Burgkmair's Peoples of Africa and India (1508) and the Origins of Ethnography in Print Author(S): Stephaine Leitch Source: the Art Bulletin, Vol

Burgkmair's Peoples of Africa and India (1508) and the Origins of Ethnography in Print Author(s): Stephaine Leitch Source: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 91, No. 2 (June 2009), pp. 134-159 Published by: College Art Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40645477 . Accessed: 10/10/2013 15:54

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This content downloaded from 128.186.158.219 on Thu, 10 Oct 2013 15:54:40 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Burgkmair'sPeoples of Africa and India (1508) and the Originsof Ethnographyin Print StephanieLeitch

A broadsheetprinted in the townof Augsburgin southern dinarilyearly departure from stereotypes. These peoples are Germanyin 1505 (Fig. 1) representsthe initialpublic offer- presentedin recognizablefamily units; their bodies are pro- ing of New World Indians to a European audience.1The portionatelyconstructed and are modeled to rotatein space feather-skirtedbarbarians featured here stand in fora tribeof usingan artisticvocabulary developed in the ItalianRenais- BrazilianTupinamba Indians that Amerigo Vespucci saw for sance. thefirst time in theNew World. This feisty group of wild men Unlike earlier images of newly discovered indigenes, and womenillustrates passages from his letterMundus novus, Burgkmair'smonumental printed representation of the in- summarizedin the textbeneath the image, that describe the habitantsof coastalAfrica and the MalabarCoast of India is Indians'communality, their penchant for free love, and their a precociousstudy in humandiversity.5 This woodcut series is culinarypreference for human flesh: based on Die Merfartund erfarung nüwer Schiffung und Wegezu vilnunerkanten Inseln und Künigreichen (The Voyageand Dis- coveriesof New Pathsto UnknownIslands and No one has of his but all are com- Many King- anything own, things theTirolese merchant Balthasar a mon.And the men takewomen who doms) by Springer, report please them,regard- thatrecords his travelsin 1505 and 1506with the mission led less of whetherit is theirmother, sister, or friend.In this by FranciscoAlmeida that establishedthe firstPortuguese matterthey make no distinction.They also fightwith each viceroyaltyin India.6 other. They also eat one another and theyhang and Burgkmairtranslated Springer's written report into a visual smokethe fleshof thosekilled. They live to be 150. And accountof the places and peoples encounteredby the mer- have no government.2 chant, producinga multiblockwoodcut, which, when set together,measures approximately seven and a halffeet long. The sweepingnature of the caption's spurious claims is The friezefollows the journey in a series of consecutive matchedby the broad brushused to illustratethem. While framesshowing the peoples of Guinea, the region around the thebroadsheet's anonymous artist portrays these Tupinamba Cape of Good Hope, the eastern seaboard of Africa,an fantastically,in Europe,these elements solidified into a con- assemblyof assortedindigenes from India, and lastly,a pro- ventionalvisual motif: the image of an Indian in a feather cessionon India's MalabarCoast. This document'semphasis crownand matchingskirt, an "exotic"who quicklybecame on theworld's peoples suggeststhe interventionof the local the prototypefrom which subsequent stereotypes of Indians humanistKonrad Peutinger,who formedthe link between weredrawn.3 The illustrationsof newlyencountered peoples the merchantand the artist. accompanyingthe earliestprinted reports by Christopher In itsorderly presentation of peoples,the friezedetaches Columbusand Vespucci(which appeared between 1493 and Africanand Indian inhabitantsfrom their representational 1505) did not reflectreal culturaldifference between the historyin exotica,where theywere entirelydivorced from Europeansand indigenouspeople but reliedinstead on re- empiricalobservation.7 In earlierdepictions, the inhabitants cycledimagery that dwelton theirperceived warlike and of theseregions and othersheretofore unknown to Western cannibalistictendencies. Unruly bands of crude,cartoonish, Europe inheritedtheir exotic statusfrom both local and and bloodthirstywild men in featheredskirts quickly calcified classicaltraditions.8 Before Ferdinand Magellan's circumnav- into the standardiconography for renderingnewly discov- igationin 1522,confusion was widespread about which Indi- ered peoples,regardless of wherethey were found. ans wereto be foundwhere; visual generalizations and verbal Contrastthis with another account of foreignpeoples re- misunderstandingscompounded the problem.Additionally, centlycharted by Europeans,Hans Burgkmair'sPeoples of the tendencyin the earlymodern period to call manyexotic Africaand India (Fig. 2), also printedin Augsburg,a short thingsCalecutish, an adjectivemisapplied to all but the prod- threeyears later. Whereas Burgkmair's subjects are the na- ucts of the westerncoast of India, also frustratedclear dis- tivesof coastal Africaand India, the leap fromprints of tinctions.9Remarkably, in lightof these misleadingconfla- Amerindiansto ones of Africansand Asiansis not as coun- tionsand thisrampant pictorial nomadism, with his images of terintuitiveas it mayappear. To begin with,the distinction nativesof Africaand India, Hans Burgkmairneither played betweenthe Americasand Asia is anachronisticfor the pe- into iconographiepresets nor inventednew stereotypes. riod. Furthermore,stereotyped images of the inhabitantsof To explain the rupturethat Burgkmair's images mark in both the Americasand Asia oftenconflated them. Artists' thehistory of representation,scholars have characterized the proclivityto costumeall newlydiscovered peoples in the friezeas amongthe earliest recordings of unfamiliarpeoples feathercrown and bustle of the BrazilianTupinamba, a based on empiricalevidence. A primaryreason that these phenomenonthe anthropologistWilliam Sturtevant dubbed images differfrom earlier ones that also describednewly the tupinambizationof the world,contributed to the confu- discoveredpeoples is thatBurgkmair worked them up from sion.4Burgkmair's images of nativepeoples markan extraor- visualmodels, probably sketches made by an artisticallyin-

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1 Broadsheetwith text from Vespucci, Dise Figur anzaigt uns das Folck und Insel,Augsburg: Froschauer, 1505, handcoloredwoodcut, 10 X 13% in. (25.5 X 35 cm). BayerischeStaats- bibliothek,Munich, Einblatt SammlungV, 2 (artworkin thepublic domain)

clinedtravel companion and broughtback by Springer.10 But Peutinger,who also collecteddata, artifacts, written accounts, a precedentin sketchesalone does not fullyexplain this and physicalevidence from both antiquityand the remote change.Burgkmair's woodcuts, more precisely, signal a turn cornersof theever expanding world. Both artist and human- to representationalaccuracy and the idea that the visual istsat at the crossroadsof empiricalinvestigation, and their experienceof Springer'sencounters could be reproduced. discoveriesfunctioned symbiotically. Burgkmair's frieze col- The artisticcriteria for empiricismin the earlymodern lected informationin a unique formatthat announces and periodcan be foundin contemporaryprinted genres, such as organizesnovelty. The confluenceof epistemologicaland travelaccounts, maps, and physiognomies,that made similar artisticcurrents that converged in Augsburgart makingin and clues as to how their claims to documentation give thisperiod equipped theprint to takeon theanalysis of other could be frieze authority visuallyreproduced. Burgkmair's culturesin an ethnographicfashion. adheres to the two fromwhich it descends formally genres On the side of representation,Burgkmair pushed the most travelaccounts and the coor- directly, maps. Locating boundariesof printmakinginto the realmof verisimilitude, dinatesof travelwas the de factotask of each of thesegenres, advancednaturalism in theform of the chiaroscuro woodcut, and bothwere instrumental in and some tracking recording monitoredthe rediscoveryof the antique,developed formu- of the noveltiestheir authors came across.In their important las for and made refinementsin portraiture- to the travelaccount and the proportion, attempts reportexperience, technical evolutions that better render the empirically map providedboth textualand visual precedentsfor the observedworld. In the earlieststages of Burgkmair'sdevel- frieze,which is a hybridof both. - opment, some of these were still conventional indeed, Whereas"ethnography," as a methodof investigationchar- Burgkmair'sprimary contribution rests in deployingthese acterizedby comparison, classification, and historicallineage, conventionsin more meaningfulmatrices. Importing ideals would not be applied to images or textsfor centuriesto and techniquesof portraiturefrom antique coins, Burgk- come, Burgkmair'sfrieze invitesa prescientuse of that mairinscribed into the conceptof likeness.Us- term.11The friezecalls into being a basic set of analytic authenticity familiar models,he relativizedhis subjects categoriesthat ethnography would take as itsmethodological ing iconographie to the viewer them into line with foundation,including a quasi-scientificobservation of na- European by bringing narrativesand traditions.He ture,as well as the organizationalrigor that attends it.12 By recognizable Europeanpictorial familiarizedAfricans and Indians themwith categorizinginformation, Burgkmair transformed the narra- by endowing tiveof a merchantwhose task never was to renderan account recognizablyhuman proportions,taking them out of the ofthe exotic. of peoples seen en routeinto a maplikechart of the region. conventionalcategories Burgkmairrepresented the of these In doingso, he also tookcare to distinguishone groupfrom differenceby firstestablishing kinship peoples anotherby virtue of their variance in geography,appearance, withWestern European traditions,making them commensu- and customs,and givesa relativisticrendering of thesepeo- rate.All of thesesimilitudes constitute an earlyforay into the ples withrespect to theirEuropean counterparts. creationof analyticcategories that could take stockof cul- Burgkmair'sinterest in empiricalresearch and documen- tural differencein an organizedfashion, the premiseon tationwas precipitatedby humanistcolleagues like Konrad whichthe foundationof modernethnography is built.

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2 Hans Burgkmair,Peoples of Africa and India, 1508, handcolored woodcut, 1114 X 90sAin. (28.5 X 230.6cm) (artworkin the publicdomain)

The Friezeand TravelAccounts One scholarhas recentlyquestioned whether the extantim- Printedfor the firsttime in 1508,two years after the journey pressionsinclude all thatwere originally part of the set.16A it describes,Burgkmair's frieze still enjoyed the popularity of later reprintingof a block that reversesthe order of the late-breakingnews. It recordedthe 1505-6 voyageof Tirolese figuregroups has complicatedthe provenanceof one of the merchantBalthasar Springer to India in thepath of sea-lanes images,Natives with a Herdof Animals (Fig. 5).17The contem- newlyplowed by Vasco da Gama, who, less than a decade poraryreconstruction of the friezeis a consensusderived before,had circumnavigatedAfrica and broughtIndia into froma numberof spin-offsin manydifferent media.18 the commercialpurview of Europe. The seriesof woodcuts Burgkmairdivided the frieze into several sectionsthat depictsgroups of nativesSpringer came acrosson his expe- correspondto sitesof Springer'sencounters. A childjauntily dition around the coast of Africato the East Indies. The balancingon one leg opens thescene carrying the inscription frieze,made at thebehest of theWeiser family, who cospon- in GENNEA(Guinea, IvoryCoast, Fig. 3). Archingagainst the soredSpringer's journey, presumably entered the collection capitalA of "Gennea,"an adultmale brandishesa spear,his ofthis powerful Augsburg merchant family shortly after it was classicalbody torqued in studied contrapposto,arresting the printed.In the Weiseredition, the textof Springer'sreport attentionof a seated femaleholding an infantbalanced on formsa captionrunning along thetop of theprints. The first her thigh.The followingframe, labeled in allago, features fourprints retain the originaltext; the followingprint sup- two adults,an infant,and a child fromthe Cape region plies roomfor accompanying text, but no copywith the text (Algoa Bay,southeast Africa) . Bothadults, a mothernursing has survived.13 and a fatherturned toward a male child, are seated on a The friezeis a curiousmonument in itself,and it marksa hillock.This couple wearsanimal pelts as mantles;the wom- significantformal departure from earlier travel accounts. The an's bodyis draped in a networkof dried animalintestines formatof the multiblockprint, a woodcutpulled fromeight used to supporta nursinginfant. They wear large flat sandals differentblocks assembled into a friezeseven and a halffeet on theirfeet, and each is equipped witha walkingstick. The long,presents almost as strangean objectto a modernviewer nextimpression, in arabia (Fig. 4), showsnatives from the east of Renaissanceart as the informationit containsmust have coastof Africa, in thearea of Mozambiqueand Mombassa.A seemedto theoriginal viewer. Hans Burgkmairset theseries female and male adult, wearingwoven textilesand head of woodcutsinto a friezeformat that now existslargely in coverings,turn toward a childbetween them. The nextscene, piecesreconstructed from mostly posthumous printings. The grosindia, depicts adult inhabitantsof the MalabarCoast of editiondiscussed here, a setof eightimpressions, follows the India, all clad in cloth waistcoverings. A standingfemale reconstructionof the friezecurrently in the Weiserfamily holdsa fruitin one hand and supportsa parroton the other foundation'scollection, supplemented by several impressions wrist;a child runstoward her, uttering the text"mama he." in printcollections in Coburgand Berlin.14The historyof the Afterthese four groups comes an impressiondepicting a friezeis obscuredby the fact that no completeedition of the group of Indian nativeswith a herd of animals (Fig. 5), setof printshas survivedfrom the original printing. Some of possiblyin thesetting of a market,along with native flora and the posthumousimpressions that survive come fromBurgk- fauna.19The terminalwoodcuts (Figs. 6, 7), pulled from mair's originalblocks but in unorthodoxarrangements.15 three linked blocks,depicts the processionof the king of

