution to this setting be gins with the new material of the inserted melisma and refrain. Panto- crator MS. 211 includes another complete setting of this verse identi fied as KOivdv (common), which is similar to Keladinos' setting and for comparison is placed beneath it in Example 57. (The opening recita tion formulae are identical and therefore are copied only once in the example.) The inserted melisma as well as the refrain, in the Common setting is shorter than Keladinos', but, for the most part, follows a similar melodic outline. The same cadence is used in the Koinon set ting but with an AGG extension. Doxology As in the Amomos of the Asmatikos Orthros discussed in Chapter 4, a doxology concludes each of the three staseis for laymen. The melo dies, as well as the modes, differ with each stasis, and they use the same refrain as the verses they follow. There seem to be no set melo dies for the doxologies, and they do not correspond from one version of the Amomos to another. From the General Table of Concordances in Appendix B, Part 1, it is evident that there are many different set tings of the doxology for the first stasis. Most are identified as Constantinoplitan, Thessalonian, Traditional, Common, or Shortened; much fewer are attributed to named composers such as loannes Lampa darios, Fardivoukes, and Chrysaphes. All complete settings that are 26. Verse 67 will not be analyzed since it has only one basic melody identified as the Thessalonian. It is interesting to note that Athens MS. 2 4 0 6 indicates two Thessalonian settings for this verse; however, both are the same except for different melismatic endings. 194 Example 57: Keladinos and Common, Pan. 211 I 63* 63b J c. - yù ci-^t irôv--rwi/t3 v ^i»u-^c-vuv Koi t 3 v *“ \ Common Tai /j\ J7773=g'7j }• J> I J>} }. irj~irj fj }; U.E, ){C a~ iTa. “ -E. la . u c ou za. U.C . Î 1 ! .. 'J c uc za uc a uc Tuc t u c ° X° “• îu ue. ; / ? i . - M j uc OL uc Za T q ^ cv To--^S t ^ j ; ------g Taj cv- - To - — - /US out» R e f r a i n J (Too a. - - - -^0 --C-- 0. - ÿt/ a - - 3 5 = ft i' Q . j f . f If Ü f 1 1; y . i I W : J - U - - - - yc 7a - - /\/n g j - i f if i‘ i - i J'ltJ f f i J'Tj ^ 4 - -JTj ijj - a- - - ^01» - - - - — - ~ C ~ - ■ O- 195 anonymous have been designated in the Table as Complete Doxology (CD). Settings of only portions of the text, particularly either the first or second half, occur much more frequently in the doxologies than in the verses. Also in contrast to the verse settings, those of the doxology display far greater variety in the portions of text that they include. In fact, five different situations exist in the doxologies of the Amomos for laymen. Settings may include only the first half, only the second half, only the last part of the first half, or only the last part of the second half. Then, of course, there are settings of the complete text. Several settings appear in fourteenth-century sources, but two, the Constantinopolitan and the Thessalonian, are worthy of discussion, for they influence later settings of the doxology for Stasis I. In the early sources, particularly Athens MSS. 2458 and 2406 and Vatopedi MS. 1495, the Constantinopolitan (Example 58) and the Thessalonian (Example 59) settings include only the first half of the doxology text. In both this text is sung to a slightly ornamented version of the standard recitation formula on B with a rising intonation beginning on G. The Constantinopolitan is the more elaborate version of the two and includes the customary melismatic interpolation, which is not present in the Thessalonian. Both settings have a rather small ambitus; the Constantinopolitan is limited to a sixth (e'-c"), while the Thessalonian covers only a fifth (g’-d"). The cadences of the two settings are identical and close on B, the most common final for the doxologies of Stasis I. 196 Example 58: Constantinopolitan, Ath. 2458 and 2406 D o x o l o g y \ 4o-Jû. TTcL — » - "Tjpi KQl Vl “ - O Col " k) Zo 7 t ) T o T a C S i Tul Ta Ü.C. 2a c, a. %a a. at y r\ > S i .. vj i Vy vI J z at w TN^CjJ * * ^*Ja — Tt u) "ÏÏvCü - — — - ^a-Tl w Refrain \rJ^ -sn -n Til/gU - - yuiKU - - Tt n- - — - t - ^ o 6 -L - - c u Example 59: Thessalonian, Ath. 2458 and 2406 and Vat. 1495 D o x o l o g y a i f. -f. F-J? UJ ] jjjj.. j j -iro.--T/ot coî V t - - Ü) k a t ‘. f l - j f i - ( J 'iTi/to - ua,- — — T (. R e f r a i n ' i « — — CL. As opposed to the curtailed texts of doxology settings in the fourteenth century, complete settings occur with some frequency in fifteenth-century sources. One of the most common of these settings is the anonymous Complete Doxology in Example 60. Here we find the same recitation formula on B as the Constantinopolitan and Thessalonian versions but without the opening intonation. It is worthy of note that the melisma in this setting is inserted in the second half of the text but follows the melodic outline of the melisma and continuing text of the earlier Constantinopolitan version. The simple refrain 27 for this setting is also found in other Complete Doxologies. Two 27. MSS. Pantocrator 214 and 211, Iviron 1120, Vatopedi 1528 and 1281, and Athens 2456. 197 cadences for this refrain, however, are characteristic of different sources. The first cadence given in Example 60 is common to the set tings in Pantocrator MS. 214, while the second is characteristic of those in Iviron 1120. Regardless of which cadence is used, the refrain always ends on B. Example 60: Complete Doxology, Pan. 214, Ivi. 1120, Ath. 2456, and Vat. 1528 and 1281 Doxology a ^ J n ’a . ------Tj>\ Hal y? - - 0 K o l I K / c S - f M . - Tl KOI VuV Hal &- J CL T«4 ah 2 -Vo^ TÛV m-O- - z o Y a i a ULt Tut Tut t O- U.C m 20. o a. IQ. tic d üt IQ* **-C ^ TcJV Cit-W - I Refrain „ Pan. 2l4 I f ] } J j .n ■rj] J /.. f. .y./y. r . < vL)v -iljAv &— - - - — . L “ rivi. 1120 ^ ------...... J . J J ^ I ^ 9 • V — — — O- Although many more settings of the doxology are present in the sources, discussion here will be limited to one more example, a repre sentative of what is known as Kalophonic style (Example 61). This setting includes only the last part of the first half of the text, which is sung to the same recitation formula on B with an opening in tonation that was found in the earliest doxology settings. What makes this setting kalophonic is the use of meaningless syllables be ginning with t and r, in this case t o , ppo, the so-called teretismata, in the inserted melisma along with the other customary intercalated 198 28 syllables. The recitation pitch (B) continues to be emphasized throughout the inserted melisma and the refrain, and the chant ends with a typical cadence BACB. Example 61; Kalophonic, Kou. 459 Doxology ka'i ^ To To To To To TO T O To T o T O -n Refrain a IXOL TO. ut. w OL- -TL a /A"" - > / ;ioD - I — a. o. 1 Throughout the first stasis, the verses of the Amomos for laymen have been set to what appear to be traditional recitation formulae that were probably transmitted orally from very early times. Later, in spite of the large repertoire by different composers, particularly from the fifteenth century, these formulae were still adhered to and passed on to succeeding generations. What seem then to be the contri butions of individual composers in these settings are the interpolated melismas and the melismatic refrains. The melismatic sections with intercalated syllables freed the composer from all textual restrictions and allowed him to develop and express his own personal style. If the setting had a short refrain, it too might follow a standard melodic 28. See above, pp. 32-33. 199 outline. Most refrains, however, consisted of two or three melismatic Alleluias, for which the composer again contributed his own individual setting. In the sixteenth century and later, a historical change is evi dent in the manuscripts available for this study. Instead of multiple settings for each verse, there is now only one. Along with this re duction in the number of settings, the later manuscripts show a desire for a unified style in their choice of settings by a single composer for all three staseis. Most of these unified versions are collections of settings by Chrysaphes. The version in Xiropotamou MS. 269, how ever, has settings only by Fardivoukes, and the nineteenth-century Synopsis is presumably based on settings by loannes Lampadarios. It is with the reduction in both the number of verses and the number of their settings, as well as the limitation of an entire version to the set tings of a single composer, that the present-day Amomos was born. CHAPTER VII THE FUNERAL AMOMOS FOR MONKS The funeral Amomos for monks, if present in musical manuscripts, usually followed the version for laymen and preceded that for the Virgin Mary. Despite its appearance in the Nekrosimon Akolouthia, it is possible, though never so indicated, that the same settings were used in the services for the Taking of the Greater or Lesser Habit, when the Amomos was sung during the tonsuring ceremony. An examina tion of the early orders of services shows that the Amomos was included in the Nekrosimon Akolouthia for monks by the twelfth century.^ Like the version for laymen, however, the earliest musical setting of the Amomos for monks appears only in 1336 in Athens MS. 2458. Unlike the Amomos for laymen, on the other hand, settings for monks are present only in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century manuscripts and apparently 2 were discarded after this period. The distribution of verses with music in the Amomos for monks from these two centuries is shown in Appendix D, Parts 1 and 2. From this appendix it is at once evident that far fewer verses were set in this version than in the one for lay men. Furthermore, even fewer settings are attributed to specific com posers or places of origin. Most manuscripts have only one or two 1. In EuxoXdyxov No. 963 published in Dmitrievskij 's "EuxoXdyict," Opisanie 11, 135-39. 2. It was discussed in the preceding chapter that only the Amomos for laymen exists in sources after the fifteenth century. 200 201 melodies for each verse set to music and instances of four or five different settings of a verse are exceptional. This differs from the Amomos for laymen, where as many as four to nine settings can be found in fifteenth-century manuscripts. The distribution of psalm verses with music as seen in Appendix D reveals that there are two major types of Amomos for monks. The earliest fourteenth-century source (Athens MS. 2458) gives one version that is divided into three staseis and indicates only the first verse of each stasis (verses 1, 73, and 132). This version appears as an alternative in other fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century sources but disappears from later manuscripts. The more common Amomos for monks, which predominates in the fifteenth century and also appears in the fourteenth, is divided into two staseis. The verses set to music in these two- and three-staseis divisions are shown in Appendix D, which also includes two variant forms: "the Amomos for monks in Serres" (a town of northern Greece) in Athens MS. 2406 (fol. 215v), and "the Amomos for monks in Constantinople" in Athens MS. 2458 (fol. 135v). Interestingly enough, both of these local versions from the northern part of the empire have no stasis division and include set tings of verses of only the last part of the psalm. The earliest version for monks in three staseis is identified by a rubric in Athens MS. 2458 as "another Amomos for monks ("sTepo^ ctymyo^ KaXcyepiK^ "). This same setting is identified in the later Athens MS. 2406 as "another Amomos chanted after the Alleluiaria" ("eTGpo5 aymyo^ ipaXAdyevcj yerà aXXnXouidpi [mv]"). This rubric makes it clear that in the service for monks the Amomos is preceded by an 202 3 Alleluia and its accompanying troparion "'0 gdGei oo(f>'fa^." In Vato pedi MS. 1495 a more complete setting of the Amomos for monks in three staseis is identified as "Amomos chanted after the Alleluiaria for deacons, priests, or monks." It is interesting to note that the Amomos for the Virgin Mary, which is first found in the Typika of the twelfth century, is also re ferred to as the "Amomos after the Alleluiaria."^ Furthermore, a re lationship between the two is evident in the duplication of modes in the two versions. The probability that both versions originally used the same melodies will be discussed in the following chapter on the Amomos for the Theotokos. The short three-staseis version of the Amomos for monks, as found in six of our sources, is shown in Table 25. Usually only the Intro duction and the first verse of each stasis are included, but in Athens MS. 2401 verses 141 and 149 are added. All settings in each stasis include an Alleluia refrain, and all three staseis are composed in Mode I Plagal with a G or D starting pitch. The melodies of the Intro duction and verses are almost identical in all six sources. In example 62 the melodies for each stasis are transcribed from Athens MSS. 2458 and 2406. Differences in the two versions exist only in the settings of Stasis II, but it is obvious that these differences are no more than ornamental variations of the same basic melody. In each stasis it is interesting to note the Introduction begins with a G(G)AF formula, and 3. See Chapter 5, Table 19 on p. 126. 