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3 Burgkmair,Natives of Guinea and Algoa, 1508, handcolored woodcut, 11!^ X 16% in. (28.5 X 42.4 cm). Freiherrlichvon WelserschenFamilienstiftung, Neunhof (artwork in thepublic domain; photograph copyright Freiherrlich v. Welserschen Familienstiftung)

Cochin.The firstfive scenes belong togetheras a set; over- Burgkmairreflects these concerns;accordingly, his illustra- lappingelements of the blocksthemselves substantiate this tionsmark a radicaldeparture from those that accompanied sequence.The ensuingscenes of the peoples of India and the the reportsof Columbusor Vespucci. trainof the kingof Cochin are also unitedby a continuous More important,Burgkmair's illustrations introduce an- underscoringbaseline. other noveltyto this genre: the visualizationof empirical The merchantaccount that generated this frieze must be data. Previoustravel accounts that had based theirrhetorical consideredin the traditionof travelnarratives, as well as claimson theauthority of the eyewitness had rarelyfurnished otherEuropean reportsof discoveryfrom the 1490s to the imagesthat would appear to supportthose assertions.21 The 1510s.In theirfirst-person recordings studded with anecdote depictionsof monstrous beings that accompanied the earliest and hyperbole,Sir John Mandeville, Marco Polo, Christopher travelaccounts never matched the findingsof empiricalin- Columbus,Amerigo Vespucci, and Springershared a com- vestigation.22 mon threadof adventuroustravel; they tracked the move- The greattravel accounts of Marco Polo andJohn Mande- mentof an eyewitnessfrom one place to the next.They each ville (earlyand late fourteenthcentury, respectively) owed producedraw data thatwere widely and variouslyconsumed, theirpopularity to theauthors' adventuresome spirit and gift not onlyby humanistsbut also by otheradventurers. Both forhyperbole. The reliabilityof some ofMarco Polo's reports Marco Polo and Mandevillehave been cited as sourcesfor are compromisedby the numberof his tales that remain Columbus'sroute and as fieldguides for the wonders that he unconfirmed,and John Mandeville, if there was such a man, sawin the New World.20Columbus, using Mandeville as his is rumorednever to have lefthis study.Thus, the verytravel model,also heeded his injunctionto recognizedifference. that travelliterature might assume as a prerequisiteto its This kindof directivetypically gave wayto moralizingcom- recountingwas semiobsolete in themedieval period. Printers mentarythat often blurred the reliabilityof his eyewitness tradedas muchon theirauthors' personalities to sell copies claims. as on newsof theirdiscoveries. The sine qua non of good Bycontrast, Springer's commentary is generallyfree from travelwriting was a good editor. Marco Polo dictatedhis thesetypes of judgments. In fact,we can say thatinsofar as recollectionsto a scribe fluent in literaryconventions. Springer'spurpose seems to havebeen to documentwhat he Mandevillewas primarilyan editor of others' writtenac- saw,his mandatewas to recordthe similarityhe recognized. counts,which he appropriatedliberally, but he advertised

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4 Burgkmair,Natives of Arabia and India, 1508, handcolored woodcut, 10% X 16V4in. (27.2 X 41.2 cm). Freiherrlichvon WelserschenFamilienstiftung, Neunhof (artwork in thepublic domain; photograph copyright Freiherrlich v. Welserschen Familienstiftung) himselfas the text'sauthor, standard practice in medieval (fromthe Portugueserotaros), circulated alongside the ver- writing.23 naculareditions of the lettersthat Columbus and Vespucci To humanistswho maintainedand amended the books of sentto theirpatrons. Rutters were purely pragmatic accounts antiquity,whose eruditionincluded specializedknowledge thatoutlined the logisticsof reachinga destinationand that about literaryconventions, fell the job of fieldingreports by championed the economic reasons for going, usuallyfor such merchantsand sailorsas Columbus,Vespucci, Nicolo tradeand thequest for spices.28 The pamphletDen rechtenweg de' Conti,Bartolomeu Dias, and Vasco da Gama and squar- auszzu farm vo[n] Liszbona gen Kallakuth (Fig. 8) , publishedin ingtheir travel accounts with ancient literary forms.24 As they Nurembergin about 1506 bya merchantwho had returned revisedthe textsof classical authors,humanists began to fromIndia, fell somewherebetween a travelreport and a questionthe "facts" that did notmatch empirical experience. rutter.29The pamphlet'stitle promises to reveal "mile by The incorporationof new factsintroduced contradictions mile,the properpath fromLisbon to Calicut";the textre- into the wisdomof antiquity,and the exposureof new cor- countsports along theway and rawmaterials to exploitand, ners of the earth about whichthe ancientshad remained above all, guaranteesrelative ease in gatheringthem. It is an silentdelivered a fatalblow.25 Although the dismantlingof anonymousand impersonalreport without an overriding theauthority of classical antiquity happened in fitsand starts, interestin geographyor foreignpeoples; it neithercasts the AnthonyGrafton has demonstratedthat a good bit of the inhabitantsof theseregions as monstersnor activelyengages chippingaway was done by humanistsengaged withgeo- the tropeof the exoticin tryingto describethem. graphicliterature.26 Humanists came upon geographicinfe- If we consider the curious illustrationthat servesas its licitieswhen amending and improvingPtolemy's Geographia frontispiece- showing the locationof India below the hori- and tookseriously the observationsof travelerslike Springer zon and perpendicularto westernEurope - we observethe who claimedto have seen thingsfirsthand.27 use of thisright triangle as shorthandfor a veryschematic The symbiosisof travelerand humanistopened the door nauticalmarker for the galleonat sea. As the purposeof the for the kind of cross-fertilizationbetween cosmography, pamphletwas to galvanizeinterest in the Germans'partici- * travelaccounts, and maps thatmade Burgkmair'sfrieze pos- pation in the India trade,it seems an effortwas made to sible. Merchantaccounts and route books, called rutters locate India in a deceptivelyproximate relation to Europe

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5 Burgkmair,Natives with a Herdof Animals,1508, woodcut, 10% X 15% in. (26.5 X 39.9 cm). Freiherrlich vonWelserschen Familienstiftung, Neunhof(artwork in thepublic domain;photograph copyright Freiherrlichv. Welserschen Familienstiftung)

6 Burgkmair,The King of Cochin, 1508, woodcut, printed from two blocks, 105/s X 27V£in. (27 X 70 cm). Kunstsammlungder Veste Coburg,Coburg, I 63, 32 (artworkin thepublic domain)

and the Indian-a¿m-wildman as a deceptivelyreductive con- Augsburg,the humanistKonrad Peutinger,was among the trapositiveof the European.30 firstto givecredibility to vernacularworks, most important, Sometimebefore it wentto press,this humble merchant authorslike Vespucci and Vasco da Gama, whose redrawn reportdeveloped humanist ambitions: it acquireda Ptolemy contoursof the world otherwiseonly graduallygave them map, whichit lodges withinits pages.31When mediatedby some measureof authority.Probably sharing shelf space with humanists,merchant accounts could worksymbiotically with these accountswas Springer'sMerfart, the reporton which cosmographieknowledge. The pamphletitself was a layman's Hans Burgkmair's frieze is based. accountingof the factsof the trip,but the Ptolemymap set Springer'sreport came to bothPeutinger and Burgkmair's the local journeyinto a worldview.It was likelya local hu- attentionthrough Peutinger's relatives and Springer'spa- manisteditor with knowledgeof ancient geographywho tron, the Weiser family.These Augsburgpatricians, mer- suppliedthis more universal and cosmographieframework to chant-bankersunder whose auspices Springersailed, pro- the otherwisepractical account. Vernacular pamphlets like vided the requestfor such a report.32Springer shores up his thesedid not effortlesslymake the cut into humanistcollec- connectionto the Welser in the text on the frieze'sfirst tions,the shelvesof whichwere groaning with the weightof block:"I, BalthasarSpringer, from Vils, sent by the Weiser of Greekand Latinauthors. The libraryof the townsecretary of Augsburg,have had knowledgeby sailingand experience,

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7 Burgkmair,Natives of India with Cameland Elephant,1508, woodcut, 10V6X 14V*in. (25.6 X 35.8 cm). StaatlicheMuseen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett,1000-2 (artwork in thepublic domain; photograph © theKupferstichkabinett, Berlin)

and gave it myselfto be printed,such as it is here."33In poor villagersplace over theirovens. Here, the natives addition,Springer leans on the time-honoredcredibility carrytheir huts with them and set themup whereverit is grantedthe eyewitness. convenient.37 Springer'sMerfart combined the statisticalinformation of When textwas for the of the rutterwith the occasionalwide-eyed incredulousness of Springer's abridged purposes the sifted the anec- travelaccounts. His briefreport details all themajor landfalls, captioning woodcut,Burgkmair through dotal the information.In the crew'sbravado, and the noveltiesthey met with.As a surfeit,retaining only ethnographic the the textcited above is reducedto: "The so-called sailor,he tooknotice of geographyand topography,but he frieze, land ofthe Moors is 1400 miles therethe inhabitants refrainedfrom the swashbucklingtone of some high-seas wide; go naked and wear around theirarms and feet"38 adventuresand adopted insteada sober narrativestyle.34 golden rings see text The frieze'stext blocks Springer'sMerfart reported a merchant'sobservations and (Fig. 2, block). paraphrase relevantand sectionsof account discoveries.35Submitted to his Weiserpatrons as a handwrit- abridged Springer'soriginal to directthe reader'sattention to the Insertedhere ten copy probablyas earlyas 1508, Springer'swhole-text images. as distill the that to the versionappeared in printas a pamphletin 1509 withcrude captions,they only passages pertain habitsof these woodcutsby Wolf Traut. In thisunabridged version, Spring- foreignpeoples. collaborationwith redirectedthe er's textjumps effortlesslyfrom the crew's tribulationsto Burgkmair's Peutinger frieze's to one of Witha humanist's theiroften hostile encounters with the local populations. emphasis peoples. pen- chantfor and taxonomic Passagesin the pamphletalso betraythe unrelentingnature organization recording,Peutinger select the destinedfor the wood- of Springer'smercantile eye, as he reconcilesthe marvelous probablyhelped passages customsover the and mer- varietyof new thingsdiscovered to a gold standard.His cuts,favoring report'smonetary cantileconcentration. illustrations tendencyto reduce noveltyto its monetaryvalue produces Accordingly,Burgkmair's to the random assortmentof some colorfulMischwesen: his firstsighting of a dolphinde- applied organizationalrigor informationfrom the continuum scribesa fishthe size of a "pig worthabout four gulden" Springer'stext, dividing attachedto a bird'sbeak.36 into distinctgeographic regions announced by titlesthat each as discoveredthere. Springer'scasual observationsof peoples are slipped in identify grouping peoples By plac- the nativesinto and amid othercommentary of mercantileconcern, such as the ing equal-sized legiblesections, Burgk- mairfashioned an chartof these He region'sprofusion of fatty cattle and theproduction of goods anthropological regions. each of nativesto a likecheese, sugar, and gold.A typicalpassage reveals that the assigned group compartmentcontaining a familialunit established two adults and one or more indigenouspeople frequentlyreminded him of no morethan by wildanimals: offspring. In thisgraphic format, Burgkmair transformed Springer's In thiskingdom and island,we saw both sexes of marvel- account into anotherkind of documententirely, one that ous people livingtogether without shame. While some reinsin the peripateticrandomness of textand whoseillus- coveronly their genitals, others go aboutstark naked, and trationsassert an eyewitnessalert to ethnographicdifferences all are black like the Moors. Here beginsthe trulydark among peoples. The new legibilityof the peoples of Africa interior.Dwellings here resemblethe structuresthat our and India arose as a confluenceof data secured through

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Springer'sobservations, faithful recordings by an artist,and Burgkmair'sethnographic eye. The latterwas sharply focused bythe intellectualpursuits of humanistslike Peutinger.