4. In the twelfth-century Evergetidos Typikon No. 788 of the Mon astery of the Theotokos, see Dmitrievskij, Opisanie I, 489. 203 Table 25 Verse Scheme of the Amomos for Monks in Three Staseis Verses Set to Music Stasis Attributions Short Forma Expanded Formb I Intro. Intro. 1 1 — — — — 12 Koukouzeles 12b Koukouzeles 26 Grigoris 26b Panaretos 41 Pantocrator 67 Andreas 67b Andreas Box. II Intro. Intro. 73 73a 94 Mystakonos 94b 106 Mystakonos 106b Amarianos 122 Mystakonos 122b Mystakonos Box. Mystakonos Box. Mystakonos III Intro. Intro. — MB aoB w 132 132 — ---- — 141 Athens 141b “ 149 2401 149 --“ 161 Korones As found in Athens MSS. 2458, 2622, 2454, 2406, 2401, and Iviron MS. 985. As found in Vatopedi MS. 1495. 204 Example 62: The Complete Short Form of the Amomos for Monks in Three Staseis, Ath. 2406 and 2458 SUela I 1 Intro. Refrain k h if) ' 1 4 A * 1 , lA "^1.. "k" I-’ 4 4 -J j> r r J . J ' / ij> p C ^ 4 - lij c - C Q i - _ _ -^oo- - t-o. la lb J Ma.-Ka,-cL-yu/iJ-jtOji o - (O OL Tm - -f>Cl] - 0 -jJC-^OL C\f k\i-f>L~eO Refrain i !) ; ij L - — — 6 - Ox Stasis U Intro. Refrain ith. 2406 kot C *- — «-&V IJO Âtllfe I n t r o . ______Refrain 2453 •Ij H-p B-n A H ' i-vJ - J' . > km C - ~ TTJfl. - ~ /W*' — - /Ov) — — I -a )■ 7> C --TToi - #») - fia-V yJ& )CQi g, — TT^yL -— 7 > • Atn, 2458 J r - j ' T T Jrj 4t *■«*' C-TTOt-m — fiv yUt Kai £ - — TT^o — — e'iv J Refrain ^ --- z --- ;>--- . n J J J - J J r p t , a — - - — - ^ol) — - L - a, ^ Refrain - 4 ,)-.;;-i/). j J . j.fj ------J— / W y J' c jjc. Ù. ~ ~ - /V\'^ - “ “ “ i - <^ 205 Example 62 (cont’d) Stasis 111 Intro. Rafraln I ± - y^OÛ — — t “ * £U 132a 132b S V T T i I I 3 ] % y y " iV~f I % *€.-v'i~ 4\c-\}io\/ in’ £- ^£> to* C-^c-/)i. (T^V ^ Afa-Ta to -rwv a-ya-TTtJ/- n Rofrain ^ y ) -J ..../ v.-j> j.. V “ k v T o o - v o - f i l o i ffoi) a_^^_ _ _ ^ 0 - — Ï — o u 206 the melody of the Introduction and its Alleluia are repeated exactly at the end of the verse. Unfortunately, no sources of the short three- staseis version have any rubrics that indicate composers or perform ance practices. Only in the more complete three-staseis setting found in Vatopedi MS. 1495 is more information given. The verses set to music, as well as the attributions to composers, in this expanded version are also shown in Table 25. As in the shorter version, all three staseis in this longer version of the Amomos are again in Mode I Plagal and have an Alleluia refrain. In addition to the greater number of verses in each stasis, doxologies conclude the first and second, with Stasis II even having two settings. That this longer three staseis version is musically related to the more common shorter one is evident in the identical settings of the first Introduction and verse 1 in Examples 62 and 63. Although only the first stasis of Vatopedi MS. 1495 is transcribed in Example 63, the Introductions and opening verses of the remaining staseis in both versions are also similar when they are not identical. It be comes apparent, therefore, that the Vatopedi version has simply added verses to the short three-staseis form of the Amomos for monks. Most of these additions are attributed to specific composers, with no fewer than five being named in the first stasis. Of the additional settings in Stasis II, Mystakonos contributed six and Amarianos one. Only Korones is named as the composer of one verse in the third stasis. Because of this expansion of an older Amomos for monks, it will be worthwhile to examine briefly the nature of the additions by named composers. The settings of all verses in Stasis I as found in Vatopedi 207 Example 63: Stasis I of the Expanded Form of the Amomos for Monks in Three Staseis, Vat. 1495 'l Intro. Refrain -Vb "T V: -V-:./- J J ■; J jfJ J J ,JJ7 £v » - fw •’a - 2 - ~ ^ Md-KO. iv i- SÇ 01 -no- i>cu- o - k o - p i - o u “;2a“ “ 12b KoukouzBleo (|i j' V j ^ u £k-^0-yoi'rl; fi;- lO-Vm'Tot Wtt ku-Ol-r.Hu-pi-c. îi-fa-JOvSI-£cl-2D\j /-'t tJL t TiX -C~ùj - — - - — - - — ______Refr^n______ É ^ 0/ 'H I'j'iO n j 'It - m n '/ j /? ■injrntp' ^«1 - - oT SE Koukouzeles ~ 2 O. ^Jir^ — — — — — — — — ^0^ — — — L — — — CL 12b r— 1------, . A-Wt-w - - - -^a- T& »•«/ i-Z- J - 2'^1 - /-n - A°^ “ -I I------1 y, fJ rj^ ^/J '-Q-^-hrjT ^ ~ CL 20. " “ CL - — — — — _ — I - CL ------ C “Tq ^ Ô - 0-pJ C, - - ^A. ItQt 6 - ft- 6.- gov Ta ^.fcai-u - — — — ^ 'W O -JlJ } ^ ' p J^Oj.T ; 'JJ •!] ^ 0 . - To. 0“00 2 h______r ------, CL — — - — -- Q- — IZ — 12 /OW"! — — - 208 Example 63 (cont'd) P a n a r e t o : 26b Rofrain " Ttt ii-kot-iO — - — — — - — ___ t4 fiJ a.HL-â-^«n- ----/eü- S r i j J ‘■'■J ../' {ÿ"iJ-r’J2 -fj. f J r.v— " " "5^ < t - a I z^uu -TU& - - - -1%.- 7T ut, ^ “y~ 0. _ It-U.C..ll-**t--^ “ * - Ü£. — — t — — — ÉC fL -2/ Ztit ^ - — — ZZ — “ £ X - u > f J J-J.v./--i/>.-;^.. y^cU - — — — -fc-cL. 4ib Pant»crator — . A A A ■A '. ;'/ A K 1-A k lA f'7 a / ^ ;’r— » i ■ W - v V / ; .it.j -v: v - v .— / V f . / V' / «/■ / y -J / ji------ k)! Ai £n c-fJl ri c - ^ t - o j reiJ W-pi-c. to tij-ri^-f>\ - é'J rt\J Ka.-tcL Rofrain To - - ov - — - yo — — — ov foJ a "/pu * t-OL li-a-’---- — — l i ....:-...... - ...... % ..- \ > m .J = /M ---- - ^* 4 - 1------a- 2£ - -— —— — — —^ 01^ — — - t ^ — X / J r"7 / 1 n r V “■ t ------tt- 67b Andreas X - I v - N - N - A - K— rr-yf^*— ^— r7--^./~7 I Upo no fiX. Ta-irti-v'ij-tS^- vai C — ^u) t- -pv6 A-fl. Teu- TO To ^o- ^ Refrain f” Y^--*/;-'/ ‘/T /' r~I lb “'p-r i n 1-, r ' f T " .1\ "f"'~f— n"~'fi ',r7=? '" -M ; /..V,y..; _,v._!/../y ,y^ / g / J •> V roo z ------_ y\A.------ja. ----- U _ X —r-T /S IA /—y / / 'A (A , , ^ A f ^ - - - - AVta«'5- - - t-a » -z-yVn _ y^ou - - - - r- 0. <«C - % f.’'/ V l " r T n "T / / / ll n II ...... — - y IjJ JJ J JzJJrJJJ J r b : 7z: 7 :. : - ■ --- —: I ^,1 _ _ _ - - (t 209 Example 63 (cont*d) A n d r e a s 67b Rofrain w c — — — y^u — — — — — - ^d. 2 2 " Z. — CL - ' . — >ox — L — — a. li__ ) ‘J. 1 1 /7 7 7 .T-, 7-7 Y / , f ... - j r y j / y y y .y y //./._.//./ .yig'rfy- v _ “DoiTology - — — /^"-i - ^Ci5 _ t — — a. / ------7 - ë J ’j> f, jji .^-p..'j> / A ^ f. y / ; f / w-'-v-vv-^ y/- <■ Ao-|a 7ïi-T^L Kqt yf- 0 Ko'l Ü — — — — — — — p ^ /.//../._/yy / /7 / J J / vVv-iflvyy/ v j - j L V , Refrain' 7) -f ' ' ' r ~ H — f— i------H"~rT?—p;— 1 7— i—rfi—r—7=4------'VT/->777 v/~77 ^ y~77.-'/~7~ «— — ^CL — Ti A — — — jWl ■“ — — — — 7J" fl* /\A^ N } ".Ti ""f^l •CTl '! TTa r / ./—? « n r ~ h i ! W"7 v/'^ // 7 vF /“7 ■^yij.Jj J*J J J J_ yv » ■ J) J J J' / J J * J J j ~ - - - — — i - - a, a, — - - - ^ 01/ — — - - L - - a, ) . —------m ...... , . ; > J fV ' / 7 7 U - J ^ 3 210 MS. 1495 are therefore included in Example 63. The first addition includes both a complete and an incomplete setting of verse 12.■ Although only verse 12b is attributed to the "Maistor" (Koukouzeles), it is evident from similarities in the two settings that Koukouzeles also composed the preceding complete setting. In both, recitation on G leads to inflections up to B and back, and the second setting includes the beginning of the melismatic ex tension that appears in the first near the end of the verse. The entire phrase, minus its opening repeated notes, is then repeated to begin the refrain of the second setting. These repeated sections are bracketed and numbered in the example. The refrains of the two set tings are different, with the one for 12b being much longer and ending on G instead of D. The setting of verse 26 by Grigoris is based on the recitation formula already used for verse 12. The setting of the verse, that is, is based on a GABAG formula with intervals of recitation on G. Near the end of the verse, however, the GAP motive from the Introduc tion begins a melismatic conclusion leading to the refrain. In these more freely melodic portions of the setting Grigoris uses many motives and short phrases that also appeared in Koukouzeles' setting of verse 12b. Some of these correspondences are indicated by dotted horizontal brackets in Example 63. The refrain of verse 26 appears to be a greatly expanded version of the one for the Introduction and verse 1. The setting of verse 26b by Panaretos, whether Georgios or Manouel is unknown, consists of the last three words of the verse and a lengthy melismatic refrain. Panaretos begins with repeated Gs but 211 his melody generally bears little resemblance to the preceding setting of the verse. It does include ornamented descents from G to D and ends with the typical FED motive. Pantocrator's setting of verse 41 consists primarily of recitation on G with upward and downward inflections to A and F. The melismatic conclusion of the verse descends to a cadence on D. During the lengthy refrain, the range is extended downward to A, as it was in the refrain of verse 26b. Of interest is the triadic C major outline created by descending thirds from G, which also appeared in the refrain of verse 26b. From this point, indeed, the two settings seem to be variant forms of the same melody. Both settings of verse 67 are by a composer identified as Andreas. As might be expected, similarities between the two exist. In the com plete setting, the verse text, except for the last word, is sung to the recitation formula already used in verses 12 and 26. The lengthy refrain which consists of three statements of the Alleluia introduces a number of familiar melodic patterns, again extends the range down to A, and on the final Alleluia recalls the refrain of the Introduction with the typical FED cadence. Andreas' second setting of verse 67 in cludes only the last word of the text (e(j)V)XaÇa). This chant, even though more extended, corresponds to the melody Andreas used for the same word in his complete setting. The melody of the refrain, which consists of two Alleluias, separated by a jubilus, extends the range upward this time, so that the descending cadence is on G instead of D. A doxology concludes the first stasis of this expanded three- staseis version for monks. Including only the first half of the text. 212 the setting begins with three statements of the descending FED motive that was often found in the cadences of the verse settings. After a highly melismatic extension on the last two words, this three-note motive returns in a more elaborate form to become the cadence preceding the refrain. Comprised of two Alleluias, this equally melismatic refrain also stresses descending thirds but mostly at higher pitch levels, B-G, A-F, and G-E. The refrain cadences with repetitions of a GFG progression. It is interesting to note that only the longer three- staseis version for monks has doxologies at the conclusion of the staseis, and even then none is included for the third stasis. Although the Amomos for monks in three staseis is found in most of the early sources, all except Athens MS. 2458 also include a two- staseis version that became standard in the fifteenth-century funeral service for monks. It is likely that this version was also used for certain Saturday services of Orthros during Lent, when the Amomos was also divided into two staseis. Confirmation of this assumption comes from indications that the same Eulogetaria and Troparion "^Avdïïotuaov Emxfip" in Mode I Plagal followed the Amomos in both the Nekrosimon repertoire and these Saturday Lenten services. In the two-staseis division of the Amomos, the first includes verses 1 to 93. Although it is thus ten verses longer than Stasis II, only eight verses in Stasis I were even set to music.^ For Stasis II, on the other hand, some sources include settings of twenty or more dif ferent verses. It should also be noted that traditional and anonymous 5. Verses 26, 41, and 67 appear only in the expanded three-staseis version in Vatopedi MS. 1495. 213 settings predominate in Stasis I, while the great majority of settings in Stasis II are attributed to specific composers. Rubrics for the two-staseis version also give some information as to how the chant was to be performed. As may be seen in the Table of Concordances in Appendix D, numer ous composers contributed settings to this version, some of which be came standard for the repertoire. From the fourteenth through the fifteenth century, for instance, the setting of verse 122 is always by Kovas, and that for verse 95 is by Markos Korones. The first stasis always begins with a traditional setting of verse 12, which serves as the Introduction and precedes verse 1. The version concludes with verses 175 and 176 sung without pause and with no refrain for either verse. In Vatopedi MS. 1528, where four settings are available for each of these last two verses, one of the related pairs, i.e., the Syntomon, Glykys, Synoptikon, or Lampadarios settings, would be used. Unlike any of the versions in three staseis, the two staseis of this version do not end with doxologies. In fact, the only indication of a division between the two staseis is a rubric after verse 93 that indicates "a commemoration followed by a reading, and then the domesti- cos of the second choir begins [the second stasis]."