Germansin India and Indiansin Germany KonradPeutinger, the Augsburg civic secretary, provided the physicalas well as the intellectuallink thatconnected the merchantSpringer to Hans Burgkmair.39In humanistlibrar- ies likethat maintained by Peutinger, who amassedthe larg- est book collectionnorth of the Alps,merchant accounts of amateureyewitnesses to foreignpeoples such as Springer's firstrubbed spines with the canon establishedby the ancients Plinyand Herodotus.40Thus were the observationsof the merchant'sroving eye added to humanistdata. Peutinger's librarywas the intellectuallaboratory in whichBurgkmair's Africansand Indianswere discovered, and it was mostlikely Peutingerwho brokeredBurgkmair's involvement in the project.41 Throughhis contactsin Lisbon, Peutingerwas uniquely privyto the latestnews on the India front.Valentin Fer- nandes,a notary,translator, and book printeractive in Lis- bon,represented the Weiser interests at thePortuguese court of Don Manuel as the Germans' trade agent. As official brokerbetween the Portuguese crown and the Germanmer- chants,Fernandes was instrumentalin securingtrade privi- legesfor the Weiser, as wellas theparticipation of agents like Springerin the Almeidamission.42 Peutinger, representing the legal and politicalinterests of the Welserin Augsburg, 8 Frontispieceto Den rechtenweg ausz zu farenvon Liszbona gen wasFernandes' s contactin Germany.This relationship served Kallakuth,Nuremberg, ca. 1506,woodcut, sheet 7 Vè X 5 in. as thecrucial conduit for the flowof mercantileinformation (18.1 X 12.7cm). HerzogAugust Bibliothek, Wolfenbûttel, 274 (4) (artworkin the domain) into learned circles.Perhaps the most notable bridge Fer- Sig. Quod public nandesspanned to printculture was his transmissionof the sketchthat Albrecht Dürer used as a studyfor his 1515 print ofa rhinoceros.This sketch, perhaps through Peutinger, also many betokened a geographicanomaly and, possibly,an found its way to Burgkmairfor his own woodcut of that amendment.As the Cosmographiahad been designedto ac- animal.43 commodatefuture discoveries, it seemed fittingthat the re- Peutinger'slibrary preserves a little-knownclue as to how visionsto thePtolemaic world picture that these new peoples Burgkmairmight have obtaineda firsthandview of Malabar impliedbe notedthere. In Peutinger'slibrary, new facts came Indians presentedin the woodcut frieze.The humanist's into meaningfulcontact with the substrateof antiquity. libraryhoused a collectionof manuscriptsrelating to the Peutinger'sbroad enthusiasmfor India revealsitself in a contemporaryexploration of India thatconstituted the most surveyof his records on thetopic; these range from anecdotal precisedocumention of the Germans' trade activity, as wellas to notarialand humanistic.In his informalcollection of reportsof recent peregrinationsto India. Peutingerkept conversationsregarding the India tradein the fallof 1504, painstakingtrack of the Germanpresence in India and also the Sermonesconvivales, Peutinger optimistically anticipated had the only extantrecord of the presence of Indians in the participationof the Augsburgmerchants and humanists early-sixteenth-centuryGermany. A note writtenin Peuting- in the India trade.45The Sermonesdemonstrate the very early er's own hand in his copy of Ptolemy'sCosmographia an- proprietaryinterest Augsburgers had in India,as wellas great nouncesthe purchase of Indian natives by Peutinger's father- expectationsfor the returnon theirinvestment. Hopes ran in-lawAnton Weiser, as wellas byAmbrosius Höchstetter and high duringthe 1506-7 missionin whichSpringer partici- KonradVöhlin, members of otherAugsburg patrician fami- patedas agentfor the Weiser. Peutinger hoped formore than lies.44Burgkmair almost certainly saw these Indian natives, just commercialreturns, however. He eagerlyawaited first- reportedby Peutingerto be alive and well and livingin hand accountsof thegeographic and anthropologicaldiscov- Swabia,and used themas modelsfor his frieze. eriesfrom Fernandes.46 Peutingeroffered Burgkmair more thanjust an opportu- In additionto theseaccounts of Portuguesemaritime ac- nityto studyliving specimens. He furnishedthe humanist tivity,Peutinger meticulously collected and catalogedvernac- frameworkin which theywere to be understood- not as ular reportspertaining specifically to the India trade.Peut- monstersor exoticsbut as a contributionto a newchapter in inger assembled fragmentsof lettersconcerning Weiser cosmographieknowledge. It is of no smallsignificance that companybusiness in the India tradeinto a codex,as wellas Peutingernoted theseIndian newcomersto Augsburgin his handwrittenreports of the "discovery"of India from1501 to copyof Ptolemy;to Peutingerthe arrivalof Indiansin Ger- 1505, includingthe accountsof Vespucci,da Gama, Pedro

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Peutinger'sinscription of the citationregarding Indians in Germanywithin the pages of his copyof Ptolemycould not havehappened in theabsence of an epistemicshift that made thisthe logical place to depositsuch ephemeral information. The Indian arrivalsto Augsburgstand in reliefagainst the backdropof the worldpicture of antiquity,living, breathing examplesof the carefully tallied vernacular facts by which the modernswould amend the wisdomof the ancients.Pliny once reported Indians to be races withoutnostrils who breathedonly with great difficulty; by contrast, the reported Indianseasily registered a pulse in Swabia. The noveltyof thefrieze's representations of Indians,how- ever,resides not simplyin the likelihoodthat Burgkmair saw thesenatives noted in Peutinger'sPtolemy. Illustrated accom- panimentwas part of printed travelaccounts fromtheir earliesteditions, but never before had illustrationsclaimed to reproduceseen peoples afterlife; instead, they merely recy- cled age-old mythsof monstersand cannibals.Although Springersailed to the oppositehemisphere, Burgkmair's il- lustratedaccount of his voyage must also be consideredin the contextof contemporaryiconography of travelto theAmer- icas. This iconographyis relevantfor two reasons:first, be- cause the modern distinctionbetween the two Indies is anachronisticfor the and second, because 9 to Giuliano Dati, La letteradellisole che ha trouata largely period, Frontispiece formedthe milieu nuouamenteil Re dispagna,Florence: Laurentius de Morgianus Columbus'sand Vespucci'sletters printed andJohann Petri, October 26, 1493,woodcut, image 4% X 4% in whichSpringer's report would have circulated,and their in. (11.7 X 11 cm). BritishLibrary, London, IA 27798 (artwork illustrationswould have providedviable iconographie prece- in thepublic domain; photograph © theBritish Library) dentsand modelsfor it. The use of uncreditedrecyclings was endemicto the early printtrade and determinediconographie ready-mades used Cabral,Francisco Alberquerque, and Almeida.47Peutinger's to illustrateNew World natives. The traditionof the wild man personalstake in the Weiserfamily's commercial ventures guided the earliestGerman frontispieces of the printedvoy- seems almosta frontfor his cosmographieinterests. Peut- ages of discovery.51The wild man was an easilyaccessible inger maywell have valued Springer'sreport more for its primitivewith a long historyof embodyinglife on the mar- additionto cosmographieknowledge than for its account of ginsof civilizationand, as such,was an obviousiconographie companybusiness. surrogatefor the illustrationof newlydiscovered beings of Peutingershaped a politicalprogram out of the Weiser dubious civility.Publishers active in other partsof Europe family'scommercial involvement. He coaxed MaximilianI, also used otherrecycled iconography for travel accounts of HolyRoman emperor-elect, to supportthe Weiser venture as the New World.The frontispieceof an Italian editionof a the championof a nationalfact-finding mission. Fashioning Columbusletter printed in Florencein 1493,which accom- Maximilianas a Maecenasto "thefirst Germans to searchfor panied Giuliano Dati's ottavarima, a rhymedretelling of India,"Peutinger also flatteredhim as the first"king of the Columbus'sjourney in a formemployed for chivalrous epics Romans"to send a search partyto India.48In the heat of (Fig.9),52 shows peoples with featureless faces and bodiesfor nascent national awarenessspurred by the rediscoveryof whom nudityis the distinguishingmark of otherness.Even Tacitus's Germania,a first-centuryethnography of the Ger- when the newlyencountered Caribs secured a composition- man peoples,Maximilian promoted the ancestral wr-German allymore central position, nudity remained the mark of their aftermuch textual and archaeologicalexcavation.49 Human- difference.In the 1509Strasbourg edition of Vespucci's Mun- ists with anthropologicalinterests had set in motion the dusnovus, the contrast of thenatives' nudity is heightenedby rediscoveryof thisRoman text,and the emperorco-opted it theirjuxtaposition to overdressedEuropeans, whose features for nationalisticpurposes.50 Since Maximilianhad already are hiddenby hats and backviews. These weretypical ways of unequivocallyembraced the wildness of theearly Germans as assertingthe alterity of the natives without explicitly defining it. a pointof nationalpride, Peutinger was correctin surmising A crucial developmentin the depictionsof New World thatGerman participation in the discoveryof anotherpossi- inhabitantsemerges around the same timein the same am- blyprimitive people was bothan idea and an enterprisethat bient as Burgkmair'sfrieze. The anonymousartist of the Maximilianwould support. Vespuccibroadsheet from the press of Johann Froschauer in Augsburgin 1505 found visual parallelsfor Vespucci's de- MappingPeoples and Customs scriptivedetail of thenatives' appearance, for which recycled Collectingpractices such as Peutinger'sbrought travel and stereotypesno longer sufficed(Fig. I).53 The Augsburg ethnographyinto the realm of cosmography,pairing the broadsheetis the onlywoodcut predating Burgkmair's frieze particularityof thefirst two with the universality of thelatter. thatdisplays curiosity about the appearanceand customsof

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thedepicted inhabitants, who have been identifiedas Brazil- period.54These sea charts,despite their conventional nature, ian Tupinambas.These nativesfollow the prescriptionsof makeclaims of internalcoherence that vouch for their accu- Vespucci'stext: they congregate, interact socially, and appear racy.55Originally produced by Mediterraneansailors, who - in characteristicfeather ornamentation and bodypiercing made local measurementsto chart the shapes of harbors, particularitiesand detailsthat document claims announced portolanstook veryspecific account of coastlinesand har- in the caption.To thisnovelty, Burgkmair added the docu- bors,on whosevisibility all premodernnavigational methods mentarystrategies employed by contemporarynavigation depended.56The usefulnessof the portolan depended on the charts,finding in maps a sensible model because he was reliabilityof the shapes of itscoastlines, whose contours are similarlyconcerned to revealthe coordinatesof travelwhile visuallyemphasized. Rhumb lines charteddistances and di- simultaneouslyportraying inhabitants of theselands. rectionsof givenvoyages and knitlandmasses together. In The representationof travelalways taxed compositional theirabsence of an absolutedirectionality, an orientinggrid, conventionswhen it triedto rendertwo places at once. Most and an omniscientpoint of view,portolans abstractly sche- illustrationsthat accompany the Columbusand Vespuccire- matizedthe world. portscollapse the momentof departureand arrivalinto a The coastlineis the featurethat orients and "magnetizes" single scene so that Europe and the New World occupy the portolanand fixesthe line as a meansof representation. oppositeends of the image,giving pride of place to a vast EdwardCasey argues for the bivalentnature of thisline, one emptysea betweenthem. The strangesymbol on the frontis- thatforms both literaland discursiveboundaries. The line piece of the aforementionedmerchant pamphlet Den rechten marksthe real and literalborder of the land, as wellas thesite weg(Fig. 8) reversesthis formula. A triangularnotional map of theimaginary schematized sign of thistermination - a line of Europe and India, it argues for the continuityof the around whichthe pictorialand landscape featurescongre- - world an India relativeto Europe. gate.57Burgkmair's baseline similarly knits together sections Broad schematicformulations work in tensionwith the of the merchant'smap. kind of minor compositionalunities and naturalismsthat Burgkmair'sfrieze adopts analogous configurationsof Burgkmairendows in the individualgroupings. The peoples space, synthesizesa group of spatialcoordinates, and draws depictedin the firstpart of the frieze(Figs. 3, 4) stand as characteristictopographic features at the coastline.Here fixedgroups of familyunits, distilled into a seriesof linear organized on a linear grid, it makes geographicsense of comparisonsthat do not strivefor overall compositional Springer'schaotically narrated journey by compartmentaliz- unity.Invoking painting's compositional and narrativeuni- ing it regionally.As in maps, sectionsare markedoff with tiesonly in local sectionsof the frieze,Burgkmair's compo- topographicfeatures. Trees, used illusionisticallyin local in- sitionprimarily invites comparison to othergenres, like sculp- stances,also functionschematically within the friezeas a turalfriezes and maps. compositionalwhole - part of the visual formulato mark Consideredas a whole,the schematic nature of thefrieze's divisionsand distances.Burgkmair thus melded groupings compositionmirrors techniques used in mapmaking,the that mightwell delineate momentsof experiencedreality otherprint genre thatalso presentedinformation in a for- with pictorialelements meant to functionschematically. mulaic manner.Maps had a similarmandate to spatialize, These "pictographs"work in tandemwith the blocksof text, organize,and schematizequantifiable material; travel ac- whichdwindle into everbriefer captions in latereditions of counts,given their symbiotic relation with maps, borrowed Burgkmair'sfrieze.58 The headlining toponymin gennea similarconventions. By placinginhabitants in parceledand mimicsthe discursivespace of mappaemundithat simulta- contiguousspatial coordinates, Burgkmair called on maps to neouslyaccommodate titular logographs as well as picto- certifyhis friezeas a space for the documentationof geo- graphs.The verylow horizons of theshallowly sketched back- graphicknowledge. Like the cartographer,Burgkmair struc- drops of the friezesuggest a two-dimensionalsurface onto turedthe empirical experience of an eyewitnesstraveler into whichthe regionaltoponyms in gennea,in allago, in arabia, data. Because the twinconcerns of geographicorientation gros india,and thekunig zu gutzin(Cochin) are inscribed.59 and topographicdescription also lie at the heartof Burgk- The friezeshifts between two-dimensional cartographic pro- mair'sfrieze, contemporary cartographic renderings of the jection and three-dimensionalAlbertian projection, like the worldstand as compellingformal precedents from which to contemporarysea charts. beginto untangleits visual complexities and structuralanom- Bysegmenting and parcelingpeoples intogroups without alies. regardfor narrative coherence, the frieze also borrowsmaps' Burgkmair'sfrieze shares compositionaltraits with early organizationalstrategies. The regionsof Africa and India are sea charts,or portolans.Whereas humanistssettled down dividedinto sectionsnot unlike the originalaccordionstyle withPtolemy maps in speculativecontemplation, mariners mountingof portolansea chartsand the atlases thatwere made and used portolansas practicalaids. Portolanscan be made fromthe Ptolemaicmodel.60 Clearly demarcated seg- consideredvisual counterparts to merchantreports, as they mentsorient the viewer, present information in a successively were composed by first-personeyewitnesses and based on orderedfashion, and inscribethe directionof travel.Mari- empiricalexperience. Although constructed according to sys- timeportolans were more or less linear,meant to be viewed temsof conventions,to those who masteredtheir abstract one sectionat a time,and forease ofuse at sea wereprobably functionality,portolans were extremelyuseful and highly mountedon firmand hinged supportsthat could collapse accurate. like an accordion. Portolansconstituted the mostprecise cartographic depic- Froma formalstandpoint, Burgkmair's frieze functions in tionsof Africa, Asia, and theNew World in theearly modern a similarway. Burgkmair certainly would have been exposed

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10 Hans PleydenwurfFand Michael Wolgemut,Map ofthe World, in NurembergChronicle, 1493, handcolored woodcut,image 15 X 19V4in. (38 X 49 cm). BayerischeStaatsbibliothek, Munich,Rar. 287, fols. XIIv, XlIIr (artworkin thepublic domain)

to Peutinger'smap collection,which contained some exam- distinctsocial groups was a de factomeans of signifying racial ples in unusual formats.A survivingcopy of a late antique difference.65In thesemarginal frames, the marvels,disorga- Romanroad map,the TabulaPeutingeriana, laid out theworld nized forgenerations, have been neatlyorganized into flat- linearlylike a scrolland indicatesthat the linearscale of late tened compartmentsthat keep themdiscrete, their physical antique mappingwas as much a conventionas spherical anomaliesproviding the groundsfor their separation. These projection.61The fact that the Tabula was in Peutinger's divisionstag them as métonymierepresentatives of their collectionby early1508 raisesintriguing possibilities for its races. potentialancestry as a formalmodel for Burgkmair's frieze. It Broadsheetsannouncing news of discoveriesalso shared is also temptingto suppose thatthe referenceto an "india- compositionalqualities with contemporary maps. A Vespucci nischeMappa" includedin an inventoryof Peutinger'sprint broadsheetproduced in Leipzig in 1505 similarlydepicts collectionmay have designatedBurgkmair's frieze.62 After landmassesas dramatizedsites of discovery(Fig. 11). Al- all,maps were among the few other contemporary multiblock thoughthe Indians depictedon it have been givenconven- prints;they were similarlypulled fromseveral blocks and tionaltraits, such as bearing,dress, and characteristicprops, usuallyrequired arranging and mountingfor the sake of thereare no particularitiesto suggestthat they are the prod- coherence.63The factthat another sixteenth-century collec- uct of observationfrom life. Like figureson a map, they tormounted Burgkmair's frieze in preciselythis scroll-like, or eternallystand guard. In the repetitionof definingcharac- rótulo,manner, strengthens the case thatBurgkmair's frieze teristicsin each exemplum,like the frontline of an infantry could verywell have been considereda map.64 formation,they invite métonymie classification by theirEu- Amongthe quantifiableinformation that maps presented, ropean guests. and on which Burgkmairexpanded, was the location of Burgkmair'sfrieze offers a discursivespace for the por- "races."In maps fromantiquity to the earlymodern period, trayalof "race."His nativesdo not functionas marginalized geographicspace was oftenconstrued as a functionof the or métonymieheralds for an exotic populace. Burgkmair's bodies thatresided in it. Exoticsand prodigieshistorically peoples are observedparticulars placed intosystematic cate- made theirhomes on maps,sometimes in the midstof vast gories.The illustrationstransform the accidents of Springer's continentswhere theywere said to roam. The headless reportinto a seriesof encounterswith particular groups of Acephaliinhabited the East,and the Sciapods of the Torrid peoples.The friezeis a map of thejourney in whichdistance Zone shaded themselveswith their umbrellalike feet to es- and differenceare conceivedgeographically and bycustom. cape the subequatorialheat. At othertimes, the monstrous racesstood as lonelysentinels on therim of the known world. CustomizedRaces A newstrategy emerged in thestrip format border of the map The earlymodern construction of race distinguishedpeople in the NurembergChronicle of 1493 (Fig. 10), whichorganized geographicallyfrom each other,seeing themas distinctin the Marvelsof the East into a neat taxonomyof species termsof culture,habit, and customs.66Burgkmair expresses located in a detachedframe. Valerie Traub has argued that customarydifference by elaboratingdress and habit on re- the cartographer'sact of drawinglines around regionally peatingfamily units. Whereas Springer's accompanying text

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11 Broadsheet,Vespucci, Das sind die new gefundefn]mensche[n] od[er] Volcker, Leipzig:Stuchs? 1505, handcolored woodcut,IP/2 X 16 in. (29.2 X 40.5 cm). HerzogAugust Bibliothek, Wolfenbuttel,Sig. QuH 26 (5) (artworkin thepublic domain)

genericallydescribes the inhabitantsof westernAfrica as a ears of the oxen in Arabiangold / . . . . one mile from group of dark-skinnednomadic dwellers,Burgkmair maps Sofala is a cityby the name of Quiloa whichwe tookand these particularsonto unitsof nuclear families.Burgkmair killed many of the people and then plundered the repeats this conventionfor each of the distinctgroups city.. . . / Seventymiles from Quiloa is the cityof Mom- Springermet throughout his journey, thus giving his friezea bassawhich we burnedand wherewe murderedmany and prescientethnographic aspect. brilliantlyplundered. (Fig. 3, textblock)71 For the Khoisanidpeoples of Algoa Bay on the southeast- For this concentratedon a ern tip of Africa(Fig. 2),67 Burgkmairmaps customsand section,Burgkmair unexpectedly dress on a heterosexualunit (that is, an adult man and precisedescription of thedress of theseIslamic east Africans. and cav- woman). He showsthem in theircustomary dress, marking Pickingthrough Springer's unremitting ruthlessly alier referencesto and commercial genderdistinctions; the adults are clad in mantlesof skin and murder,destruction, triedto makesense of the s encoun- fur,the woman shown with her head veiledin sheepskin,and gain,Burgkmair journey' terswith Whereas reliedon and the male witha furloincloth.68 Burgkmair elaborates other peoples. Springer legendary biblical came one of the three regionalpractices, such as thecustom of binding young boys' lineages ("whence kings"), renderedand classifiedthese genitalsand adorningtheir hair with pitch and precious Burgkmairsensitively precisely habits. account of the stones.69Burgkmair extrapolated other customsnot men- peoples' Springer's India, voyage's tionedin thetext from artifacts that returned with merchants commercialdestination, details commoditiesto be found there.72 and like Springerand mayhave circulatedin Augsburg,but he Bycontrast, Burgkmair specifies peoples habitat, nativefruits and birds and the local importedonly those customs that could be disposedon the depicting integrating florainto the he had armatureof a nuclearfamily.70 comparativepictorial pattern already established. Burgkmair's focus on nativepeoples was generatedfrom these establishedcoher- outsidethe text.Whether he engineeredthis emphasis him- By"customizing" races,Burgkmair ence in their The to thetext self,was gently guided by a humanisthand, or wasinspired to depiction. imagesbegin replace as a site for cues in later of this do so bythe typesof artifactsat his disposalis difficultto say. organizational reprints woodcut series that circulatedwithout the Springer'stext indulges in talesof plunderand activitiesthat accompanying text.73Within discrete that exact commercialgain and dominionover the land's peo- spatialcompartments correspond to recordedthe dressand cus- ples. We can see this even in the abridged versionsthat geographicsites, Burgkmair tomsof inhabitants to these his captionthe frieze;each site along the coast of modern-day assigned regions.Although visualizationof as sites of was Mozambique, Tanzania, and Kenya ("In Arabia") serves regions customarypractice it is merelyas a coordinateof plunderand destruction: inspiredby mappingimpulses, interestingly, Burgkmair who helps to refinea programfollowed by later maps. As we enteredArabia we saw people dressedas theyare The friezeis thefirst image to chartthe appearance, types, picturedhere and thisis theterritory whence came one of and customsof thenatives of coastalAfrica and India; it is an the threekings / thisis wherethey bind the hornsand ethnographicmap, a collectionof factsthat relies on carto-

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shaped whateverirregularities he came acrossinto standard groupings.He supplementedthese source sketches with close observationof artifactsand detailsdistilled from Springer's textfor the sake of regularity.Burgkmair's frieze reconciles each groupto a comparativehorizon, advertising all of them as ethnographiccomparanda. Consideredtogether, these twosheets of the fourgroups use comparativemethods to establishdifference, but a dif- ferencerooted in a programof resemblances.Modern eth- nographydepends on the articulationof differencethrough formalconceptual structures and takesfor granted the un- derlyingkinship among subjects and thesestructures. As the De Gothisàf eorum in Sebastian 12 saevitia, Münster, kinshipof European and non-Europeanpeoples was not universalis,bk. 6, Basel:Heinrich Petri, 1552, Cosmographia assumedin thesixteenth century, it would be follyto lookfor woodcut,image 2Vh X bxAin. (5.5 X 13.5cm). Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,Munich, Res 2 Geo.u. 51a, fol.262 (artwork a systematicstudy of racial or culturaldifference. But since in thepublic domain) Burgkmair'sillustrations methodologically anticipate ethnog- raphy,it is necessaryto viewhis contributionsin lightof a historicizedscientific method. In the earlymodern period, the typeof reasoningthat graphic organizationto authorizeit. Maps functionedas wouldeventually underlie the later development of a science bearersof quantifiabledata, chartsin whichfeatures and likeethnography was driven by the recognition of similarities boundarieswere explored primarily in relationto like types. rather than acknowledgmentsof difference.Taking the Employingthis same logic, Burgkmairused both textand world'speople as his subject,Burgkmair acknowledged the imageto squareoff relations between geographically distinct factof human variationand understoodthat a methodof entities.Locations in Africaand India,for example, are cor- systematiccomparison was needed to parse it. This variation doned offby trees that signal the distance, both physical and was expressedaccording to period structuresof similitude. conceptual,between them. Methodsfor acquiring knowledge in the sixteenthcentury, Burgkmair'sstrip format became a graphicformula hand- accordingto Michel Foucault,were guided by principlesof ilyemployed in delineatingpeoples and a standardused for analogy.77Investigators searched for resemblances by uncov- futurerepresentations of peoples where ethnographicdis- eringhidden equivalences. Resemblances were established by tinctionis implied.For example, the woodcut frieze The Goths weighingthe unfamiliarwith the familiar,subjecting seem- and TheirCruelty in SebastianMünster's Cosmographia intro- inglyunrelated items to a seriesof evaluationsfor different duces a sectionon peoples and customs(Fig. 12); it employs typesof likeness, such as convenientia,the physical adjacencies the syntaxof the "ethnographicfrieze" even afterspatial of thingsin the world,or aemulatio,a more conceptualcon- divisionsdisappeared.74 This imageshows various pairings of nectionwithout proximity that permits the comparisonof peoples meant,in thiscontext, to portrayGoths. With its thingsoperating at a distance.78 displayof the variousraces Springerdescribed placed in Foucault'sepistemology has been fruitfullybrought to bear commensurable,calculable, and repetitious groupings, on NewWorld discoveries by the anthropologist Peter Mason, Burgkmair'smethod is drivenby contemporaryforms of who, extendingFoucault's similitudes to include empirical inquiry,which connected phenomena separatedby space investigation,argues that it was preciselythese correspon- and timeby means of similitude.75 dences thatpermitted the methodologicalconsideration of These groupingsof anatomically modeled bodies, depicted peoples far-flungover space, and even overtime.79 To this,I withcharacteristic customs and set withinthe unique com- would add that Burgkmairanticipated comparisons that parativeformat of the frieze,establish the pictorialcondi- would later underwritecomparative ethnography by using tionsfor ethnography. In documentinga rangeof peoples in the doctrineof resemblancesin orderto show difference. Burgk- thismanner, Burgkmair created a comparativeprimer, a tool mair's friezeencourages anthropological cross-referencing. that,on the macroscopiclevel (consideredin its entirety), In a friezeformat of a monumentalscale thathad no prece- weighsand considersinformation schematically. On the mi- dent in northernEuropean art making,Burgkmair estab- croscopiclevel (withinthe individualscenes), however,par- lisheda schemafor the visualconditions of systematiccom- ticularitiesinvite its use as a fieldguide. By constructinga parison.Burgkmair's "ethnography" resides in thefrieze as a modularformat that invites comparison of the peoples he forumfor the studyof anatomicalsimilarities and differ- presents,Burgkmair invented a visualforum for the explora- ences,as well as the culturalsympathies of diversepeoples. tionof sympathies and similitudeamong groups of peoples - The friezeimposes a linearand modulararrangement on "customizedraces," or a visual expressionof the typesof the structureof empiricalexperience. This linearityalso comparisonson whichethnography relies. holdsin checkthe binary system of opposition seen in models Burgkmairbased at leastsome of his illustrationson visual thatdefine the Other as an antipodalinversion of the self and studiesmade by others;the crude woodcutsmade by Wolf interpretthe New World as theworld turned upside down. Its Traut for Springer'spamphlet version of 1509 suggesta modularform militates against a positionedviewer.80 Direct- common model.76These studiesprobably differed greatly ing theviewer to considerphenomena side byside, the frieze fromone another; nonetheless,in the frieze,Burgkmair encouragescomparison versus pure opposition;it permits