^ The second stasis is followed immediately by the Eulogetaria. Another difference in the two-staseis version is the scheme of refrains. Unlike the three-staseis version, which consistently used the Alleluia and ^EXériadv ye Kdpie refrains, there is no set scheme in 6. Iviron MS. 1120 fol. 463r: "eira yvpyoveOei ical yerd tfiv ?K^(5vriaTiv apyerai o ôoyéoTiKcç tou deutfpou yopou." 214 the version for monks, and some verses have no refrain at all. When refrains do appear, they use various phrases, some of which may be combined in different ways. The following are some of the refrains to be found in various manuscripts: 1) ^EXêpoov ye Kdpie 2) ^AvdiTrauaov ouyx^pyoov t 6 v 6 o t 3 X o v aou 3) ‘’IXdaSriTf r d v ôoOXov aou 4) Bofi0na6v yoi Kdpie 5) Mv^aGti t 6 v dodXov aou 6) ^AXXnXodia Of these refrains the first is usually found in the first stasis, while the remaining five appear in the second. The modes in both versions for monks are, for the most part, the same. Like the three-staseis version, the one in two staseis adheres to mode I Plagal with either D or G as the starting pitch. In some instances, however, the Nana (Mode III) or Nenano (Mode II Plagal) mode is used instead, and sometimes Mode IV Plagal is indicated, although the starting pitch G remains the same. Performance indications for this version are far from complete, but enough information is given in various sources to determine how this Amomos was performed. In the first stasis, verse 12, which was used as an Introduction, was always chanted by the domesticos or pre centor. Beginning with verse 1, the verses were performed antiphonal- ly between the two choirs, with the right choir singing all odd- numbered, and the left choir, all even-numbered verses. After an even distribution of verses between the two, both choirs sang verse 93, the last of Stasis I. The same procedure continued in Stasis II: verse 94 was sung by the precentor; then verses 95-174 were sung antiphonally. The final verses, 175 and 176, were sung without pause by all present. 215 It is assumed that the melodies present in the manuscripts were re peated for the verses not included. For instance, rubrics in Athens MS. 2622, the earliest source for monks in two-staseis, give several indications of such repetition: the melody of verse 73 is to be sung for successive verses until verse 93; the melody of verse 94 is to be used until verse 132; and that of 132 is to be repeated until verse 175. Thus, only the new melodies are included in the manuscripts. As in our previous analyses, only selected verses from the first stasis will be discussed. Verse 12 Throughout all of our sources only one standard melody exists for verse 12, which the earliest manuscript indicates is a Traditional set ting. Shown in Example 64, this chant is short and primarily syllabic with a range from c'-a'. The melody is composed of an arch-shaped motive (marked by a bracket and the letter A), its varied repetition, and the cadence formula FGFEDD. As can be seen in Example 64, the repetition of the motive does not correspond to the verse division but begins with the final note of the first half of the verse. No refrain for this verse is included in any source of the version in two staseis. Example 64: Traditional, Ivi. 1120 and Vat. 1528 12b 12b \ ' A n ' r—T I______216 Verse 1 Verse 1 has two Traditional settings; usually, however, each source includes only one. (Exceptions occur in Athens MS. 2406 and Iviron MS. 973, where both settings are included.) The Traditional setting in Iviron MS. 1120 and the alternate setting from Vatopedi MS. 1528 are transcribed in Example 65a and b. Although the first melody begins on D and the second on G, the two are related, for the first halves of each verse are identical but lie a fourth apart. It is in the second half of the verse that differences between the two settings appear. The Traditional melody (Iviron MS. 1120) is composed in a retrograde progression of overlapping motives from the center of the melody to its outer extremities. The third motive, which ends the first half of the chant is repeated near the beginning of the second half of the verse. The second motive, characterized by recitation on D, then returns and leads to a partial retrograde of motive 1 that cadences on D. Example 65a: Traditional, Ivi. 1120 I 3 j... _ , r=T~^ ' ' / y J ' / W J J 7 - ^ AW-Ka-pl-oi TTo- 6 - ^£--Vol cy K\) — pt- S ± In the alternate Traditional setting, the second half of the verse simply continues to circle around G and closes with a GGAFG cadence. Usually, no refrain is included for either setting. 217 Example 65b: Traditional, Vat. 1528 la l b z: ; '/ j] r^’~ r M i n t ^ “ O l CL— o •■ - ^0^ OL TTO'pflJ'*® — jUJ£»“\^OL CV l^u —^ l — — 0Ü Verse 57 Most manuscripts have only a Traditional setting for verse 57 (Example 66), but eight also include a setting by loannes Kladas Lampa darios (Example 67). Not unlike previous settings in this version, the Traditional melody for verse 57 if primarily syllabic and circles around G within the narrow range of a fifth, e'-b'. As in the preced ing Traditional melodies, no refrain is included. Example 66: Traditional, Ivi. 1120 and Vat. 1528 , 5 7 « 5 7 b g ü 'jpj -rj r-> j j •j' T L// ? « / & \ Me- j W o U CL Ko-pl- C CL---- TTO- T«i> * U o l T o V VO— u Lampadarios' setting of this verse offers a striking contrast to the preceding unadorned melody. As Lampadarios is known for following traditional lines, it is not unexpected that his melody for this verse is based on motives from the Traditional setting. It is much more highly embellished, however, and spans the wider ambitus of an octave d'-d". In addition, Lampadarios introduces textual repetitions that give the complete setting the following pattern: 57— ab A êye b ab Refrain. Lampadarios begins with an expanded version of the opening motive in the Traditional setting and continues in a more melismatic style that still observes the notes upon which each syllable of text 218 originally fell. Throughout the repetitions of text, for the most part, Lampadarios again observes the outline of the traditional melody, with the melismas between syllables being treated freely but maintain ing the general character of the melody as a whole. To Lampadarios* arrangement of verse 57, he has added a refrain, the first of the texts listed above on p. 214. Its melody is nothing more than an expanded version of the second half of the Traditional setting. Example 67; loannes Kladas Lampadarios, Ivi. 1120 and Vat. 1528 c l f h t 57b - Toü yu - - - — ToV 57b g ) 'J1 J> j / t'7 ■/ • T T ( L ToU — — — di VJ W - W M t ] /J.J 'i} , : { j j J.-J ■J'l u < rS a l t W Vo — — — — — - — — — — — O TOV 57a _d L g u vé-^jw g-gj M e |o(j /u«0 ^ 57b f l ' r j 'Aÿ;yy /; - m n p M J ci-Tia, -n)? ^o. _ _ — " ja “ — Tr*5ai TbV VO — yu/oV R e f r a i n ^ __ /3 *Jc — — Z*'— ---«1— — — «■«/ kj - pL - ~ c Verse 60 The settings for verse 60 offer an interesting parallel to those for verse 57, because again there are only two: the Traditional set ting (Example 68) and one by Lampadarios (Example 69). It is note worthy that the same eight sources that had Lampadarios* setting of 219 verse 57 are those that also have his setting of verse 60. Thus, it is the more common Traditional setting that again prevails. The similar ity does not stop here, for examination shows that the Traditional set ting of verse 60 follows the basic melodic structure, ambitus, and final cadence used in verse 57. Example 68; Traditional, Ivi. 1120 60a - 60b & Si ‘H - Tt\. -fo L — - — £- —Ta-- — - - — _ _ Toll ja- :fc ± rfiai Taj £tf-TO M ü Differences in the melody, when they occur in verse 60, are expansions to compensate for the longer text. Lampadarios' setting of verse 60 also adheres to the ornamental style and structural procedures that he used in verse 57. Written within the ambitus of b-b ', it has the following repetitive pattern that also includes a refrain: 60— ab Aêye a ndXiv ab Refrain. It will be noticed that a second module has been added here (irdXxv) , this one indicating a musical and textual repeti tion of the preceding a portion to begin the final complete statement of the verse. As might be expected, this embellished setting follows portions of the basic melodic outline of the Traditional melody of verse 60. However, Lampadarios' long, ornate lines and his improvi satory style sometimes obscure the skeletal outline. Although the text of Lampadarios' refrain is the same as that in his verse 57, the melody is different but ends with the same cadential formula. 220 Example 69: loannes Kladas Lampadarios, Vat. 1528 60a S 3 1 t- // — To ( — juJa, xai O O ti C — To. - peu - )(^V Kik \ J ^/y 01^. — I'OU — — pOi* — —» & — _ _ TU. -6%"" c 0 X > ( — Pa. — — iTVttL Tiy £ V- TTj — 6 0 a ff-oO y C . /V) — U*iV ical ^ o Ôk ^ — — — — — 2^ *TT^ — — A1 — — — TBf-yu/A'. y j j j ..:^i^izjl.^ziji.. f j ] - r / > - J - ^ - - _ _ _ ^ ‘JJ 'J > Kai ùUK Ô — Tft< •“ — 6 0 b -n,?! i#u - A» - ?a.- ± i / 7 . y j ; 7 Î g _ _ y\C _ _ '"D/ fJC k o --^ L-- £. Verse 73 Three settings of verse 73 are commonly found in our sources: two by loannes Kladas Lampadarios and one by loannes Glykys. The old est, by Glykys, predominates in the fourteenth century, while those by Lampadarios do not appear regularly until the fifteenth. The melody by Glykys (Example 70) is an ornamental setting written within an ambitus of an octave and a fourth (g-c"). It too introduces textual repetitions with a Adye module that divides the first statement of the second half of the verse in the following way: 73— a bi Aêye bg ab 221 Refrain.^ The repeated portions generally follow the melodic outline of the first statement of the a and b parts of the text. In the first setting of 73a, however, the melody is written at a lower tonal level than in its varied repetition. The repetition of 73b usually follows the pitch outline of the first statement, although melismas between syllables sometimes disguise the correspondence. Glykys has included the same refrain that appeared in Lampadarios’ settings of earlier verses. Its melody descends twice from B to D, the pitch on which it cadences. Example 70: Glykys, Kon. 86 73» no £- -net- Ai - — — eiLyJ ijt ICat _ _ JZry _ _ a : A* . 73b2 ^ / 7 J ' J J ] t ‘jf f j .[ 1 ^ J 0 ^ - V ) > / fiiai T ^ i2 -4 ' 3 . _ trO-VC, _ _ _ _ _ -fL— troV ftJE, g !) ) J: j J ' ^ 2 0 j g . / 7 V / ^ - _ ^ jwa- i9/x - - “ frS D - fJaL ^ — — y&L -r«r-r^ 6V '- — - 4 > R e f r a i n ^ ± 9 - 7 j , . f j /a roU - /n - — r'ov' kb - — ) -J-] -- 5 - c — — — p ^ O 7. When a half verse is further subdivided into two parts, they are indicated by subscript numbers. 222 The two settings by Lampadarios are even more ornamental and repetitive in text and melody than the setting by Glykys. The first to be discussed (Example 71) is referred to in a rubric as "similar to O ancient [Traditional]In reality it closely resembles Glykys' set ting, and perhaps both are based on a much simpler traditional formula. Written within the range of b-b’, the setting contains more repeated portions of text and a IldXiv module along with the more common A ê y e , The complete form of the setting is as follows; 73— a bi Aêye bz ndXiv h z ab Refrain. In this setting Lampadarios follows much the same pitch outlines as Glykys, but with greater elaboration and some transpositional differences. The repetition of h z following the IldXiv module is an almost exact duplication of the preceding for the same text. The melody of the refrain generally corresponds with the des cending pitch outlines in Glykys ’ setting and ends with the same FED cadence. In his second setting of verse 73 (Example 72) Lampadarios pre sents a different melodic interpretation but one that still includes familiar motives and ornamental patterns. This setting, written within the range of c ’-e", is characterized by long phrases and extended melismas. Its most unusual feature is the lengthy Introduction set to meaningless syllables. Thereafter, the setting has the same textual structure as the one by Glykys: 73— Introduction a b% A êye bz ab Refrain. The melody of Lampadarios’ refrain retains the melismatic character and the general pitch outline of his other refrain for this verse and closes with almost the same motive FD. 8 . Vatopedi MS. 1528 fol. 52v: "TTapdyoiov T (5 v TraXafov." 223 Example 71: loannes Kladas Lampadarios, Ivi. 1120 and Vat. 1528 73* >5t x“ Ml* &— _' _ — «"Av yj6 - - VC - - - -rt — — >y~^y/ jJc, C /dÜ( JWCL— — ^ClL *î*Ûÿ C»^ £ ± i~oO ~7Tei— fcai ^ - ± ^ yivat TOj fV — - To - ^ 0 5 0 "0 t/ y 73* ^Et— 0T[)iJ G — -%TOL — /*1 — — J /r^v 1 V Tof C>^-tO-^5 onu c-/t-— - — — *1 - - - — — - ToV /VC. O ^0 ~~ — pt — Cv 224 Example 72; loannes Kladas Lampadarios, Ivi. 1120 Intro. A kV kt, CÏ 73" tJ xa. Ü& ti£, 2a. Z2a uc. t a ut xa. /)i pCc ^n>U fi _ _ TToi<“ /V) — — — — — /Jc Kai c - — /*^c K a t T O f c- - - _ _ ^£. -Tos c<^-~n> 7> 1 ;; /, ; /a'j roi) at ^£1 pcj ' q ' i F P - ^ n . / /?