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13 WillemJanszoon Blaeu, map of Africa,Nova Africaedescriptio, 1630, engraving,15% X 215/sin. (40 X 55 cm). BayerischeStaatsbibliothek, Munich,Mapp. XX, 2 (artworkin the publicdomain)

cross-referencing.This ultimatelypromotes a studyof the well as formalcomparisons of "types"and "customs,"Burgk- diversityof peoples as a functionof theirsimilarity rather mair structuredpowerful models of similitudefor the cul- thanof analogicallyconstrued differences.81 turesthese nativesrepresent. In thishighly controlled uni- The use of organizingprinciples, such as nuclear family verse,Burgkmair began theorganization of the cultural space unitsand the treesthat divide each group,reinforces these of what once had been the chaotic livingquarters of the peoples' significanceas comparanda.The familialgroupings Other. are partof theconstruction of legibility that allows us to read these nativesas commensurable,a familiargroup through Typesand Customs whichdifferences and similaritiescan be read.82As Traub has Anothermethod of relativizingthe space of theOther was to shownin similarlyconfigured groupings in the marginsof place himinto familiar compositional and iconographiepar- latermaps, "there is nothingself-evident about representing adigms.The scene thatforms the coda to thiswoodcut series, theworld's people as matureadults and in termsthat explic- the processionof the kingof Cochin (Fig. 6) , invokesdeco- "83 itlysituate them ... as 'man and wife.' Nothingin Spring- rativemodels such as the sculpturalfrieze. The formatof er's textprescribes or evensuggests such groupings; the artist Romantriumphal imagery has oftenbeen citedas theclosest has imposedthem from outside the text.The impositionof ancestorto Burgkmair'sfrieze, via contemporaryItalian en- this"fictive kinship" reveals how easily some of theseconven- gravingsof imperialimagery, and as the likelysource from tionscould absorbthe exotic.84 whichBurgkmair's multiblock woodcut actually adopted its Burgkmair'sfrieze may indeed formthe missinglink be- moniker"frieze."87 tween individuallycontained monstersin the Nuremberg Exposed to thisformat through his Italianinfluences and Chroniclesmarginal strips and latermaps thatuse heterosex- a trip to northernItaly in 1507, duringwhich he visited ual pairingsin order to describe a region's peoples- for Veniceand possiblyFlorence and Milan,Burgkmair may have example,the 1630 map of Africamade byWillem Janszoon founda precedentfor the king of Cochinin printededitions Blaeu (Fig. 13). BernhardKlein maintainsthat this shift in ofAndrea Mantegna's designs for the Triumphof Caesar, a set the categorizationof cartographicmarginalia drove the Eu- of canvasesthen in the Ducal Palace in Mantua.88A seriesof rocentricprojection of the naturalsocial order as one of twelvewoodcuts inspired by Mantegna's engraved Triumph of heterosexualpairing (Fig. 14) ,85Kinship is one of the con- Caesarwas printedin Venice between1503 and 1504 (Fig. ventionsBurgkmair adopted to definehabit, an overarching 15), with designs drawn by the Venetian illuminator categorythat synthesizes "costume and custom,manners and BenedettoBordón and cut byJacob of Strasbourg,a block morals."86Habit included traitslike outwardappearance, cutterfrom Alsace who settledin Venice.89 comportment,character, and disposition- characteristics Whatrecommends Bordon 's woodcutsas a precedentfor emphasizedby the divisionof peoples into familiarkinship Burgkmair'sfrieze is primarilyformal ancestry. The impres- and civilgroupings. sionsof Bordon'smultiblock Triumph of Caesar, when set end Harnessingelements of the strangeNew World to familiar to end, forma unifiedvisual field almost fifteenfeet in iconographiemodels such as recognizablekinship units, as length.The processionis conceived in linear formatand

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15 BenedettoBordón after Andrea Mantegna, Triumph of Caesar,1503-4, woodcut, 11% X 15% in. (30 X 40 cm). KunstmuseumBasel, Kupferstichkabinett (artwork in the publicdomain)

comparedwith engravings made directlyfrom Mantegna's series.While Bordón renderedthe processionand architec- turein theantique style, he did notdevelop a corresponding sophisticationfor the figures;his charactersare markedby flattened,static poses and stereotypicalvisages.90 Bordon's versionhas been notedas the onlyeasily accessible model of a classicaltriumph in the periodfor artists north of theAlps, and itwas probably the iteration with which Burgkmair would have been familiar.91 Bychoosing this familiar iconography of triumphalproces- sions,Burgkmair incorporated previously unknown peoples into a syntaxthat the Westernviewer would understand.92 Where the Italian precedentsfeature a victoriousCaesar along witha trainof loyalists,booty, and captives,Burgk- mair's processionmaps a similarevent onto Malabar Indi- ans.93He uses thisfamiliar iconography to explorepersons withunique physiognomicfeatures and distinctroles. Four trumpeters,cheeks filled with air, noisily open Burgk- mair'sprocession at right.Several spearmen ahead of them attemptto maintainan officialpace forthe procession;one of them encouragesa recalcitrantelephant while another triesto offerhis assistanceto the strainingmahout. Four seeminglyunflappable litter bearers continue the marchfor- ward.The archersand shieldbearers in therear guard tussle withtheir weaponry. Only the proud camel at thehead ofthe line seems to keep step with the dignityof a triumphal procession.A percussionistarrests his drummingmidstride and turnsback to facea half-nakedman on a palanquinwho gesturestoward him. Fromthe inscriptionwe are to under- stand thatthis jumble representsan outingof the king of Cochin,a potentateon theMalabar Coast of India.Although Burgkmairborrows some recognizableiconography from tri- umphal processions,the King of Cochindoes not depict a 14 Detailof Fig. 13 (artworkin thepublic domain) conventionaltriumph at all; Burgkmair'sspecificity subverts it. For, afterall, Burgkmair'sIndians are not a band of first- centuryRomans but a host of newlydiscovered peoples. In shallowrelief like a sculpturalfrieze, with block capitals and contrastto Caesar, thisking is not precededby bombastor text.Bordon's Triumph of Caesar relies on highlyconventional cartloadsof booty.Native species take the place of booty:a formsand is universallynoted for its crude linearitywhen feraldog trotsalongside the elephant,a macaque on a leash

This content downloaded from 128.186.158.219 on Thu, 10 Oct 2013 15:54:40 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions BURGKMAIR'S PEOPLES OF AFRICA AND INDIA (1508) '¿±Q accompaniesthe marchforward. What this procession lacks alreadyseen in thecase oftravel reports, the print market did in discipline,it makesup for in specificity.In addition to not demand thatexotics be closelyobserved at all. Springer'sdescription, Burgkmair must also have borrowed What accounts for the new standardof observationto fromother visual or textualsources, evident in the carefully whichBurgkmair holds himself?On the one hand,original depictedweapons and hairstylesused by the Nair,a Hindu sketchesmade by an artistcompanion of Springer'sfrom castein Kerala. firsthandobservation could answerfor the specificityof cus- In Burgkmair's renditionof thisepisode, particularityre- tomsand draperies.Local collectorswere alreadyamassing vealsitself in thevariety of taskshe assignedthe participants. artifactsfrom Africa and India, and Burgkmairsurely had The artistoutdid himself in the delineationof tasks,extrap- occasion to viewthem.95 Burgkmair also had opportunityto olatedonly partly from the text.The veryaimlessness of the observethe Indians mentioned in Peutinger'smarginal note, activitybetrays the artist'sintention to show preciselythe as thesehuman subjects circulated in his own milieu. profusionof it. The divisionof labor seems to celebrate But to assert the claim of empiricismruns the riskof varietyfor its own sake, givingus a broad slice of life as suggestingan uninspectedequivalence between Burgkmair's ebullientas it is turbulent.An entirerepertoire of rolesis on illustrationsand whathe saw.What we call naturalismrefers - displayhere a troupe of musicians,litter bearers for the not to a one-to-onecorrespondence between depiction and kingon the palanquin,a mahoutto drivethe elephant,and realitybut to a setof pictorial conventions designed to situate an attendantwhose job it is to protectthe kingfrom the sun the viewerin a space thatmimics reality. The Renaissance with a shade.94These charactersalso exhibita range of idea of the "worldseen througha window"signifies a stylistic emotions:some half-dressednatives abandon themselvesto consensuson advantagesgained througha studyof perspec- musicmaking while others let theirunpredictable tempers tiveand scale, in additionto proportionand physiognomy. flare,permitting accidents to giverise to skirmishes. In orderto accommodateempirical observation, there had In thesegment of the frieze devoted to nativesof India with to be visualformulas into which it could be translated.The a herdof animals(Fig. 5) , narrativethreads knit together an friezeexhibits the sum of technicalrefinements that tran- arrayof individuals of both genders and a rangeof ages. The scribedempirically observed phenomena in theRenaissance: leftmostfigure group, which includes a man grabbingthe proportion,portraiture, and physiognomy.Burgkmair's con- breastof the woman,suggests iconography of prelapsarian tributionto verisimilitudealso includesthe inscriptionof a Adam and Eve. We knowBurgkmair to have borrowedstan- draftsman'shand intothe print process. To assertthat nature dard iconographyfor the purposesof settinghis characters could be reproducedwas a novel claim forthe mediumof intofamiliar narrative contexts, such as theRest on theFlight print to sustainin about 1508, and a rarer one still for intoEgypt for "In Allago,"or the Gardenof Eden here. But non-Europeansubjects. The periodof Burgkmair'sactivity in as he importedthese motifs, he creatednew contexts.This Augsburgis concurrentwith a growingsophistication in com- marketscene featuresthe fauna of Africaand India; in the positionand design,the result of an emergentgroup of block thicketa monkeysits in a tree,while cows look around and cutterswho could successfullyexecute the designer'sinten- fat-tailedsheep (a breed found in Africa,the Middle East, tions.96 and northernIndia) graze.He contextualizedthese peoples Independentwoodcuts did not develop in tandemwith withinthe particularityand rangeof theirhabits, as diverse book illustration,which they predated, nor did theyclosely and specificas thoseof Europeans. monitortheir progress. The 1509 illustratedpamphlet ver- Burgkmair's nativesof Africaand India are no longer sion of Springer'sjourney printedafter Burgkmair's frieze monstersin themargins, winking at us remotely,daring us to appeared providesan excellentcase studyof the relation believein them.Nor are thesewild men or a race of savages, betweenindependent woodcuts and book illustrations.97Al- wieldingthe drumsticksof half-eatenbody parts.The accu- thoughprobably based on source materialidentical to that mulationof detailand the focuson thisparticular group of used for Burgkmair'sfrieze, the illustrations,attributed to humans,especially evident in the attentionto physiognomy, WolfTraut, are universallyconsidered crude and inferior. betraysan engagementwith human subjects that Burgkmair Traut's man fromAlgoa wears a long groin coveringand would have had the privilegeto observe- in the case of awkwardlyclutches a loose mantleof indeterminatefabric Indians,locally, and in thecase ofAfricans, in Venice.Burgk- (Fig. 16). Manyof Traut'sartistic gestures lack Burgkmair's mair'sfrieze reflects the most diverseview of Africanand specificity;for example, where Burgkmair depicted the cus- Indiannatives that a Europeanartist had producedto date: a tom of bindingyoung boys' genitalswith intestines, Traut panoplyof activities, a profusion of peoples,and perspectives picturedthe boy wearingsimply a pair of small briefs.Fol- intotheir humanity. lowingtextual prescriptions or sketches,or both,Traut out- fittedthe adult witha walkingstick and broad pancakelike Elementsof Style sandalsand showedhis hairand beard to be knottedup with The comparisonsstructured by the frieze'scomposition in- smallstones. However, since no studyof classicalanatomy or dicatethat Burgkmair's purpose was to recordand organize proportionsunderlies this figure, these artifacts drape him as information,but the style in whichhe fashionedthese natives on a mannequin.This remindsus thatwhat we see as stylistic announcesanother documentary claim, one thatsought its refinementin printmakingdid not constitutethe kind of legitimacyin thereproduction of lifederived from empirical progressby which book illustrationmeasured itself. observationof nature.The degreeof observationBurgkmair The draftsmanshipBurgkmair brought to his earlywood- broughtto Africanand Indian indigenesentails a new prac- cut designswas guided bypictorial impulses that came from ticefor the representationof the "exoticraces." As we have his trainingas a painter.Burgkmair's exercises in painterly

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17 In 1508?woodcut, 9 X 6 in. X in Die Burgkmair, Allago, (22.8 16 WolfTraut, Man and ChildofAlgoa, Springer, Merfart, 15.3 BritishMuseum, London, 1856-6-14-105 in 6% X 4Vèin. X 11.3 cm). (artwork 1509,woodcut, (17.5 cm). Bayerische the domain; © The Trusteesof theBritish Rar. fol.viii in the public photograph Staatsbibliothek,Munich, 470, (artwork Museum) publicdomain) modelingled to revolutionaryadvances in printmakingand part be ascribed to what gave Renaissancenaturalism its contributedto naturalismin his printedoeuvre. His experi- characteristic"style." A tripto Italybetween 1506 and 1507 mentswith tones and tintedpaper resultedin the chiaroscuro broughtBurgkmair into orbit with these innovations, as well woodcutthat simulated the qualityof a finisheddrawing.98 as withantiquarian excavation and the revivalof classical These crossoverexperiments freed Burgkmair's hand and tradition.It was thisand his likelyfamiliarity with the exper- catapultedthe woodcut into a more refinedartistic cate- imentsin proportionand anatomymade by contemporary qq gory." Germanartists, notably Durer, that led Burgkmairto recon- Stylisticexperiments with proportion also contributedto cile formsto theirproportional relations. thedevelopment of naturalism.Critics have called Springer's Dürer's influenceon Burgkmairis palpable in a latervari- accountdispassionate because he avoidedthe exaggerations ation on the inhabitantsof Algoa, in whichthe two adults thatcharacterized subsequent European obsessionwith the seated in the friezeversion instead stand (Fig. 17).102This Khoisanidtribes of the Cape region,later known as Hotten- woodcutdemonstrates Burgkmair's acquaintance with classi- tots.100Marking Springer's "dispassion" is the blind eye the cal heritagetransmitted through Dürer's 1504 engravingthe merchantturned toward anatomical anomalies like the ste- Fall ofMan (Fig. 18).103Dürer was an ardentstudent of the atopygousswelling of thebuttocks and theprematurely wrin- humanbody and, since his earlieststudies from about 1500, kledskin that later travelers were to exaggerateand exploit.101 the systematictranslation of itsanatomy into artistic vocabu- The "dispassion"of Springer'stext, runs the suggestion,per- lary.Perfecting these technical skills allowed artists to better mitteda more scientificreport. I maintainthat we owe the forgenaturalistic impressions of figuresin motion and to report'sdispassion, rather, to Burgkmair'sattention to detail rationalizethe conditionsunder whichorganic movement and proportion.These stylisticchoices kept his imagesfrom and adjustmentsfor the beholderwere made. Burgkmair's enteringthe realmof exaggeration. own interestin anatomywas awakenedby prints like Dürer's Systematizationof proportionand perspectivecan in large and byhis own knowledgeof northernItalian techniques.

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19 Burgkmair,designs for Peutinger's Kaiserbuch, ca. 1500- 1505,woodcut, 33/4 X 2% in. (9.6 X 6.2 cm). Studienbiblio- thekDillingen, Dillingen an der Donau,Sig. V, 1462 (artwork in thepublic domain)

18 AlbrechtDürer, Fall ofMan, 1504, engraving, 93A X 75/sin. ipate the specificitywith which he wouldlater render ethno- (24.9 X 19.5cm). PhiladelphiaMuseum of Art, purchased In the formulasfor withthe Lisa NorrisElkins 1951-96-4 in graphic portraits. frieze,Burgkmair's Fund,1951, (artwork torsionand metthe of thepublic domain; photograph provided by the Philadelphia proportion empiricalpractice copying Museumof Art/ Art Resource, NY) artifactsand incorporatingsketches made fromlife. These empiricismscoincided withexperimental forays Burgkmair had alreadymade in bringingportraiture, one of the first genresto be born of closelyobserved nature, into the em- In thisversion of In Allago,Burgkmair carefully articulated brace of the graphicmedium. The close observationcritical theanatomy and musculatureof the figures,adjusting limbs to portraiturewas a prerequisitefor the ethnographicstudy to locate bodies in rationalspace. The foreshorteningin- of peoples. volvedin renderingthe acrobatic balance of this child, as well Portraituretook itsimpetus from both the cultof person- as the Guiñeanchild who opens the frieze,reveals a virtuoso alitycentral to northernEuropean humanistsand the anti- explorationof movementfor its own sake thatgoes beyond quarianism that was their sport. Among the firstprint the demandsof contrappostoweight shifts. It is preciselythe projectsin the northto demonstratethat the mediumof complexmodifications required by such a figurein motion woodblockprinting could supportthe weightof portraiture thatcalls out fora proportionalformula to renderit. Apply- was Peutinger'sImperatorum Augustorum ettyrranorum quorun- ing thesesculptural and artistictechniques, first to a graphic damRomani imperii gestorum annotatio.104 Known in Germanas medium,and thenextending them to exoticpeoples consti- theKaiserbuch, Peutinger's anticipated chronicle of emperors tutesa greatforward stride in relativizingthese peoples with fromCaesar to Maximilianwas never published. Nonetheless, respectto theirEuropean counterparts. before1505 Burgkmairproduced twenty-oddsurviving por- Adaptingthe ideal proportionsof Dürer's prelapsarian traits,the veraeffigies, or true images, of theCaesars (Fig. 19). couple to his model,Burgkmair used thebody of theAlgoan Consistentwith the humanistinterest in authenticity,Peut- nativeto highlightthe particularity ofthat culture's customs. inger'saccompanying text vitae of theCaesars were the prod- These uprightposes providea betterview of the sartorial uctof originalresearch from primary sources, including doc- detailssuggested by the frieze version, such as theprominent umentary,epigraphic, and numismaticspecimens. wildcator foxtailgirdles and the coils of animal intestines Burgkmair'sportraits reflect the new empiricalnature of woundaround torsos,as well as such accessoriesas the clay antiquarianresearch, and the Kaiserbuchwould have marked potsand thewooden staffs. By establishing an affinitywith the the firstillustrated humanistic vitae producedin Germany. Europeanbody through the type of resemblance offered by a Burgkmair'sportraits, made fromcoins, represent strides in studyin proportion,Burgkmair could thenexplore the body concernfor specificity over the "characterportraits" featured as a sitefor specifying custom, portraiture, and physiognomy. in the NurembergChronicle, which, just a decade earlier,had Burgkmair'searly experiments with portraiture also antic- liberallyand haphazardlyrecycled a groupof about a dozen

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20 Dürer,frontispiece to KonradCeitis, Quatuor libri amorum, 21 Burgkmair,reçut woodcut for Johannes Cuspinianus and 1502,woodcut, 8V* X 53/4in. (21.5 X 14.5cm). Bayerische Burgkmair,"Cuspinianus Celti ultimum vale. . . . ," 1504-8? Staatsbibliothek,Munich, Rar. 585, 9v (artworkin thepublic woodcut,8V2 X 53/4in. (21.5 X 14.5cm). Bayerische domain) Staatsbibliothek,Munich, Rar. 585, 3r (artworkin thepublic domain) portraitsto standin fora vastsuccession of popes,emperors, and biblical charactersnumbering in the hundreds.The ities help us rememberthat the coin's primaryfunction was exerciseof copyingnumismatic portraits put Burgkmairinto not aestheticbut documentary.107 contactwith the materialremains of antiquityas well as Burgkmair'sconsultation of Peutinger's coin collectionfor acquaintinghim withhumanist antiquarianism. These hu- the Kaiserbuchportrait heads providesan enlighteningexam- manists'location of authenticityin the mintingof a coin is ple of how humanists'antiquarian interests put the material evidentin the factthat their own portraitmedals often car- remainsof the ancientworld at the disposalof artists,along riedinscriptions, like veraeffigies, designating them as objects with a new understandingof what it meant to consult thatcould carrymimetic weight.105 them.108Access to theseartifacts shaped the revivalof classi- Artistsin Renaissancehumanist circles co-opted the mi- cismby Renaissance artists, but as importantas theevolution meticguarantee believed to be ensuredby coins to produce of newstylistic techniques was the admission of such material portraitsin theform of medalsand used numismaticconven- evidenceinto the artisticcanon.109 tionsto testifyto theirauthenticity.106 The idea thatauthen- The desireof contemporary art patrons for recognition was ticitywas guaranteed by these medal portraitswas reinforced both the cause and effectof portraitslaunched into print. by Burgkmair'sartistic method; for the Kaiserbuchportraits, MaximilianI was one of the firsteasily recognizable emper- he was inclined to copy and kept artisticinvention to a ors,owing as muchto his distinctprofile as to thepopularity minimum.Even in profile,Burgkmair's heads carryfeatures ofhis circulatingimage in Theuerdankand the Weisskunig,the of individuals,giving definition to noses, foreheads,necks, elaboratenarrative woodcut projects that featured him. From eyes,and, to some degree,hairstyles. Some chinsare strong, the ranksof artistsand humanistsengaged in his printed othersweakly droop or bulge; mouthsand noses are subject projects,as wellas bythe frequentexercise of hisveto power to the same unflatteringscrutiny characteristic of Roman overimages, we knowthat Maximilian made a careerout of portraitureof theRepublican period. These aestheticinfelic- tendingto his portrait.110

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22 Detailof Fig. 21 (artworkin thepublic domain)

We suspectthat Maximilian also had a hand in Burgkmair's alterationof a woodcutoriginally made byDürer in orderto portraythe emperormore accurately.By 1504 Burgkmair had in his possessionthe woodcut block that Dürer had originallycarved for a dedicationfrontispiece to the 1502 printingof KonradCeltis's Quatuor libri amorum (Fig. 20).111 23 Unknownartist, Hartmann Schedel's ex-libris from his Leaving most of the compositionunmolested, Burgkmair personalcopy of theNuremberg Chronicle, pen, ink, and wash, ll5/8X X surgicallyremoved the portraitheads of Ceitisand Maximil- 93/4in. (29.6 24.7 cm). BayerischeStaatsbibliothek, Munich,Rar. 287, fol. 5v (artworkin the domain) ian fromthe block itself and replacedthem with new designs public ofhis own (Figs.21, 22), whichdisplay greater sensitivity than Dürer's. Burgkmairreçut Dürer's stylizedheads to bring themcloser into line withreality, eliminating the curlsfrom pean heraldry.118This conventionalheraldic "Moor" carried Celtis'shead and refiningfacial characteristics of both sub- generalizedNegroid features that had passed downfor cen- jects.112The unequivocalsuperiority of Burgkmair'sversion turieswithout change (Fig. 23). These faceswere morpho- is echoed byTilman Falk's judgment that only in Burgkmair's logicallydistinct, yet still stereotypical. For hisfrieze portraits, versiondo the heads distinguishthemselves from the coiled Burgkmairstudied specific,and in some cases individual ornament.113Larry Silver concurs that Burgkmairtrans- physiognomies.As we can see, the nativesof Guinea are not formedDürer's rather generic faces into portrait likenesses.114 simplystereotypical heraldic heads attachedto otherwiseclas- Burgkmairbrought painterly qualities to these faces with sicallyconceived bodies. In the frieze,Burgkmair weds phys- linesthat are morefunctional, dynamic, economical and that iognomyto ethnography- he evokes the particularwithin lend his figuresgreater organic unity. Projects such as these the general- and in so doing, he givesa prescientview of in the yearsdirectly preceding his workon the friezewere organizedhuman diversity. criticalto Burgkmair'smaturity as a portraitist.115 Burgkmair'sengagement with physiognomic particularity Burgkmair'sdepictions of Africannatives in the frieze,as reflecteda concern shared by experimentalsciences like well as in a fewwatercolor studies, depart radicallyfrom physiognomy.Contemporary printed physiognomiespro- conventionsthat had previouslyarticulated race; thesestud- cessed data collectedfrom the physicalworld and circulated ies approachportraiture.116 Perhaps this specificity resulted those data as usable information.Physiognomies depended fromencounters with Africans in Venice, a place where on close scrutinyof facial featuresand capitalizedon the Burgkmairacquired generalknowledge of Africanphysiog- recognitionof the variancein physicaltraits of individuals. nomyand habit.117In more canonicalcontemporary depic- BartholomaeusCodes boasted that his extremelypopular tions of Africans,such as the black Magus in Adoration physiognomy,Book of Complexions, had outdone thoseof his scenes,racial distinctionswere noted by physiognomicpar- predecessorsby the sheer abundance of individualcases he ticularities,but theywere generally not foundedon observa- observed.119This claim to observationalprodigiousness was tion. Morphologicaldistinctions in complexions can be not a hollowone in experimentalscience. The practiceof foundin the Moor's head emblazoned on medievalEuro- physiognomyrelied on a pursuitof particularitiesand, as

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StephanieLatch is assistantprofessor of northernEuropean art at FloridaState University. She is completingthe manuscript Mapping Ethnographyin Early Modern Germany,which examines visual rupturesproduced in printtechnology in a climateshaped by German humanismand inflectedstrongly by mercantileinterests in new worlds[Department of Art History,Florida State University,220 Fine ArtsBuilding, Tallahassee,Fla. 32306, [email protected]].