/ v; ; e-J- S/t - TL - /cat fJa.— ’ÔA-iTD - - - _^at TUf , ^ Refrain .______ 'ij.} ' v-AJ:.:^ n --^l J l J j q J " i f ^oO C - — fai/ yu/£. JCu - - - h------^ ^ 1 ~ i —A---- -4< I ----£ 225 Verse 93 Two settings of verse 93, the last in Stasis I, are found in the sources. One is anonymous and one is by Ethikos. As may be seen in the Table of Melodic Concordances in Appendix D, the setting by Ethikos dominates in fourteenth-century manuscripts, since only one (Athens MS. 904) contains the anonymous setting. In fifteenth-century sources the two settings are more or less evenly distributed with most manuscripts containing both. The anonymous setting in Example 73, the more con servative of the two, is primarily syllabic with a few neumatic sec tions. Remaining almost entirely within the tetrachord c'-f’, the chant cadences with a slightly elaborated FEDCD progression. No re frain is included. Example 73: Anonymous, Pan. 214 93a 4 i± ^ I'-Tl Iv' The highly melismatic setting by Ethikos provides a striking con trast with the simplicity in Example 74 of the anonymous setting. Ethikos' melody spans the range of an octave, c'-c", and he repeats portions of the first half of the verse. The textual structure of this setting is given in the following diagram: 93— a a% a% A êye b. Although Ethikos' melody is much more elaborate, it is based to some extent on the anonymous setting. Ethikos begins at the same pitch and with the same notes but quickly ascends to the tetrachord a fourth higher, f ’-b' (flat?). Most of the extended melody for the first 226 statement of 93a remains within these limits. At the close, however, Ethikos descends to the tetrachord d ’-g', the basic pitch level for the following two repetitions of a% J It is interesting, and somewhat unusual in the Amomos for monks, that a lengthy melisma with inter calated syllables is inserted in the middle of the second half of the verse. This interpolation acts as a balance to the repetitions in the first half of the setting. The melody ends with a stepwise ascent from E to B and the cadence pattern EGA. No refrain is attached. Example 74: Ethikos, Ivi. 1120 ) . ______ — M . — — — *TU)^ ÛT)U t^ y/Oi- *To\^t 1»ï at-toAt - ,A - VCL A€»— - VE, o ^ _ — — "ft £\/ g i ' T7r.f]' i-jzaUQjUj-f cv' au-Toij At uc 'V777-/7 y/ / uc. Xt At — — y u / £ Although verses from only the first stasis in the two versions of the Amomos for monks have been examined, it is evident that the reper toire of verse settings for these versions is less varied and less complex than that of the Amomos for laymen. In both the two- and 227 three-staseis versions fewer verses are set usually with only one or two settings of each verse. In general, moreover, the same few. set tings appear in the great majority of sources. Because of this reduc tion in the total number of different settings, far fewer composers contributed to the versions for monks than to the Amomos for laymen. Transmission of the Amomos for monks has thus been more stable and has usually included a simple, standard or traditional melody for each verse. Additional settings of a verse tend to be highly melismatic elaborations of its traditional melody. Perhaps the most unexpected aspect of the Amomos for monks is its appearance in both three- and two-staseis versions in the fourteenth century. It seems probable that the three-staseis division represents an older practice that was gradually replaced in the fifteenth century by what became the stan dard two-staseis division. CHAPTER VIII THE AMOMOS FOR THE THEOTOKOS AND CHRIST As part of the Nekrosimon Akolouthia, the Amomos for the Theotokos or Virgin Mary is the same as the Amomos for Christ and for various members of the hierarchy of saints. The typical fifteenth-century rubric identifying this version indicates the occasions on which this special Amomos was sung: "The beginning with God, the Amomos chanted for the divine burial of our Lord Jesus Christ, for the Dormition of the most pure Mother, for the beheading of the venerable Forerunner, for the holy apostles, bishops, martyrs, and the righteous. [It] is chanted instead of the Polyeleos. The domesticos from without."^ The statement that this Amomos was sung instead of the Polyeleos proves that it formed part of the service of Orthros. Indeed, it was in the Orthros of Holy Saturday— now celebrated in anticipation as the Good Friday Vespers— that this version found its most important function, for the Orthros of Holy Saturday, also known as the service of the Epitaphios (Holy Shroud), commemorates the entombment of Christ. 1. Vatopedi MS. 1528 fol. 62r: "^Apx^ crOv 0eS. apmpog e?5 TT^v Gedawyov ra^fiv xou Kü fiywv ID Xu. c y xhv Kofyncriv xng iravUïïepdYVOu yô^ [ynrpôj]. £15 xfiv aTroToyfiv toG Tiyfou Ilpoôpdyou, ex5 toDj ayfouy dïïoaxdXouj, e’5 lepdpxajj £ig ydpxupas Kaî e^5 oafouj, ipdXXerai îtVTÏ xou ïïoXueXéou. ‘G ôoydaxiKcy ixir' 228 229 The Amomos for the Theotokos, as we may call it for convenience, is unique in having added verses that alternate in various ways with the verses of the psalm. The evident function of these added verses was to relate Psalm 118 more closely to the particular occasion for which it was being used, and they would not all have been sung in a single service. This situation is perhaps responsible for some con- 2 troversy as to whether they should be called encomia or megalynaria. The term megalynaria specifically identifies interpolated verses related to the Virgin Mary, because in the first stasis they begin with the word "MeyaXtivoyév" (Magnificat). On the other hand, the word encomia ( eyKfijyia) refers to verses commemorating the passion and burial of Christ. Neither term, therefore, is applicable to the interpolated verses as a whole, although both have been so used. It is uncertain when these interpolated verses were added to the Amomos for Holy Saturday or for the Dormition of the Virgin. The early Triodia, the typika for Lent, do not include them, and neither the twelfth-century Evergetidos Typikon from the Monastery of the Theotokos nor the early thirteenth-century typikon in Sinai MS. 1097 mention them in the Orthros for either feast. The usual rubric in 2. Pantelakis in his study of these verses refers to them as encomia. E. r. HavreAdicns» "Néa xou %Trixa(|)fou," GEoloyfa XIV (1936), 225-50 and 310-29. Eustratiadis, however, states that they should be referred to only as megalynaria, because the term eyKCSyia came into use only in the eighteenth and nine teenth centuries. lip. AsovroirolEm^ Ew(J)povfou E^oxpaxidôn^, ’AKoXou0fa xou MEydAon ZaPSdxou Kal xct MEyaXuvdpia xou ^EiTixa4>foUj" Ngg Zi&v (1938), 1-166. This is incorrect, how ever, because the term encomion is found in reference to these verses in fifteenth-century manuscripts as well. See Iviron MS. 985 fol. 123r-131v. In truth, both terms were used in the typika and manuscripts of the period. 230 these manuscripts preceding the Amomos for Holy Saturday is "the Amomos [is chanted] after the Alleluiaria in Mode I Plagal, then the 3 Resurrection Troparia." Except for the final phrase, this is the same rubric that preceded the early three-staseis Amomos for monks. In later thirteenth-century manuscripts, however, particularly Lavra T2 (fol. 1) and Til (fol. 109), the megalynaria are mentioned.^ The typical identifying rubric states: "Thus beginning with the Amomos, the Epitaphia Megalynaria are also sung with it in three staseis. Although written sources do not indicate the presence of megalynaria in the Amomos for the Theotokos prior to the thirteenth century, they were probably added earlier, for a long period of oral transmission generally preceded the written records of Byzantine chant. Because of the great quantity of music for the megalynaria, discussion in this chapter must concentrate on the Amomos and will mention the inter polated verses only in passing. Since the early Typika identify this version as "the Amomos after the Alleluiaria," they suggest a relationship between the Amomos for the Theotokos and the early three-staseis version for monks. Both follow the three-staseis division and have the same modal scheme— that is. Mode I Plagal with a starting pitch of D or G in each of the 3. The rubric is translated from the Typikon in Sinai MS. 1097 but is almost identical with the Evergetidos Typikon. EuaTpaTidSqg, "^H ^AKcAouGfa Tou MsydXou EaBPdexou," p. 8. Also, cf. Dmitriev- skij, Opisanie, I, 554. 4. EuaxpaxiddTij, "‘H ’AKoAouGfa xou MeydAou EaBBdxou," pp. 10-11. 5. From the Typikon in Sinai MS. 1098. See Dmitrievskij, Opisanie, III, 174. 231 three staseis. It is highly probable that both early versions also used the same melodies. Depending upon the different composers of the interpolated verses, however, some modal changes do occur. For in stance, Stasis III begins in Mode I Plagal but then changes to Mode III Authentic. Subsequent verses in this stasis by Germanos are al ways in the Nana mode; those by Ethikos are in Mode IV Plagal. Like the version for monks, the Amomos for the Theotokos is found in musical manuscripts from the year 1336 to the end of the fifteenth century but disappears from later sources. All of the musical sources for this version include additional verses interpolated in the psalm. In most sources, however, only one to four verses of the psalm are present in each stasis; all remaining verses are encomia or mega lynaria. Because of the relatively few Amomos verses and the consis tent choice of the same verses, only six sources have been selected to represent the scheme of the Amomos for the Theotokos. In Table 26 on p. 233 the distribution of verses in this Amomos and its interpolations are listed as they appear in the six sources arranged in chronological order. The plus sign indicates similar verse settings that recur from one source to another. Numerals indicate the number of interpolated verses in the Troparia so designated in order not to differentiate between encomia and megalynaria. Since the greatest degree of vari ance from one source to another occurs in the interpolated verses it has been impossible to list them all in Table 25. Some incipits of significant verses have been included, but most are simply referred to as troparia. 232 An examination of Stasis I shows that only verses 12 and 1 of the Amomos are set to music, but they appear consistently from'the earliest fourteenth-century manuscript to the late fifteenth-century Vatopedi MS. 1281. Beginning with the early fifteenth-century Iviron MS. 985, a doxology is also included. The remainder of Stasis I throughout all sources consists of interpolated verses. In Stasis II, the presence of Amomos verses is more sporadic. Only verse 73, the first of the stasis, is included in all sources; verse 126 appears after the middle of the fifteenth century; and verse 94 is found only in the late Vatopedi manuscript. The doxology is also present in this stasis in fifteenth-century sources. In Stasis III only verses 132 and 161 appear consistently in all sources. Verse 149 is added later in the fifteenth century, while verse 167 is found only in the earliest source. The doxology for this stasis is also found in fif teenth-century sources. From the very few settings of Amomos verses in this version, it is obvious that the interpolations predominate in all three staseis. Indeed, in manuscripts Athens 2458 and Iviron 985 as many as twenty- five of these interpolated verses appear without interruption at one point in Stasis III, although they were not all performed together. When these groups of verses are found in a manuscript, only the first few are usually set to music, the remaining verses presumably being sung to the model melody. From Table 26 it can be seen that the over all development of the Amomos for the Theotokos is similar to that for laymen. Fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century sources have relative ly few verses in comparison to later sources in which the addition of Table 26 Verses in the Amomos for Theotokos 14th Cent. 15th Cent. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Fil. Vat. Amomos for Theotokos 2458 985 2406 2837 122 1281 I Verse 12 + + + + + + Verse 1 + “T + + + + çwfi ev Td^ti) ..." + + + + "MeyaX^voviÊv oe, çuoSdra Xpiaxé ..." + + + + Troparia 2 2 5 6 6 6 Doxology + + + + + "MeYotX’Civoyév os, çucSdra Xpiaxê ..." + + + Troparia ^ 4 4 5 4 5 KaXXx(})üivnc6v fiyov Bov "EuyKaTdBaaiv 6oÇétÇouaai rfiv oflv ..." + + + Troparia 2 5 3 4 4 II "’'Ei|)piÇev ^ yn Kaî o nXio< ..." + + + + Troparia 1 1 1 1 1 Verse 73 + + + + + + Troparia 4 3 4 5 4 6 Verse 94 + Troparia 1 "'AXayya of Glykys Verse 126 + + + + Doxology + + + + + Troparia 6 4 6 4 7 rfvexai KaXXt(j)ii3ViK6v "Kal Tfiv Suvaaxefav ..." + + + + Troparia 3 5 5 5 N> w w Table 26 (cont’d) 14th Cent. 15th Cent. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Fil. Vat. Amomos for Theotokos 2458 985 2406 2837 122 1281 III ""HXis xnj ôdÇnj ..." (Troparia) (1) (1) + + + + Verse 132 + + + + + + ..." + + + + Troparia 5 5 4 3 4 ’‘AXayya Verse 149 + + + + "a I yeveaf irccaat uyvov ..." + + + + Troparia 10 12 13 9 ^'AXayya of Germanos Verse 161 + + + + + + Troparia 25 25 10 9 9 10 ^‘AXayya of Ethikos "’EÇripedÇaVTO rd xEiXn you ..." + + + + Verse 167 + Troparia 5 3 7 7 7 2 Doxology + + + + Troparia 2 4 4 4 2 2 a Symbols; + indicates the presence of the same verses or set phrases. Numbers indicate poetic lines in different Troparia. NJ eo 235 both psalm verses and troparia creates a larger and more stable repertoire. As opposed to other versions, no refrains are included in the Amomos for the Theotokos, probably because the interpolated encomia or megalynaria fulfill the same function. Also unlike other versions, this Amomos includes few attributions to composers. Whether only name composers or not, most rubrics are concerned not with the psalm verses but with the interpolations, indicating for whom or for what occasion they are to be sung. The few names of composers found in this version will be found in the first column of Table 26. The word "aXayya" or "change" precedes the composer's name to indicate that a change takes place not only in the poetic meter of the interpolated verses but also in the melody and usually in the mode. Among the composers named are Glykys for the troparia following verse 126 and the Doxology in Stasis II, and Germanos and Ethikos respectively for the troparia following 161 and 167 in Stasis III. All the manuscripts listed in Table 26 contain some or all of the encomion of the Patriarch of Constantinople Kyr Germanos.^ In its complete form this consists of an acrostic of the Greek alphabet, occasionally with one or two letters being re peated. All sources also include some verses of Nikiphoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos, which were set to music by Nikiphoros Ethikos.^ 6. This is Germanos the First, patriarch during the years 715-730. 7. Other poets who have written encomia are Grigorios Palamas, leromonachos Ilarion, and Neilos, Metropolitan of Rhodes. The many different verses of encomia (or megalynaria) are included throughout Eustratiadis' study: ^AKoXoo0fa t o u MsydXou SaPpdtTOU," pp. 1-166. 236 It is evident from Table 26 that the manuscripts differ to some extent in the number of troparia, as well as psalm verses, that they include. This is perhaps due to the fact that different monasteries and churches tended to follow local practices. In the full rite, how ever, all 176 verses of the Amomos were sung with troparia inserted between them. Unfortunately, none of the musical sources includes a complete listing of this Amomos with indications of the order to be followed in interweaving the troparia with the psalm verses. It is to such sources, as the typikon in the fourteenth-century manuscript Métamorphosées 21, that we must turn for a complete ordo of the Amomos g in the service of Orthros on Holy Saturday. Unlike the order in musical sources that present verse 12 before verse 1 of the Amomos— a pattern similar to that of the two-staseis version for monks— the ordo in the typikon begins with verse 1, after which a single line of the encomia follows each psalm verse. Starting with verse 35, however, two or three psalm verses are grouped together between each inter polated verse. Stasis II continues this pattern of grouping several verses of the Amomos before each encomion. It should be mentioned, however, that in Staseis II and III, an encomion verse as shown in Table 26 precedes the first psalm verse of the stasis. Stasis III returns to the pattern of following each psalm verse with an interpola tion. Also, the typikon places the doxology at the end of each stasis, where it is expected, rather than inserting it in the encomia or megalynaria as the musical sources do. The few rubrics that exist 8. Métamorphosées MS. 21 fols. 370v-373v. This manuscript is from the Monastery of the Great Transfiguration at Meteora. 237 in musical sources indicate that the alternating psalm verses and encomia were chanted antiphonally between the right and left choirs— a practice also followed in other versions of the Amomos. Both choirs sang the concluding doxologies for each stasis. It is peculiar that no composers’ names are given for any of the Amomos verses in the musical sources, and it is confusing that in Stasis 1 verse 12 precedes verse 1, when the typikon does not indicate that they were sung in that order. Perhaps these oddities can be ex plained in part by examining the music of these verses in Stasis I (Example 75a and b). Such an examination quickly shows that the melody of verse 12 in the Amomos for the Theotokos is an almost note- for-note transposition of the Traditional settings of the same verse in the two-staseis version for monks. Example 75a: Traditional, Vat. 1281 iza „ 12b ru-/\o-ÿ The first halves of verse 1 in the two versions are almost identical, but the second halves differ to some extent and end on different 9 pitches. A comparison of the other Amomos verses in Staseis II and III shows that their settings are also similar to or identical with the settings in the two-staseis version for monks. This perhaps ex plains why so few attributions or identifications were included in the Amomos for the Theotokos. Scribes probably felt it unnecessary to repeat attributions or even to identify settings that had already 9. See Examples 64 and 65b in Chapter 7. 238 appeared once in the manuscript. This may also account for the re versed order of verses 12 and 1, which was also used in the twb-staseis version for monks. What is not explained is why the rubric was used to identify both the early three-staseis version for monks "Amomos after the Alleluiaria" and the Amomos for the Theotokos in the early typika manuscripts, when the music for the Theotokos is the same as that for the two-staseis rather than the three-staseis version for monks. Could it be that in earlier centuries the version for the Theotokos used the melodies of the earlier three-staseis version for monks? If this were true, the early Amomos for the Theotokos would have adhered to the three-staseis division but gradually adopted the melodies of the two-staseis division, which probably evolved from the three-staseis version and became the standard Amomos for monks in the fifteenth century. Unfortunately, there is no evidence to support or repudiate this theory. Furthermore, as a word of caution, it should be noted that, since the Amomos of the Theotokos is also found in the euchologia and typika of the twelfth century together with the Amomos for monks, it is uncertain which version borrowed verse settings from the other. Example 75b: Traditional, Vat. 1281 la I»» g j j- y j, ' / fjJ : j } - ' ^ /' / / / & AA > « f/» c y ^ . I» ------1 -V I / 239 In any case, the settings of psalm verses in the Amomos for the Theotokos were probably not original melodies intended for exclusive use in this version. Nevertheless, they were extremely important, for they provided the melodic outlines and motivic material on which the settings of the interpolated verses were based. It is not the purpose of this study to examine the interpolated verses or their melodies, but a few settings will be discussed in order to show the melodic relationship between the two. The Traditional setting of verse 12 (Example 75a), as already noted in the previous chapter, consists of two statements of an arch-shaped motive that begins on D and first rises a fifth to A and then a sixth to B in the repetition. The first setting of the megalynarion to follow the psalm verses in Stasis I (Example 76a) is based on this same arch motive but transposed a step higher, so that the first ascent is from E to B. The second is ex panded to a range of D to C, and both are considerably extended to accommodate the longer megalynarion text. Example 76a: Megalynarion, Vat. 1281 1 Megalynarion £ % / '^0-jJCV ex ~^u3-0- To'-- TO. %fi- J’ V >? / -J> - y w V /fin -IÏL Ti-fJia. kài th.— y m V The second interpolated verse (Example 76b) is composed of a combina tion of transposed and extended motives derived from verses 12 and 1. Like the melody of verse 1, this setting emphasizes G and A with down ward inflections to E, but occasionally it expands with wider ascents and descents that resemble those in the setting of verse 12. 240 Example 76b: Interpolated Verse, Vat. 1281 Interpolated Verse g t - A / V ; h .,,.-7 ,_ft /•; > a ^ cTJ _ . V f ZZ/ f A Mr . % 3 T"”T ” ‘W >i- ^c-.-n^-A-TTov -TO ru-ÿ»a-T»f-ia-«"tV So_^ _^fle-o- The cadence AGFG differs from that for verse 12 only because its last note ascends to G rather than descending to E. The last interpolated verse to be examined (Example 76c) also seems to be derived from verse 1, but transposed a fifth higher to the starting pitch d". In this setting the downward inflections are expanded to create a series of inverted arches starting and ending on D. The cadence is a slightly ornamented version of that for verse 1 but is transposed a sixth higher. Example 76c: Interpolated Verse, Vat. 1281 \ Interpolated yeroe v ^ (I.) (k\ I Ai-Ka-pC- &€.- o — To - — — Kt — - vfc tt-Cl" i ) / f j [■■■[ i> J' J' r n [ , l J- ^ t> H [. l u d ^ a - K o , - pi-o-TovUl Ta-Va-^U-yj.pTtV *2uyu)*)-1t— |0o, T«û Q c ^ o ô 01 . - jwDv The doxologies in the Amomos for the Theotokos have newly com posed melodies, for the two-staseis version for monks did not include doxologies from which melodies could be borrowed. Throughout the various sources two settings for the doxology of Stasis I are found— both of which also derive their melodies from the psalm verses of the stasis. The most common doxology setting for this stasis (Example 77a) provides a highly ornamented melody for only the first half of the text. Following the method of composition established in the 241 interpolated verses, the doxologies also rework and expand motives and melodic outlines from the psalm verses. The doxology in Example 77a begins by circling around G, somewhat in the manner of the melody for verse 1. It then expands to a series of rising and falling lines as in the melody for verse 12. It should be noted, however, that the interpolated melisma with intercalated syllables contains new melodic material, not traceable in the psalm settings of the stasis. Example 77a: Doxology, Vat. 1281 D o x e lo g y \ a ■> k > f \ A \h A I n 1 r"TT/ "V- 7 /“ / * r—, ■“ ) / j I-^ j JJJ -J. J-ff- J jn i / ^ — ir a - T p i Kol Yt-~Ç ta u — Y 1 0 V». 0 .1. o. ia. uc laut û- ; ------==------; — y . : — / ~ 7 't f l '" } f — M f Y — - e L 10. o x , d 2a. ÜX 20. ULC U£. 10- O C O- o x < — m — b 7 — k - I îa u£ îa u£ la ut tal */î — yt - W - ilvti;- )------1 f r ' i A - 4 = i J ç P 1 ywcL-Tt w "ITvti/- — — T t A second doxology for Stasis I, which appears in some sources, is also an embellished melody but includes only the last portion of the doxology's first half (Example 77b). The greater part of this setting is a free melisma with intercalated syllables. The melody for the text itself, however, closely resembles that in the corresponding parts of the preceding doxology (Example 77a), but with transpositions down a second or a third. In the middle of the melisma with inter calated syllables, is an expanded melodic fragment derived from the arch-shaped patterns of verse 12, as are the similar cadences of both 242 doxology settings. Example 77b; Doxology, Vat. 1281 D * % * l o g y g ! r r ^ ; ' J ; p ) ' p ] ^ i W -V c A / - r - ...... Ü kai - yt — w Y a "OX Ut Ta nu Ut to. 10 u t — _ yt TE. Tt Cb) Ë , : 0 ,, J - ;, J - / j! 7 Tt Tc -Tt O- na ut Ta Tt T£ Tt T£ TE. TE T t za na ut t -ra. tza. u& t a . u t K u, m ■ T i w - - - f j a . ------Tl W ■n'vc Most melodies for psalm verses in the Amomos for the Theotokos were not newly composed but were the same as or similar to the settings in the two-staseis version for monks. It is partly for this reason, perhaps, that so few verse settings are included in the musical manu scripts. Singers of the time would have known that all 176 verses of Psalm 118 were to be chanted with verses of the encomia or megalynaria interspersed among them. Thus, settings of only a few verses of the psalm were needed to suggest a return to the traditional melodies in the Amomos for monks for the remaining verses. Although the melodies for the psalm verses in the Amomos for the Theotokos may not have been original, they became an important source of motives and melodic out lines for later composers who set to music the doxologies and the many interpolated verses that make the Amomos for the Theotokos unique. CHAPTER IX CONCLUSION Throughout Christian times. Psalm 118, the Amomos, has played an important role in the rites of the Eastern Church, particularly in the Orthroe and the Funeral Service. From as early as the ninth century, the Amomos was sung in the Asmatikos Orthros, the morning service as performed in the major cathedrals of the Byzantine Empire. Only a few traces of this cathedral rite have been preserved, and we know much more about the use of the Amomos in later monastic rites. In this later