Notes This essayforms part of a manuscriptin preparationon ethnographyand printculture in earlymodern Germany, begun as a chapterof a dissertation advised by Linda Seidel, Rebecca Zorach, and Tom Cummins.For their guidanceand continuedinterest in thisproject, I offermy sincere thanks. The warmand eccentriccommunity at the NewberryLibrary of which I was privilegedto be a partfrom 2003 to 2005 productivelyshaped mythinking. I owe substantialdebts to theenthusiasm and insightof my colleagues there, as well as to JamesAkerman, Ray Clemens,Hans-Jörg Künast, Helmut Zäh, AnthonyGrafton, Christine Johnson, Georg Freiherr von Welser, Jane McAd- ams,Tatiana Flores, Elisa Mandell,my colleagues at FloridaState University, and Paul van der Mark.I am gratefulto the NewberryLibrary and Annette Kade FoundationFellowship for research support, and to RoswithaLeitch and Ria Leute forassistance with permissions. I also thankThe Art Bulletins anonymousreaders and LoryFrankel for their astute suggestions. All translations,unless otherwise noted, are mine. 24 Burgkmair,self-portrait medallion, ca. 1500-1505, 1. AmerigoVespucci, Dise Figur anzaigt uns das Folckund Insel die gefunden frontispieceto BartholomaeusCodes, In diserribiechlein wirt istdurch den christlichen Kunig zu Portigal(Augsburg: Froschauer, 1505) erfundenvon Complexion der menschen, Augsburg: Hans in BayerischeStaatsbibliothek, Munich (hereafter BSB), Einblatt sheetblA X IV2in. cm X SammlungV, 2. See Hans Wolffand Susi Colin,eds., America: Das Schönsperger,1515, woodcut, (14 Bildder Neuen Welt Prestei Friedrich 19 Res. 4 Anthr.8 frühe (Munich: Verlag,1992), 29; cm). BayerischeStaatsbibliothek, Munich, W. Sixel,"Die DeutscheVorstellung vom Indianer in der ersten (artworkin thepublic domain) Hälftedes 16.Jahrhunderts," Annali dei Pontifico Museo Missionario Et- nologico30 (1966): 9-230; WilberforceEames, "Description of a Wood EngravingIllustrating the SouthAmerican Indians," Bulletin of the New YorkPublic Library 26, no. 9 (1922): 755-60; and RudolfSchuller, Codes would have us believe,a systematicobservation of "The OldestKnown Illustration of SouthAmerican Indians," Indian phenomena.Curiously, certain editions of Codes' s Bookof Notes1 (1930): 484-97. Complexionsadvertise the textas a practicalaid to predicting 2. Vespucci,Dise Figur: "Dise figuranzaigt uns das volckund inseldie the characterof a slave fromthe sum of his gefundenist durch den christenlichenkünig zu Portigaloder von physiognomic seinenunderthonen. Die leüt sindalso nackenthübsch, braun wolge- parts.According to the author,merchants engaged in the staltvon leib,ir heübter/ halsz.arm. schäm, fuss, frawen und mann ain mitfedern bedeckt. Auch haben die mannin iren slave trade used it for this surely wenig ange- purpose.120Burgkmair sichtenund brüstvil edel gestain.Es hat auch nyemantznichts sun- wouldhave found a morenuanced application for a book like der sind alle ding gemain/ Vnnd die mannhabendt weyber welche this, as a resourcethat the in gefallen,es seymütter. Schwester oder freündt.darjnn haben sy possibly encouraged systematic kain auch miteinander. essenauch ain- observationof faces.121Artists have the vnderschayd.Sy streyten Sy might recognized ander selbsdie erschlagen/ werden,und henckendas selbigfleisch physiognomist'squest forparticularity as a kindredone. in den rauch.Sy werden alt hundertvnd füfftzig iar. Und haben kain The similarnature of the artist'sand the regiment"(This figureshows us the people and islandthat have been physiognomist's discoveredby the ChristianKing of Portugalor byhis subjects.The mandateto observemay help explainthe curious appearance people are naked,handsome, brown, and theirbodies well-formed. of Burgkmair'sself-portrait on thefrontispiece of an edition Theirheads, necks, arms, genitals, and the feetof men and women are partiallycovered with feathers. The men also have manyprecious of Bookof Complexionsprinted by Hans Schönspergerthe stonesin theirfaces and chests.No one has anythingof his own,but Youngerin Augsburg in 1515(Fig. 24) .122 The woodcutroundel all thingsare common.And the men takewomen who please them, carriesinitials that the as and is regardlessof whetherit is theirmother, sister, or friend.In thismat- identify profile Burgkmair's terthey make no distinction.They also fightwith each other.They inscribed"Hanc PropriamPinxerat Eff(i)giem": "He depicted also eat one anotherand theyhang and smokethe fleshof those 150. And have no thisparticular (or his own) likeness."123Perhaps the editor killed.They live to be government.) 3. Some have their in directobserva- who chose this in it a programcompatible objectsfeatured, however, origin imagerecognized tion,for example, the verticalcrowns worn by the Tupinamba,col- withcontemporary physiognomies: an engagementwith like- lars,arm and anklebands, feather skirts, and the rosette,a character- nesses the as wellas theideal.124 isticbut misplacedfeather bustle. The firstEuropean depiction of a beyond general, beyond cornstalkhas been identifiedin the bottomleft corner. William Stur- The printedphysiognomy was a genre thatprobably did tevantmaintains that this woodcut was based eitheron sketchesmade much to spur the move towardverisimilitude of portrait on-siteor on the actualartifacts sent back byPortuguese explorer featuresin under in Pedro AlvarezCabral ratherthan on the accompanyingtext. See Stur- print.Particularity investigation experi- tevant,"The Sourcesfor European Imagery of NativeAmericans," in mentalsciences like physiognomyrequired the scrutinyof NewWorld of Wonders, ed. RachelDoggett (Seattle: University of Wash- directobservation and data collection.In this the ingtonPress, 1992), 27. PeterMason suspectsthat the woodcut was respect, made to verbal of according descriptions;Mason, Infelicities: Representa- printedphysiognomy shared many of the same demands tionsof the Exotic (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 17. portraiture,which likewise required observation and careful 4. WilliamSturtevant, cited in ChristianF. Feest,"Indians and Europe," recording.Portraiture insisted on specificityfor which depen- in Indians and Europe:An InterdisciplinaryCollection of Essays, ed. Feest dence on conventionalmodels no in the (Aachen:Rader Verlag, 1987), 610. See also Sturtevant,"Latupinambi- longer sufficed; sationdes indiensd'Amérique du Nord,"in Lesfigures de l'indien,éd. process,it provideda fleet-footedimpetus in movingart in a G. Thérien(Montreal: Université du Québec à Montréal,1988), 293-303. protoscientificdirection. 5. The friezein itsoriginal state was presentedin an exhibitionon Hans