practice, we find three versions of the Amomos with verses set to music, all of which appear in the repertoire of chants for funeral service, the Nekrosimon Akolouthia, usually in the following order: 1) an Amomos for laymen, 2) one for monks, and 3) one for certain feasts of the Theotokos and Christ. In addition to being sung at funerals and commemorative services, each of these versions seems to have had other functions. The Amomos for laymen apparently was the version usually sung in the monastic Orthros. One of two variant versions for monks replaced the version for laymen in the Orthros on most Saturdays during Lent and probably was also sung during the tonsuring ceremony in the services of the Taking of the Lesser and Greater Habits. The Amomos for the Theotokos and Christ was used in the special Orthros services on Holy Saturday and for the Dormition of the Virgin Mary, as well as for feasts of various saints 243 244 and martyrs. Perhaps no other version combined the ideas and purposes of the Funeral Service with those of the Orthros more completely than this Amomos, whose primary function was commemoration of the deaths of Christ and the Virgin Mary. Psalm 118 also formed part of the midnight service, or Mesonyktikon, hut here it was simply recited and not sung. The services in which the Amomos was chanted and some of their interrelationships may be seen in the genealogy given in Table 27. The three monastic versions of the Amomos all differ from each other to some extent in the number and choice of verses set to music, in the melodies for those verses, and in the composers who contributed the settings. The same differences also occur to a lesser extent within each version as it appears in different manuscripts. Never theless, all versions in both the monastic and cathedral rites shared the same practice of antiphonal performance by two choirs. It is not the purpose of this final chapter to restate the detailed findings concerning the various versions of the Amomos and their similarities and differences. Some general conclusions, however, may be summarized here. 1) The Asmatikos Orthros was probably the oldest service to include the Amomos and the first to disappear. The waning of the cathedral rites began in the thirteenth century with the intrusions from the Latin West, and they had nearly disappeared even before the fall of Constantinople. Consequently, settings for the Amomos in this service are rarely found, even in fourteenth-century sources. 245 Table 27 Genealogy of the Amomos and the Services in Which It Was Chanted Amomos in Asmatikos Orthros in the Cathedral Rite until 1430 Amomos after the Alleluiaria Amomos / for Amomos \ for the Monks in Theotokos and Christ Three Staseis until end of 15th Cent. Amomos for / \ Laymen Orthros for Orthros for Holy Dormition Saturday of the Virgin Mary Monastic Funeral Orthros in until Three Staseis present day Amomos for Monks until end in Two Staseis of 15th Cent. until end of 15th Cent. Funeral Taking of the Habits Monastic Orthros in Two Staseis until end of 15th Cent. 246 2) The only settings of the Amomos that represent the cathedral rites are those in the Asmatikos Orthros. All other settings in the musical sources are from the monastic practice. 3) The two sources containing the Amomos for the cathedral rite, Athens MSS. 2061 and 2062, include a total of five versions that can be reduced to two different families of chants distinguished by mode and melodic style. The chants of one family are simple, with little ornamentation; those in the other are more elaborate with much em bellishment and lengthy melismatic extensions. Use of the two families may have been determined by the relative solemnity of services for ordinary days and special feasts, but the two families may also represent the practices of different localities, such as Constantinople or Thessaloniki. The melodies within each family were often closely related by means of common motives and migrating phrases from one verse setting to another. 4) Spanning sources from the fourteenth through the nineteenth, century, the settings of the Amomos for laymen are the most plentiful and in comparison to the other versions and contain the largest number of settings by named composers. This Amomos undergoes an interesting historical development. In fourteenth-century sources the verses most often provided with music usually had no more than one or two settings with melodies of Constantinopolitan or Thessalonian origin prevailing. In the fifteenth century, however, many composers con tributed new settings for the same and other psalm verses, and manu scripts often include four or more chants for a single verse. In the sixteenth century the trend reversed and versions of the Amomos 247 for laymen were reduced to one setting per verse, with all settings by the same composer. Thus, in the later sources examined for this study, we find entire versions by such composers as loannes Lampadari- os, Fardivoukes, and Manouel Chrysaphes. 5) Perhaps the most important feature of the Amomos for laymen is its transmission of traditional melodies from the fourteenth century to succeeding generations. Composers, particularly those after the fourteenth century, generally took these traditional melodies and their recitation formulae as the starting point for their much more elaborate and extended settings. At the same time each displayed his individual ity in the creation of new musical material for the melismatic ex tensions set with intercalated syllables that were interpolated toward the end of the psalm verses or within the refrains. The nineteenth- century return to simple traditional settings in the Synopsis of I. Lampadarios provided the basis for the Amomos in the present-day funeral service. 6) Two versions of the Amomos for the funeral of monks are found only in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources. In comparison to the version for laymen they are more limited in the number of verses with music and in identifications of composers. The older version had the usual three-staseis division and was identified in at least one early source as the "Amomos after the Alleluiaria." Except for one source that includes additional verses with melodies by several composers, it contained only a few anonymous verse settings for each stasis. In the fifteenth century a two-staseis division of the psalm verses became standard in the Amomos for monks. More verses were set 248 to music in this version, especially in the second stasis, most of which were the same as or similar to the verse settings in the fif teenth-century Amomos for the Theotokos. 7) The Amomos for the Feast of the Theotokos is found with music only in fourteenth- and fifteenth-century sources. In earlier typika this version is also identified as the "Amomos after the Alleluiaria, and indications of the modes in which it is to be sung are the same as those in the three-staseis Amomos for monks. It is probable, there fore, that these two versions shared some or all of the same melodies. By the time the Amomos for the Theotokos appears in musical manu scripts, however, the melodies of its few psalm verses set to music are nearly identical with the settings of the same verses in the two- staseis version for monks. Of all versions of the Amomos, that for the Theotokos contains the fewest verse settings, only two to four anonymous melodies in each stasis. These few melodies provided the motives and formulae for more elaborate settings of the interpolated verses and doxologies. The presence of these added verses, encomia or megalynaria, makes this Amomos unique. Psalm 118, unlike most psalms, or other biblical texts, enjoyed a popularity and widespread usage not shared by all chants. This popularity is clearly evident in the major portions of most Akolouthia manuscripts that are devoted to the various versions of the psalm. Incorporated in more than its share of liturgical services. Psalm 118 had the distinction of having its verses set by the most impor tant composers of the period. As can be seen from our musical sources it reached the height of its popularity in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Thereafter, the importance of the Amomos declined, with 249 only the version for laymen remaining in use to the present day, when it is still chanted in funeral services. This study in liturgical chant has examined the history, func tion, and portions of the music for only one psalm. It is hoped that other scholars will be inspired to explore the many uninvestigated psalms and other types of chants in the liturgical services of Byzantium. ABBREVIATIONS Manuscript Locations Ath. Athens Doc. Docheiariou Dio. Dionisiou Fil. Filotbeou Ivi. Iviron Kon. Konstamonitou Kou. Koutloumousiou Pan. Pantocrator SIL Synopsis of loannes Lampadarios Sin. Sinai Vat. Vatopedi Xir. Xiropotamou II. Attributions in Tables of Concordances [name] Anonymous but attribution restored An Anonymous As Asanis Constantines CD Complete Doxology Ch Manouel Chrysaphes Co Constantinopolitan Eth Nikephoros Ethikos Fa Fardivoukes, protopapas of the Hagios Apostolos G Konstantinos Gauras, iereus GGl Grigorios Glykys GF Georgios Filadelfoinos GPa Georgios Panaretos IGl loannes Glykys ILa loannes Kladas Lampadarios 111 Attribution illegible IP loannes the Proud (Perifemos) K Kalophonic setting Ka Kampanes Ke Keladinos Kkm Koukoumas Kkz loannes Koukouzeles K1 Nikolaos of Klovas, domesticos Koi Common Kor Komelios monachos La Latrinos MAm Manouel Ampelokypiotes, iereus 250 251 Man Manougra MAr Manouel Argyropoulos MEu Markos Eugenikos MKI Markos Korones leromonachos MKo Markos Korinthou MLa Manouel Lampadarios MPa Manouel Panaretos My Michail Mystakonos Or Manouel Orphanotrophos Sp Manouel Spanos, iereus Syt Syntomon: shortened Syp Synoptikon, synoptikoteron: more concise The "Thessalonian" (i.e., "from Thessaloniki") Thy Manouel Thyvaios iereus Tra "Traditional" (includes "change," "old," "ancient") XKo Xenos Korones APPENDIX A, PART 1 Verses with Music in Amomos for Laymen (Stasis I) 14th Cent. Stasis I Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Kou. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904 905 906 2454 399 Intro. 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 L L 1 2 A A 3 9 0 C 12 1 1 1 1 1 1 u U 14 16 N N 20 1 1 1 AA 21 22 26 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 28 1 1 29 32 1 1 1 36 1 3 37 41 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 45 1 1 1 1 1 48 51 1 1 1 1 1 1 53 55 1 56 57 1 3 58 63 1 1 3 65 1 1 67 1 1 1 1 69 1 1 71 4 4 72 Dox. 2 1 252 253 15th Cent. Stasis I Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 2456 2401 Intro. 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 3 9 12 4 1 14 16 20 7 1 21 22 26 1 28 5 29 32 36 3 4 37 41 3 1 3 2 1 45 1 1 48 2 2 1 51 1 1 53 3 1 55 1 56 57 4 4 4 2 3 5 3 58 63 3 4 3 3 2 4 2 65 67 1 2 69 1 71 1 3 72 Dox. 2 4 2 254 15th Cent, (cont’d) Stasis I Sin. Kon. Ivi. Ivi. Kou. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 1293 86 973 974 449 211 122 1529 1528 1281 Intro. 1 1 11111 1 1 1 11 11 1111 2 1 1 3 1 9 12 4 131 111 1 4 4 4 4 14 16 20 4 1 5 1 2 1 1 3 5 4 5 3 21 22 26 1 28 6 4 1112545 4 29 32 1 36 6^21 1 1 3 3 4 3 3 37 A 41 ^21 3 3 45 c 1 48 ^ 1 2 2 51 1 53 2 1122323 55 N 56 57 5.3 1 4 3 4 3 58 ^ 1 63 4 1 1 1 1 2 3 3 5 2 65 67 1 69 71 72 Dox. 4 212211 2 3 3 2 255 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Stasis I Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Dox. Dox. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338 _____ Intro. 111111 111 1 1 1 1 2 1 3 9 1 12 11111 111 1 14 1 16 1 20 111111 111 1 21 1 22 1 26 28 1 1 1 1 1 1 111 1 29 1 32 36 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 37 2 41 45 48 51 53 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 55 1 56 1 57 1 58 63 1 1111 111 1 65 1 67 1 69 1 71 72 1 Dox. 1 2 1111 111 1 APPENDIX A, PART 2 (STASIS II) 14th Cent. Stasis II Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Kou. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904 905 906 2454 399 Intro. 2 2 1 1 1 2 73 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 74 1 82 83 1 4 3 1 89 1 1 90 1 1 93 1 1 94 2 1 1 3 2 2 95 102 5 2 103 106 3 3 109 112 2 2 117 1 1 119 1 2 2 121 1 1 1 122 1 1 1 1 123 126 4 3 3 127 129 1 1 2 1 Dox. 3 4 2 2 M • • s r-i Q) PM ^ 256 257 15th Cent. Stasis II Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 2456 2401 Intro. 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 73 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 3 1 3 1 3 1 1 74 1 1 1 1 1 1 82 83 4 3 3 3 3 2 5 4 3 2 4 3 6 1 3 6 2 89 1 90 1 93 94 3 3 2 5 4 3 2 4 3 3 1 3 2 3 1 2 2 3 2 95 102 4 3 4 3 3 3 2 4 3 2 3 3 1 1 2 4 4 103 106 1 3 2 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 1 2 2 3 2 109 112 2 2 2 2 2 3 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 1 117 1 119 2 2 1 121 1 1 122 1 1 123 126 2 3 5 4 5 3 2 3 3 3 2 3 5 3 1 5 4 4 2 127 129 1 Dox. 2 1 2 1 6 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 1 2 1 3 2 H H H . H H H H r-t td td td cd td cd td td a c (d a a (3 td a C rH (U r4 0) rH 0) tH 0) r—I 15th Cent, (cont'd) Stasis II Sin. Kon. Ivi. Ivi. Kou. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 1293 86 973 974 449 211 122 1529 1528 1281 Intro. 1 2 1 1 73 3 1 1 1 3 1 1 2 2 74 1 1 1 1 2 2 82 83 6 1 3 5 2 1 1 4 3 63637 3 89 90 93 1 94 3 1 2 1 5 1 1 4 3 3 2 5 3 5 2 3 2 95 1 2 102 1 1 2 1 4 1 1 2 2 4 4 2 3 5 4 3 3 103 1 106 2 2 2 4 2 1 1 2 3 3 3 3 6 3 3 3 109 112 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 2 117 1 119 2 121 1 122 1 123 1 126 3 1 5 3 3 2 1 1 1 3 5 3 3 4 5 2 2 127 129 2 Dox. 1 1 2 2 1 12 12 12 1 tfl rt cd cd nJ n) . . s • P! • PS a r H H 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Dox. Dox. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338 Intro. 1 1 1 73 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 74 82 1 83 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 89 90 93 1 94 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 95 102 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 103 106 1 109 1 112 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 117 119 121 1 122 1 123 126 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 127 1 129 Dox. APPENDIX A, PART 3 (STASIS III) 14th Cent. Stasis III Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Kou. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904 905 906 ■ 2454 399 Intro. 2111111 21 132 15 1114 1 2 133 134 135 1 1 L 1 137 138 141 11 1 112 1 A 1 1 142 149 113 113 1 11 150 C 151 L 152 156 A U 157 161 2 4 5 2 1 C 2 42 163 12 1 1 N 2 167 U 1 171 1 175 N All 176 1 1 Dox. 2 3 3 2 2 A 2 3 260 261 15th Cent. Stasis III Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 2456 2401 Intro. 13 3 3 2 3 3 211 132 2 3 5 3 2 3 3 2 1 1 133 1 134 1 1 135 1 137 138 141 1 7 8 5 6 5 3 6 4 1 142 149 27 8 5 5 5 2 431 150 1 1 1 1 151 2 152 1 156 1 157 161 4 6 9 6 6 5 4 4 4 3 163 1 1 1 167 171 175 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 176 2 2 1 3 1 2 1 1 Dox. 225111 332 262 15th Cent, (cont’d) tasis III Sin. Kon. Ivi. Ivi. Kou. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 1293 86 973 974 449 211 122 1529 1528 1281 Intro. 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 3 2 3 3 132 2 1 3 2 1 1 1 3 1 3 3 133 2 1 134 1 1 1 135 137 138 141 6 1 8 2 1 1 1 7 6 9 6 142 1 149 4 5 8 3 1 1 2 7 5 5 6 150 1 1 1 1 1 151 2 2 152 1 1 156 1 1 157 161 4 4 6 5 1 2 1 6 6 4 3 163 1 167 171 175 1 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 1 176 1 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 Dox. 3 2 3 1 2 1 2 263 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Lasis III Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Doc. Doc. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338 Intro. 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 132 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 133 1 134 135 137 1 138 1 141 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 142 1 149 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 150 1 151 1 1 152 1 1 156 157 1 1 161 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 163 1 167 171 175 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 176 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Dox. APPENDIX B, PART 1 General Table of Concordances (Stasis I) 14th Cent. Stasis I Àth. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Kou. Verses 2458 ' 2622 1495 2444 904 905 906 2454 399 Intro. Co [Co] [Co] [Co] The [Co] Co L L [The] The The 1 [The] [The] [Tra] [Tra] A A [The] 2 3 C C 9 12 Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra [Tra] U U N N 14 A A 16 20 Tra [Tra] Tra 21 22 26 Tra [Tra] Tra Tra Tra 111 111-2 111-3 28 [Fa] 111 29 32 Co [Co] Co 36 111 Fa Man ILa 264 265 14th Cent, (cont'd) Stasis I Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Kou. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904 905 906 2454 399 37 41 IGl [IGl] [IGl] [IGl] [IGl] [Fa] 111 Fa Eth [Tra] 45 The [The] [The] [The] An 48 51 Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra [Tra] 53 55 Tra Tra 56 57 Co 111 Fa Ke An 58 Tra 63 Co [Co] [Co] Fa An Tra XKo 65 Tra Tra 67 The [The] [The] [The] [The] KK 69 Tra Tra 71 Tra-2 Tra-^2 Eth Eth Co Co 72 Dox. Co Co The The [The] [CD] Co [CD] [Co] An The The Tra Tra Tra The Koi [The] Tra Tra [Tra] [Tra] 266 15th Cent. Stasis I Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 Intro. The [Co] Co Co [Co] [Co] [Co] 1 The [Tra] The [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 2 Tra Tra 3 9 12 Tra Tra Tra Tra [Tra] Tra Tra [Fa] An Syt IGl Syt An-2 [IGl] ILa An Syt An ILa ILa ILa 14 16 20 Tra Eth-2 Eth-2 Eth-2 Eth Eth-2 [Tra] Fa Fa ILa ILa [ILa] 111-3 IGl IGl An ILa ILa The=Tra 21 22 26 Tra The 28 Fa Fa Fa Fa Fa [Fa] IGl-3 IGl-3 IGl-2 IGl-3 IGl-2 IGl-2 ILa ILa ILa ILa ILa [ILa] 29 32 [Co] K 36 Fa Fa Fa-2 Fa-2 Fa-2 K Man Man ILa Eth ILa-2 ILa ILa ILa 267 15 th Cent. (cont'd) Stasis I Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 37 41 [IGl] Fa Fa Fa-2 K Eth IGl [Tra] 45 [The] The 48 [Tra] [Tra] Fa Fa 51 [Tra] The 53 Fa Fa Fa-2 Fa-2 Fa-2 [Fa] ILa Tra IGl Tra [Tra] [Tra] Tra Man 55 [Tra] 56 57 IGl IGl IGl Ke IGl An Fa Fa Fa-2 ILa Fa Ke Ke ILa ILa ILa ILa 58 63 Fa Fa Fa XKo Fa Tra Tra Tra Ke ILa Ke XKo XKo ILa Tra The 65 67 [The] The-2 69 The 71 [Tra] The-2 Eth 72 Dox. [The] [CD] Co [CD] [CD] [CD] [The] Tra Koi The [Koi] Syt Syt [Tra] ILa ILa 268 15th Cent. (cont'd) Stasis I Ath. Ath. Sin. Kon. Ivi. Ivi. Verses 2456 2401 1293 86 973 974 Intro. [Co] [Co] The [Co] [Co] [Co] 1 [Tra] [Tra] The [Tra] [Tra] The 2 Tra 3 [Tra] 9 12 Tra Tra Tra=The Tra [ILa] Tra ILa Tra An-2 Syp An-2 Syt Man Eth Man An Man 14 16 20 Fa Eth-2 Tra=The Fa ILa 111-3 ILa Tra ILa Fa-2 ILa Fa ILa IGl-2 ILa IGl-2 IGl An-2 21 L L 22 A 26 Tra=The A The 28 Fa-3 [Fa-3] Fa-3 Fa C ILa ILa An-2 ILa c IGl-2 IGl IGl An u XKo XKo UN 29 A 32 N [Co] 36 Fa-2 Fa Fa-2 Fa ILa ILa ILa ILa A Man IGl An-2 IGl Tra Tra Ke [Ke] 269 15th Cent, (cont’d) Stasis I Ath. Ath. Sin. Kon. Ivi. Ivi. Verses 2456______2401______1293 86______973______974 37 41 [Fa] [IGl] An [IGl] Eth Tra 45 The [The] 48 Fa ^ Fa 51 Tra=The [Tra] 53 ^ Fa C [Tra] 55 ^ 56 57 Ke ILa-2 Ke ^ IGl ILa [ILa] Eth ILa Fa Eth-3 Eth-3 Ke L 58 A 63 Fa [Fa] Fa Fa [Co] ILa ILa ILa ^ XKo XKo U [Or] Or N 65 A 67 The [The] 69 71 72 Dox. [Koi] [Koi] The [Koi] Tra ILa [The] Tra [Tra] [Tra] Tra [Koi] [Tra] Syp Syp Syp ILa ILa ILa 270 15th Cent, (cont'd) Stasis I Kou. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 449 211 122 1529 1528 1281 Intro. Fa [Ch] [Co] [Co] [Co] [Co] [Co] 1 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 2 [Tra] [Tra] 3 9 12 [Fa] [Ch] Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra An-2 Syt Syt An-2 ILa An An ILa ILa ILa 14 16 20 [Fa] [Ch] Eth Eth-2 Eth-2 Eth-2 Eth-2 ILa Fa ILa Fa ILa Fa IGl Fa IGl ILa ILa 21 22 26 28 [Fa] [Ch] Tra Fa Fa Fa Fa ILa IGl-3 An-2 IGl-3 IGl-2 ILa ILa ILa ILa 29 32 36 [Fa] [Ch] [Fa] Fa Fa-3 Fa Fa-2 Koi Man ILa Man ILa ILa ILa ILa 271 ______15th Cent, (cont'd)______Stasis I Kou. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 449______2 U ______m ______1529 1528 1281 37 41 Fa Fa Eth Eth [Tra] Tra 45 48 [Tra] [Tra] Fa Fa 51 53 [Fa] [Ch] [Tra] Fa Fa-2 Fa Fa-2 Fa [Tra] Tra Tra [Tra] 55 56 57 IGl IGl IGl IGl Fa Fa Fa Fa Ke ILa Ke ILa ILa ILa 58 Eth 63 [Fa] [Ch] Tra Fa Fa Fa Fa Ke Tra Ke Tra Ke XKo ILa [XKo] Eth ILa 65 67 69 71 72 Dox. [Fa] [Ch] [Syt] [CD] [Koi] [CD] [CD] [Tra] Koi [CD] Syt Syt ILa ILa 272 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Stasis I Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Doc. Doc. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338 Intro. [Co] [Co] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 1 [Tra] [Tra] 2 [Tra] 3 9 [Tra] 12 [Tra] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 14 [Tra] 16 [Tra] 20 ILa IGl [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 21 An 22 [Tra] 26 28 ILa Fa [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 29 An 32 36 ILa ILa [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 273 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Stasis I Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Doc. Doc. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338______ 37 Tra An 41 45 48 51 53 [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 55 [Tra] 56 [Tra] 57 Ke 58 63 Ke [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 65 [Tra] 67 [The] 69 [Tra] 71 72 An Dox. K [Koi] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa [Co] APPENDIX B, PART 2 (STASIS II) 14th Cent. Stasis II Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444______904______905______906 Intro. Tra Tra The The The [ILa] [The] ILa The The 73 The The The The The [ILa] The IGl ILa [Kkz] 111 74 [Tra] 82 83 Tra Tra [Tra] Ka Fa Man An ILa ILa 89 Tra Tra 90 Tra Tra 93 Eth 94 Tra The-2 The The The [Fa] The Fa-2 Fa The XKo XKo An ILa ILa My My 95 102 IGl-2 Fa Fa ILa ILa An 103 274 275 14th Cent, (cont’d)______Stasis II Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444______904______905______906 106 Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra Fa-2 Man My ILa IGl ILa 109 112 Fa-2 Fa XKo 117 Tra Tra Tra Tra 119 [Kkm] [Kkm] [Kkm] [Kkm] [Kkm] My My 121 Thy [Thy] Thy [Thy] [Thy] 122 K1 K1 K1 K1 [Kl] [Kl] 123 126 Tra-3 Tra-2 Tra Tra [Tra] Tra Fa-2 XKo [Kkz] XKo XKo XKo 111 ILa Man An 127 129 Tra Tra Tra 111 K Dox. Tra-2 Tra-3 Tra-2 Tra-2 Tra-2 [Tra-2] Tra-2 [CD] Co [Co] 276 14th Cent. 15th Cent. Stasis II Ath. Kou. Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Verses 2454 399 985 214 2406 2837 Intro. [Tra] [Tra] ILa ILa [The] 73 An-2 IGl [The] IGl ILa IGl ILa IGl ILa The 74 [Tra] [Tra] ILa [Tra] 82 83 Tra [Ka] Ka [Tra] Ka Tra Ka Fa Man Fa Man Fa ILa An ILa ILa ILa ILa ILa 89 [Tra] [Tra] 90 [Tra] [Tra] 93 Tra [Eth] 94 An-2 [The] The Fa-2 Fa Fa-2 Fa Fa-2 Fa XKo ILa ILa An The ILa ILa My ILa ILa The My 95 102 IGl-2 Fa IGl-2 Fa IGl-2 Fa Fa The Fa The ILa The ILa ILa ILa ILa ILa 103 277 14th Cent. 15th Cent. Stasis II Ath. Kou. Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Verses 2454 399 985 214 2406 2837 106 Tra [Tra] Fa-2 IGl Fa-2 Man Fa-2 Man ILa ILa IGl IGl ILa IGl ILa ILa ILa The 109 112 Fa-2 Fa Fa Fa Fa-2 XKo XKo An XKo Syp Fa 117 Tra The 119 Tra Tra Tra My My 121 Thy 122 Tra [Kl] Kl 123 126 Kkz [Kkz] Tra Fa-2 XKo Fa-3 XKo Fa XKo XKo ILa Man ILa Man XKo ILa [The] The ILa Kkz Kkz ILa ILa 127 129 [Tra] The Dox. [Tra-2] [Tra] [Tra-2] [CD] [ILa] [Tra] ILa [CD] [ILa] Co [Co] An-2 An The-3 278 15th Cent, (cont'd)______Stasis II Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 1120 899 2599 2456 [ntro. An ILa ILa An [ILa] Tra ILa The 73 An ILa IGl ILa [IGl] [ILa] Tra ILa IGl The [The] IGl-2 [ILa] 74 [Tra] [Tra] 82 83 Fa-3 IGl [Tra] Ka [Tra-2] Tra Fa-2 ILa Man ILa Ka An ILa An-2 An IGl-2 [IGl] An Tra ILa ILa ILa ILa 89 90 93 94 IGl-2 Fa Fa-2 Fa [Tra-2] Tra IGl-2 ILa Fa Fa ILa ILa An ILa Fa ILa ILa XKo 95 102 Fa The-2 IGl-2 Fa [Tra-2] Fa IGl ILa XKo-2 ILa Fa ILa The An The ILa [ILa] 103 279 15th Cent, (cont'd)______Stasis II Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses______1120______899______2599______2456 106 Fa Man Fa-2 Man [Tra] Tra Tra-2 ILa ILa IGl Kkz ILa IGl An An Fa ILa ILa 109 112 Fa Fa Fa-2 Fa [Fa-2] Fa Fa-2 XKo 117 119 121 122 123 126 Fa-2 XKo Fa XKo [Tra] [Tra] Fa-3 ILa Man-3 ILa Kkz XKo ILa An-2 XKo-2 ILa-2 ILa ILa Kkz ILa 127 129 Dox. [Tra] Tra [Tra] [CD] [Tra-2] [Tra] Tra [Tra-2] ILa 280 15th Cent. (cont*d) Stasis II Ath. Sin. Kon. Ivi. Verses 2401 1293 86 973 Intro. [ILa] The Tra ILa 73 An-3 [ILa] The Tra ILa IGl IGl-2 74 [Tra] 82 83 Fa-5 Man Fa—4 ILa Man Ka Syt-2 ILa ILa IGl-2 IGl ILa An ILa Fa Tra 89 90 93 94 Fa Fa The IGl-2 ILa Fa Fa Tra ILa IGl My Fa ILa Fa-2 ILa Syt ILa 95 102 Fa XKo-2 IGl ILa XKo-2 Fa IGl-2 IGl-2 Fa Fa An The An 103 281 15th Cent, (cont’d) Stasis II Ath. Sin. Kon. Ivi. Verses ______2401______1293______86 973 106 Fa Fa Tra Tra-2 ILa Man Fa-2 ILa ILa My Fa IGl Syt Man La 109 112 Fa Fa-2 Fa Fa Man 117 119 Kkm 121 Thy 122 Kl 123 ILa 126 Fa-3 Man-2 XKo-2 Fa-3 ILa Man-3 XKo-2 Tra ILa ILa-2 ILa-2 Man Fa ILa-2 ILa 127 129 Dox. [Tra] ILa [Tra-2] Tra [Tra-2] [Tra] [Tra] [Co] [Tra] 282 15th Cent, (cont'd) Stasis II Ivi. Ivi. Kou. Pan. Verses 973 974 449 211 Intro. [Tra] ILa 73 [ILa] ILa [Tra] [Fa] [Ch] ILa IGl ILa 74 ILa ILa 82 83 Tra ILa Ka [Fa] [Ch] Tra Man ILa ILa 89 90 93 Eth 94 Fa ILa The [Fa] [Ch] Tra XKo Fa ILa IGl My 95 102 Fa ILa ILa [Fa] [Ch] Tra The ILa 103 Pan 283 15th.Cent, (cont'd)______Stasis II Ivi. Ivi. Kou. Pan. Verses 973 974 449 211 106 Man ILa ILa [Tra] IGl Man 109 112 Fa [Fa] [Ch] Tra Fa 117 [Tra] 119 [Kkm] My 121 Thy 122 Kl 123 126 XKo-2 ILa ILa [Tra] [Fa] [Ch] [Tra] Kkz Fa An An XKo ILa 127 129 Or An Dox. [Tra] [Tra-2] [Tra-2] [Ch] [Tra] 284 15th Cent. (cont'd)______Stasis II Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 122 1529 1528 1281 Intro. ILa ILa Tra ILa [ILa] 73 IGl ILa IGl ILa IGl ILa IGl [ILa] Tra An An 74 [Tra] [ILa] [Tra] [ILa] An An 82 83 [Ka] Ka Fa-2 Man Tra Ka Tra Ka Fa Man An-2 ILa Syt Man Fa-4 Man An ILa ILa IGl Fa ILa ILa ILa ILa IGl ILa IGl 89 90 93 94 Fa-2 Fa IGl Fa Tra Fa IGl Fa ILa ILa ILa XKo Fa-2 ILa ILa ILa Fa ILa An Fa An-2 ILa 95 [Tra-2] 102 IGl-2 Fa Fa XKo IGl-2 Fa Fa Fa Fa The ILa Fa Fa The IGl-2 The ILa ILa ILa ILa ILa ILa Syt Or Syp 103 285 15th Cent, (cont’d)______Stasis II Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 122 1529 1528 1281 106 Fa-2 Man Fa-2 Man Fa-2 Man Fa-2 Man ILa [IGl] ILa ILa IGl IGl ILa IGl ILa The Syt ILa ILa La ILa 109 112 Fa Fa Fa Fa Fa Fa XKo Man XKo XKo 117 119 121 122 123 126 Fa-2 XKo Fa [The] Fa-3 XKo Fa XKo ILa Man ILa-2 Ka ILa Man ILa ILa [The] ILa ' The Kkz Kkz ILa ILa 127 129 Dox. [CD] [CD] [CD] [Co] [CD] [CD] [CD] [Co] [Co] ILa [Co] ILa 286 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Stasis II Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Doc. Doc. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338 Intro. XKo ILa [Ch] 73 IGl ILa [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa XKo Tra 74 82 GF 83 IGl [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 89 90 93 Eth 94 XKo [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Ch Ch Ch ILa 95 102 ILa XKo [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 103 287 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Stasis II Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Doc. Doc. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338 106 Man 109 Kl 112 [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 117 119 121 [Thy] 122 [Kl] 123 126 ILa Man [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 127 An 129 Dox. [Tra] [Tra-2] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa APPENDIX B, PART 3 (STASIS III) 14th Cent. Stasis III Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Kou. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904______905 906 2454 399 Intro. Co The The The The The The Co [The] The The 132 Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra Kkz-2 An-3 Kkz XKo L GPa 133 A 134 135 Kkz 111 C Kkz 137 138 U 141 GGl GGl GGl GGl GGl An-2 [GGl] [GGl] [GGl] N A 142 149 GGl GGl GGl GGl [GGl] An-3 [GGl] [GGl] [GGl] ILa Sp 288 289 14th Cent, (cont'd)_____ Stasis III Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Kou. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904______905 906 2454 399 III I: 157 161 Fa Fa ILa Fa Fa Fa ^ Fa [Fa] Kor Eth Fa Kor ^ Kor ^ Eth [Kor] Kor Eth Kor XKo Kor XKo N N XKo 163 Tra Tra Tra Tra Tra An An 167 Tra 171 Tra 175 IGl [IGl] 176 IGl [IGl] Dox. Tra-2 Tra-2 Tra-2 Tra Tra Tra-2 Tra-2 My My [My] [My] [My] 290 15th Cent. Stasis III Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 Intro. [The] An Tra-2 An [Tra-2] An [Tra-2] Tra-2 The [Tra-2] [Tra-2] Syt 132 [Tra] An Tra-2 An [Tra-2] An [Tra-2] GPa Tra-2 The [Tra-2] [Tra-2] Syt KKz GPa 133 [Tra] 134 [Tra] [Tra] 135 An 137 138 141 GGl An-3 Tra Tra Fa-2 . Tra-2 An-3 GGl IGl-4 An Man An Fa-2 An Fa Tra Fa ILa ILa ILa ILa ILa GGl GGl 142 149 [GGl] Tra-2 GGl Tra [Tra-2] Tra An-2 ILa Fa-3 Tra-2 Fa-3 Fa Fa-3 Or Fa-3 Or Syp Or ILa ILa ILa The 150 Fa Eth Fa Fa 151 Or-2 152 Or 156 G 157 161 Fa Tra An-4 Syp Syp Fa-3 An-4 Eth XKo Syp Fa-3 Fa-3 Thy ILa Fa-2 Fa Thy Thy ILa Kor Thy Thy ILa ILa ■' ILa ILa Eth 163 Tra An 167 171 175 IGl IGl ILa IGl IGl [IGl] ILa ILa ILa [ILa] Ch 176 IGl IGl ILa IGl IGl [IGl] ILa ILa ILa [ILa] Ch Dox. Tra-2 Tra-2 Tra-2 [CD] Tra [CD] The An-2 291 15th Cent, (cont'd) tasis III Ath. Ath. Sin. Kon. Ivi. Ivi. Verses 2456 2401 1293 86 973 974 Intro. [Tra-2] [Tra] The [Tra-2] [Tra] [Tra-2] [The] Syp 132 [Tra-2] [Tra] The [Tra-2] [Tra] [Tra-2] [Tra] Syp XKo 133 [Tra-2] G 134 [Tra] 135 137 138 141 Fa-4 Fa-3 [GGl] Fa-4 ILa [Tra-3] GGl [ILa] ILa ILa IGl ILa Tra Tra Syt Fa-2 ILa 142 Tra 149 Fa-2 Fa-2 [GGl] Fa-2 Fa-3 Tra [GGl] Tra Or Tra ILa-2 Syt Or Or Or Fa-3 ILa G Thy ILa 150 Fa Fa 151 [ILa-2] 152 [ILa] 156 G 157 161 Fa-3 IGl [Fa] Fa-3 Fa-2 ILa ILa Thy Fa-2 Eth Thy ILa-2 Syp Thy Thy Kor Fa-3 Fa Thy Eth Kor 163 Tra [Tra] 167 171 175 ILa ILa ILa [ILa] IGl IGl ILa ILa 176 ILa ILa ILa IGl IGl ILa ILa Dox. [Tra-2] ILa Tra-2 [Tra-2] [Tra-2] [Tra-2] Syp [Tra-2] Syp tfy 292 15th Cent, (cont'd) tasis III Kou. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Verses 449 211 122 1529 1528 1281 Intro. [Fa] [Ch] [Co] An [Tra-2] An An Tra-2 [Tra-2] [Tra-2] 132 [Fa] [Ch] [Tra] An [Tra] An An Tra-2 [Tra-2] [Tra-2] 133 134 [Tra] [Tra] 135 137 138 141 [Fa] [Ch] [Tra] An-3 Fa-3 Tra Tra GGl ILa An-4 An-2 Fa-2 An-2 Fa-3 Fa-2 ILa ILa ILa 142 149 [Fa] [Ch] Or Tra-2 Fa-2 Tra-2 Tra ILa Fa-3 Tra Fa-2 Fa-4 Or ILa ILa ILa ILa Thy 150 Fa Fa [Fa] 151 Or-2 152 Or 156 G 157 161 [IGl] [Ch-2] ILa Tra Fa-3 Fa-2 Fa-2 Fa-3 [Thy] Thy ILa Thy ILa ILa [ILa] IGl 163 167 171 175 [Ch] IGl ILa ILa ILa ILa 176 [Ch] IGl ILa ILa ILa ILa Dox. Fa Tra-2 [Tra] Syt [Tra] 293 17th 19th 16th Cent. Cent. 18th Cent. Cent. Stasis III Kou. Ivi. Ivi. Dio. Fil. Xir. Xir. Doc. Doc. SIL Verses 459 984 951 579 134 269 276 332 338 Intro [Tra] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 132 XKo [Tra] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa XKo 133 G 134 135 137 An 138 An 141 IGl ILa [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa 142 IGl 149 Thy ILa [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] Fa Ch Ch Ch ILa ILa [Fa] 150 [Fa] 151 Or Or 152 Or Or 156 157 Or [Tra] 161 ILa ILa Fa 163 [Tra] 167 171 175 IGl [IGl] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] IGl Ch Ch Ch ILa 176 IGl [IGl] [Ch] [Ch] [Ch] IGl Ch Ch Ch ILa Dox. APPENDIX G, PART 1 Verses with Music in Amomos for Monks (Stasis I)^ ______14th Cent.______Stasis I Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904______905______2454 Intro. Ill 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 12 1 2 1111 26 2 41 1 57 2 60 2 67 2 Dox. 1 Eli Intro. I l l 1 73 11112 1 1 1 1 74 1 93 1112 1 Although the basic arrangement of Appendix C is according to the two-staseis division, elements of the three-staseis division have been included. In the two-staseis division, it should be noted that verse 12 appears first before the setting of verse 1. 294 295 15th Cent. Stasis I Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 2456 Intro. 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 12 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 26 41 57 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 60 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 67 Dox. Eli Intro. 1 1 73 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 74 1 4 1 1 4 1 1 1 93 1 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 296 15th Cent. (cont *d) Stasis I Ath. Sin. Kon. Ivi. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. Vat. Vat. Verses 2401 1293 86 973 211 122 1529 1528 1529 1281 Intro. 1 1 111112 11111 2 1 11 12 1111 1 1 1 1 11 1 1 26 41 57 22111122 2 60 22112122 2 67 Dox. Eli Intro. 1 73 11111 112 11 74 1 1113 12 11 93 21222221212 APPENDIX C, PART 2 (STASIS II) 14th Cent. Stasis II Ath. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath, Ath. Verses 2458 2622 1495 2444 904 905 2454 94 2 95 1 102 103 104 106 2 121 1 122 2 1 126 2 129 Dox. 2 EIII Intro, 1 1 132 1 1 1 4 133 135 1 141 149 151 152 156 157 161 162 163 1 .id 165 0 iw Q) CU •H 166 CO (U 167 1 CO 169 g 171 4J W 1 3 CO 173 d (U A3 O 3 g 175 u 176 < S 297 298 15th Cent. Stasis II Ivi. Pan. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Verses 985 214 2406 2837 1120 899 2599 2456 94 1 3 1 1 2 1 1 1 95 1 1 1 1 102 1 103 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 104 1 106 121 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 122 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 126 2 3 2 3 2 2 129 2 2 2 2 2 1 2 Dox. 2III Intro. 1 1 132 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 1 1 1 133 2 2 1 1 1 2 135 1 141 1 149 1 1 1 1 1 1 151 2 2 2 152 1 1 1 1 156 1 1 1 1 1 157 1 1 1 1 1 1 161 1 2 3 1 1 1 3 w 162 1 1 0) 1 163 1 : 1 1 0 OJ 165 1 1 (/] 1 166 1 IM 1 167 O 169 03 171 1 § 173 1 1 s 1 u 175 1 2 o 1 2 1 2 176 1 2 1 2 1 2 299 15th Cent, (cont'd) Stasis II Ath. Sin. Kon. Ivi. Pan. Fil. Sin. Vat. V a t . Vat. Verses 2401 1293 86 973 211 122 1529 1528 1529 1281 94 1 1 1 1 3 1 3 1 1 1 1 95 1 1 1 102 103 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 104 106 121 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 122 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 126 2 2 2 1 1 1 2 3 2 129 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 2 2 Dox. EIII Intro. 1 132 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 1 133 L 2 1 2 1 2 1 135 1 141 1 AL 149 1 1 1 2 1 151 C A 1 1 152 1 1 156 UC 1 1 1 157 1 1 1 1 1 161 2 3 N 2 U 2 1 3 2 4 162 1 1 1 1 163 1 A N 1 165 1 1 1 1 1 166 1 A 167 169 1 171 173 1 1 1 1 175 2 1 2 1 1 1 4 1 2 176 2 1 2 1 1 1 4 2 APPENDIX D Table of Concordances of Amomos for Monks in Two Staseis 14th Cent. 15th Cent. Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Pan. Ath. Verses 2622 1495 2444 904 905 985 214 2406 ZI 12 Tra [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 1 Tra [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra-2] 2 [Tra] 57 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] ILa 60 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] ILa 73 IGl IGl IGl IGl [IGl] IGl An [IGl] ILa 74 IGl [IGl] An-2 An ILa-2 93 Eth Eth Eth An [Eth] Eth An Eth Eth Eth Eli 94 An An An An An An XKo-3 XKo XKo 95 MKI [MKI] MKI 102 103 An MPa 104 121 MPa MPa MPa 122 Kl K1 [Kl] 126 An An An IP IP ILa IP 129 An An-2 An Or 300 301 ______14th Cent, (cont’d)______15th Cent, (cont'd) Ath. Vat. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ivi. Pan. Ath. Verses 2622 1495 2444 904 905 985 214 2406 132 An An An XKo An An An Syp Kkz XKo XKo XKo GPa 133 An An G G 135 KKz 141 An 149 ILa An Or 151 [Or] 152 [Or] 156 G 157 MPa MPa 161 An Thy 111 An Eth Fa An Eth An 162 An An 163 165 An An 166 167 An 169 171 An 173 [Tra] [Tra] 175 IGl IGl IGl ILa [IGl] IGl [ILa] IGl 176 IGl IGl IGl ILa [IGl] IGl [ILa] IGl 302 15th Cent, (cont'd) Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Sin. Verses 2837 1120 899 2599 2456 2401 1293 El 12 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 1 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 2 57 [Tra] Tra [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] ILa ILa ILa ILa 60 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] ILa ILa ILa ILa 73 ILa-2 An An An An An An 74 ILa ILa-2 ILa An ILa ILa ■ ILa An Ch 93 An Eth An An An An Eth An Eth Eth [Eth] Eth Eth Eth Eli 94 XKo XKo XKo An XKo XKo [XKo] XKo Ch 95 MKI MKI 102 Or 103 Or MPa Or MPa MPa MPa MPa XKo XKo 104 Ch 121 MPa MPa MPa [MPa] MPa MPa MPa 122 Kl Kl Kl [Kl] Kl Kl Kl 126 Tra An Tra An An An IP ILa IP ILa ILa ILa IP 129 An An An MPa An An An Or Or Or Or Or Or 303 15th Cent, (cont'd) Ath. Ivi. Ath. Ath. Ath. Ath. Sin. rses 2837 1120 899 2599 2456 2401 1293 132 XKo Kkm XKo An XKo XKo XKo XKo Ch 133 G G G MPa MAr 135 Kkz 141 149 ILa MPa ILa ILa [ILa] ILa 151 Or MPa Or 152 Or MPa Or 156 G MPa G [MPa] 157 MPa MPa MPa [MPa] 161 Eth IGl Eth ILa [ILa] ILa Syp Eth Eth Eth Syp Syp 162 An An 163 An An An 165 An An 166 An An 167 169 An 171 173 [Tra] 175 IGl An ILa [ILa] [ILa] IGl [ILa] Ch IGl IGl IGl 176 IGl An ILa [ILa] [ILa] IGl [ILa] Ch IGl IGl IGl 304 15th Cent, (cont'd) Kon. Ivi. Pan. Fil. Sin. V a t . Vat. Vat. Verses 86 973 211 122 1529 1528 1529 1281 SI 12 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 1 [Tra] [Tra-2] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 2 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] 57 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [ILa] ILa ILa 60 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] ILa [ILa] ILa ILa 73 IGl ILa [ILa] ILa-2 IGl ILa 74 ILa An An An [ILa] ILa-2 An ILa ILa-2 93 An An An An An An Eth An Eth Eth Eth Eth Eth Eth SIX 94 XKo XKo-3 Ch XKo-3 XKo XKo [XKo] XKo 95 MKI MKI MKI 102 103 [MPa] Or [Or] Or MPa MPa 104 121 [MPa] MPa MPa MPa MPa MPa MPa 122 Kl Kl Kl Kl [Kl] Kl [Kl] Kl 126 Tra Tra IP [Tra] An Tra Tra ILa ILa ILa IP IP 129 An An Or An An An An Or Or Or Or Or 305 15th Cent, (cont’d) Kon. Ivi. Pan. Fil. Sin. V a t . V a t . Vat. Verses 86 973 211 122 1529 1528 1529 1281 132 Syp Ch Syp XKo XKo Syp XKo XKo XKo Kkm 133 An G An GGG G G MAr 135 141 149 L MAm MPa L MPa 151 MPa MPa 152 A MPa MPa 156 A [G] GG 157 MPa Sp MPa MPa MPa 161 C Eth Eth Syp Syp Fa Eth Syp c [Syp] Fa An Fa Eth Thy U Syt 162 An u An Tra 163 An 165 N An An An An 166 N 167 169 A 171 A 173 [Tra] [Tra] [Tra] Tra 175 [IGl] [IGl] [IGl] Syt IGl [ILa] IGl IGl Syp [ILa] 176 [IGl] [IGl] [IGl] Syt [ILa] IGl IGl Syp [ILa] BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, William F. Archaeology and the Religion of Israel. 4th ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1956. Alexandrinus, Didymus. Expositio in Psalmos, ex Codd. Vatic, et Nanian., PG, XXXIX, 1155-1622. Ambrosius, Saint. In Psalmum David CXVIII Expositio, PL, XV, 1261- 1604. Anthony, Archbishop of Novgorod. "La Description des lieux saints de Constantinople." Publications de la sociëtë de l'orient latin. Série géographique V (Geneva, 1889), 87-111. Antoniades, Evangelos. 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