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Burgkmair'sgraphic work at the StädtischeKunstsammlung in Augs- 14. See n. 5 above and Hausbergerand Biedermann,Hans Burgkmair burgin 1973,following the arrangementproposed in F. W. H. Holl- 1473-1531:Das GraphischeWerk, 2-6. stein,German and Woodcuts1400-1 700 Engravings,Etchings (Amster- 15. The originalblocks, probably of pear wood,survive as partof theDer- dam: Menno Hertzberger,1954); see Isolde Hausbergerand Rolf schau collectionof the StaatlicheMuseen zu Ber- Hans 1473-1531:Das Werk Kupferstichkabinett, Biedermann,eds., Burgkmair Graphische lin,an collectionof woodblocks.For these Städtische cat. nos. 23-26. The early-nineteenth-century (Augsburg: Kunstsammlungen,1973), blocks,see McDonald, WoodcutFrieze," 227; fora firstthree are are in the Frei- "Burgkmair's newly prints hand-colored;they preserved inventoriedblock, see idem,Print Quarterly 21, no. 2 (2004): 159-60. herrlichvon WelserschenFamilienstiftung, the collectionof the 16. See Woodcut and see his much- Weiserfamily in Neunhof.Impressions of the processionof the king McDonald,"Burgkmair's Frieze,"227; needed of the of Cochincan be foundin the Kupferstichkabinett,Berlin, Gra- study inventoryof FerdinandColumbus's print collec- phischeSammlung, Munich, Albertina, Vienna, and Kunstsammlung tion,The Print Collection ofFerdinand Columbus (1488-1539): A Renais- der VesteCoburg, in additionto a copyhoused in the Graphische sanceCollector in Seville(London: BritishMuseum Press, 2004). Sammlungin the Schaezlerpalaisin Augsburg,inv. no. G. 12123.I Accordingto his reconstructionof Burgkmair'sprints after an entry haveviewed the impressionsin Neunhof,Berlin, and Coburg,in addi- in an inventoryof FerdinandColumbus's print collection, McDonald tionto thosein the graphiccollections in Augsburgand Munich.For arguesthat the friezeas we knowit todayis missingfive sections. He the completeseries, see Hollstein,German Engravings, Etchings and speculatesthat these missing impressions would have elaborated on Woodcuts,vol. 5, nos. 731-36. See also Giulia Bartrum,German Renais- the "customs,"or activityand behavior,of each depictedrace, in the sancePrints (London: Trustees of theBritish Museum by the British Mu- mannerin whichthe people of "GrosIndia" (Fig. 3) are followedby seumPress, 1995), 131-33; and MarkP. McDonald,"Burgkmair's a seminarrativescene of theircustoms. A costumebook in the Lipper- WoodcutFrieze of the Nativesof Africa and India,"Print Quarterly 20, heidischeKostümbibliothek that includes other sets of peoplesde- no. 3 (2003): 227-44. rivedfrom Springer's report may confirm McDonald's hypothesis. See allerlei in iren 6. Balthasar Die und nüwer SigmundtHeldt, "Abconterfaittung Ordenspersonen Springer, Merfart erfarung Schiffung(n.p., und dan vileraltern ca. 1560-80, 1509), Rar. 470, BSB, Munich.This version, after klaidung klaidungen," Lipperhei- pamphlet published discheKostümbibliothek, Berlin Kunstbibliothek, Aa 3 mtl. Burgkmair'sfrieze and referredto in the literatureas the "longre- Lipp port,"contains Springer's complete text and thirteenwoodcut illustra- 17. This falseimpression is also preservedin the BritishMuseum. Surviv- tionsby Wolf Traut. For a facsimileedition, see FranzSchulze, Bal- ing impressionsof the reversedprint come froman eighteenth-cen- thasar 1505/6: der tury of a brokenblock then in the collectionof William SpringersIndienfahrt WissenschaftlicheWürdigung " printing ReiseberichteSpringers zur Einführung in denNeudruck seiner "Meerfahrt Mitchell.This blockwas printedin reverseorder so thatthe impres- vomJahre 1509 (Strasbourg:Heitz und Mündel,1902), 8ff.The text sion of the animalsprecede the impressionof the figuregroup be- thataccompanies the woodcut frieze is called the "shortreport." neaththe monkey;the originalversion places thistriad on the left. See Bartrum,German Renaissance Prints, 131-33. 7. An exoticdenotes an entitythat exists primarily in the popularimagi- nation,divorced from empirical experience and derivedfrom a series 18. These includea piratedversion printed in Nurembergby Georg of formulasthat use the selfas a pointof departure,reminding us Glockendomin 1511,a bas-reliefin a chapel in Saint-Jacques,Dieppe, that"representations of the otherare neverunprejudiced and should a boxwoodrelief now in theWürttembergisches Landesmuseum, be treatedat the levelof discourse";Peter Mason, "Classical Ethnogra- Stuttgart,several tapestries, and otherdrawings. See JeanMichel phyand Its Influenceon the EuropeanPerception of the Peoples of Massing,"Hans Burgkmair'sDepiction of NativeAfricans," Res 27 the NewWorld," in TheClassical Tradition and theAmericas, ed. Wolf- (Spring1995): 39-51. Perhapsone of the reasonsfor its many incar- gangHaase and MeyerReinhold (New York: Walter de Gruyter,1994), nationswas the novelformat, which lent itself to the chopped-upre- 139 n. 11; see also idem,Infelicities: Representations ofthe Exotic, Iff. interpretationsand permittedshuffling and repetitionat no greatdet- rimentto the 8. In German-speakingregions, the wild man was routinelycalled into composition. serviceto representpeoples discoveredby Christopher Columbus and 19. The copyin the Neunhofcollection is missingthe righthalf, an im- AmerigoVespucci. See Susi Colin,"The WildMan and the Indian in age of indigenesknown from copies. EarlySixteenth-Century Book Illustration,"in Feest,Indians and Eu- 20. For Columbus'suse of medievaltravel accounts as a forhis mo- the classicaltradition of the Marvelsof the East gauge rope.Alternatively, dernity,see WolfgangNeuber, Fremde Welt im europäischen Horizont: Zur provideda readyand diversetaxonomy of monstersfrom whose rep- derdeutschen Amerika-Reiseberichte derFrühen Neuzeit Erich ertoirethe inhabitantsof Africaand Asia were drawn.See Topik (Berlin: regularly Schmidt,1991), 35; forthe role ofJohn Mandeville in Columbus's RudolfWittkower, "Marvels of theEast: A in the of Mon- Study History searchfor a routeto the Indies,see Beate Borowka-Clausberg,Bal- sters,"Journal of the Warburg and CourtauldInstitutes 5 (1942): 159-97. thasar undder Reisebericht " Sprenger frühneuzeitliche (Munich:Iudicium, 9. ChristianF. Feest, 'Selzam dingvon gold da von vilize schreiben 1999), 148. Columbus'sfamiliarity with Mandeville is attributedto a were':Bewertungen amerikanischer Handwerkskunst im Europa des groupof Englishmerchants in Sevillewho broughtthe latter'swork frühen16. Jahrhunderts," Pirckheimer Jahrbuch 1992, 105-26,at 116. to the IberianPeninsula. See Mason,"Classical Ethnography," 141. Feest of the embraceof thissix- providesexamples overreaching 21. One notable Bernhardvon in term from a on exception, Breydenbach'sPeregrinatio teenth-century (now meaningproducts Calicut, city terramsanctam was furnishedwith illustrations that to re- the MalabarCoast of to describe or evenAf- (1486), try India) Indian,Brazilian, his took the illustratorEr- ricanartifacts. produce experience.Breydenbach along hard Reuwichfor the purposeof recordingaspects of his travels:pros- 10. See Hausbergerand Biedermann,Hans Burgkmair1473-1531: Dos pects,sites, and peoples he saw along the way.For Breydenbach,see GraphischeWerk, cat. no. 26. his Die Reiseins Heilige Land: Ein Reiseberichtaus demJahre 1483, ed. 11. Ethnography,in the sense of prolongedempirical and comparative ElisabethGeck (Wiesbaden:G. Pressler,1961); Hugh WilliamDavies, study,is perhapsnever applied confidentlyto anyvisual medium out- Bernhardvon Breydenbach and HisJourney tothe Holy Land 1483-4 (Utre- side photography,film, and video,but forearlier use of the term,see cht:Haentjens, Dekker en Gumbert,1968); and David Landau and JohnRowe, "Ethnography and Ethnologyin the SixteenthCentury," PeterParshall, The Renaissance Print 1470-1550 (New Haven:Yale Uni- KroeberAnthropological Society Papers, no. 30 (1964). Althoughthe words versityPress, 1994), 34-35. "ethnography"and "ethnology"were not coined untilthe late eigh- 22. For humanistWillibald Pirckheimer's wrath over such images,see teenthcentury, anthropobgia, in its Renaissance Latin form, implied ChristineR. Johnson,"Buying Stories: Ancient Tales, Renaissance the studyof man and approximatedmoral history's study of lifeand Travelers,and the Marketfor the Marvelous,"Journal of Early Modern customs.By and large,ethnographic observations were often made History11, no. 6 (2007): 405-46. and collected amateursand, if were forthe by published, usually pur- 23. For the discursivefunction of medieval see MichelFou- pose of describingcuriosities rather than the collectionof authorship, systematic cault,"What Is an Author?"in Textual in Post- information.See also MargaretT. Hodgen,Early Anthropology in the Strategies:Perspectives Sixteenthand SeventeenthCenturies of StructuralistCriticism, ed. JosuéV. Harari (Ithaca,N.Y.: Cornell Univer- (Philadelphia:University Pennsyl- 148ff. vaniaPress, 1964). sityPress, 1979), 24. Rubiesmaintains that the act of the traveler's 12. See Rubies,"Travel and in Joan-Pau submitting Joan-Pau Writing Ethnography," Cambridge data to the critical of a humanist to a to Travel ed. PeterHulme and Tim (Cam- rough scrutiny points rupture Companion Writing, Youngs in late medievaltravel one in whichthe individual Press,2000) , 243. Rubiesmaintains that literature, "experi- bridge:Cambridge University ence of otherness"would be checked the concernsof Euro- nineteenth-centuryethnography found its roots in the humanisticdis- against of modern in the formof travel cos- pean intellectualsrevising and expandingthe classicalcanon. Rubies, ciplines early Europe writing, Traveland in theRenaissance: South India mography,and history.See alsoJean MichelMassing, "Early Euro- Ethnography throughEuropean 1250-1625 Press, pean Imagesof America: The EthnographicApproach," in Circa1492: Eyes, (Cambridge:Cambridge University 2000). Artin theAge of Exploration, ed. JayLevenson (Washington, D.C.: Na- 25. AnthonyGrafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts (Cambridge, Mass.: tionalGallery of Art, 1991), 516-17. BelknapPress, 1992), 5. 13. See Bartrum,German Renaissance Prints, 132. 26. Ibid.,48-68.

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27. BothVespucci and Columbussent back to theirrespective patrons zende red / Das istkain gelt sunder von eysennimpt es fürsein war lettersthat passed throughtheir hands into those of humanistpub- / Sie tragenweisse stablin. . . . Sie tragenpraite leder an den lisherswho consignedthem to press.See BernardQuaritch, The Span- fiese... Als hie angetzaigtist." ishLetter Columbusto Luis de Sani' (London: of Angel Piccadilly,1891), 39. For Burgkmair'srelationship with Konrad Peutinger, see TilmanFalk, viii;and Samuel E. Morison,Christopher Columbus, Mariner (Boston: Hans Studienzu Leben und Werkdes Malers 200ff. letterswere to Burgkmair, Augsburger (Mu- Little,Brown, 1955), Vespucci's brought pressby nich:Bruckmann, 1968), 81-86. For withthe his Tuscan editors.For lettersand the essentialdifference Peutinger'srelationship Vespucci's Welser see HelmutZäh, "Konrad und betweenthe of Columbus'sletters and his whichwere family, Peutinger Margarete marketing own, Welser:Ehe und Familieim Zeichendes Humanismus,"in Häberlein timesin the between1503 and 1529- a sum that printedsixty period and Burkhardt,Die Welser,449-509. representedthree times that of circulatingColumbus editions - see 40. BenjaminSchmidt, Innocence Abroad: The Dutch Imagination and theNew Peutinger'slibrary has recentlybeen reconstructedby Hans-Jörg Kü- World,1570-1670 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), Uff. nast and Helmut Zäh, Die BibliothekKonrad Peutingers:Edition derhisto- rischen und Rekonstruktionder vol. Die Roteiros Kataloge Bestände, 1, autographen 28. werepilots' written sailing directions, mostly consisting of two Der Bibliotheksteil Nie- the first,a treatiseon theoretical whichincluded KatalogePeutingers: nicht-juristische (Tübingen: parts: navigation, meyer,2003). calendars,rules for latitude, and tablesfor dead reckoning,and the second,written sailing directions between Portugal and theirdestina- 41. It is also likelythat Peutinger shepherded it throughthe press.The tionsin India and Indonesia.See CharlesR. Boxerand J. Blackmore, frieze'sroman majuscules, triangular interpuncts, and leaflikeorna- eds., TragicHistory of the Sea (Minneapolis:University of Minnesota ments(see "In Allago,"for example) all resemblethe repertoireof Press,2001), 13. typographicmarks in ErhardRatdolt's printed edition of Peutinger's Romanaevetustatis 1505); see the editionin the 29. Den rechten auszzu vo[n]Liszbona Kallakuth fragmenta(Augsburg, weg faren gen (Nuremberg: NewYork Public Library, fol. 7v, reproduced in ChristopherS. Wood, GeorgStuchs, ca. 1506), Universitätsbibliothek,Munich, inv. no. and the Book Trade: The Case of Ro- 4H.aux.1270:7. For an translation,see Parker,ed., From "EarlyArchaeology Peutinger's English John manaevetustatis (1505)," Medievaland Modern Lisbonto Calicut, trans. Alvin E. fragmenta Journalof Early Prottengeier(Minneapolis: University Studies28, no. 1 (Winter1998): 94. of MinnesotaPress, 1956). See also IrmgardBezzel, "News from Por- tugalin 1506 and 1507,as Printedby Johann Weissenburger in 42. The specialprivileges granted to theWeiser and Vöhlinfamilies over Nuremberg,"in TheGerman Book 1450-1750, ed. JohnL. Flood and otherGerman merchants are outlinedin a contractdated February WilliamA. Kelly(London: BritishLibrary, 1995), 31-44. 13, 1503. See HeinrichLutz, ConradPeutinger: Beiträge zu einerpoliti- schen Die 363 n. 11. For 30. This triesto and in Biographie(Augsburg: Verlag Brigg,1958), 55, frontispiece developpictorially threedimensions Fernandesand see Künastand Die whathad earlierbeen in termsof in the Peutinger, Zäh, autographenKataloge expressed pure geometry no. forthe for editionsof accountof his third a trian- Peutingers, 81.3, presentationcopy Peutinger,June published Vespucci's voyage, 1505. gle whoselegs are labeled "hiersind wir," or "weare here,"and "hier sindsie," or "theyare here,"with commentary detailing the direction 43. See JimMonson, "The Source forthe Rhinoceros,"Print Quarterly 21, in whichthe respectiveheads shouldpoint. With his diagram,Ves- no. 1 (March2004): 50-53. Monsonsuggests that both Dürer and pucci indicatedthe locationof his landfallon his thirdvoyage (a co- Burgkmair(who made a more"accurate" rhinoceros in 1515,now in ordinatehovering around 50° S. latitude,which Vespucci called San theAlbertina, Vienna, absent the armorlikeplates and dorsalhorn) Julian)by crudely plotting its distance from Lisbon, about 40° N. The saw a sketchsimilar to the one recentlydiscovered in a Chigimanu- resultingtriangle represented a latitudinaldifference of 90 degrees, scriptin theVatican. For a generaldiscussion of the rhinoceros,see witha 5-degreedisplacement in longitude.The frontispieceillustra- Pamela Smithand Paula Findlen,"Commerce and the Representation tionis clearlybased on Vespucci'sdiagram: it preserveshis orthogo- of Naturein Artand Science,"in Smithand Findlen,Merchants and nal trianglemodel and the textis in keepingwith the languageof his Marvels,1-8. letter.I am gratefulto bothRobert Karrow and Neil Swerdlowfor 44. KonradPeutinger, handwritten marginalia in Ptolemy,"Cos- theirassistance in interpretinethis image. mographia"(Rome, 1490), fol.A3v, preserved in the Bodleian,Ox- 31. A Ptolemymap on theverso of the firstsheet indicates the locationof ford,Gough Gen. top. 225: "Hodie Socero nostrosunt Serui Indi co- bothNuremberg and Calicut.See Parker,From Lisbon to Calicut, 4. emptiduo / consangineonostro Ambrosio Hochstetter unus / ConradoVehlin nostrounus sani in Sueuia 32. honed his ownartistic skills in the of theWeiser cognato qui degunt." Burgkmair patronage in underwhose sailed and to whom Bound thisedition is also a letterfrom the Madeira-basedJohannes family, auspicesSpringer Peutinger writtento in 1505 about theWeiser was relatedthrough his marriageto MargareteWelser in 1498. Eggelhofer Peutinger expeditions. Balthasar thatthe Weiser See Künastand Zäh, Die autographenKataloge Peutingers, no. 697. I am Borowka-Clausberg, Sprenger,39, posits family to Künastfor this reference. probablyrequested the woodcuts from Hans Burgkmair.The author grateful Hans-Jörg and artistwere then probably brought together as a collaborativeen- 45. KonradPeutinger, Sermones convivales de mirandisGermanie antiquitati- tityby Peutinger. See also MarkHäberlein and JohannesBurkhardt, bus(Strasbourg: Johann Prüss, 1506). HelmutZäh is preparingan eds., Die Welser:Neue Forschungenzur Geschichteund Kulturdes oberdeut- editionof thiswork. schenHandelshauses (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2002). 46. Between1506 and 1507,Fernandes collected a seriesof handwritten 33. BalthasarSpringer, quoted in McDonald,"Burgkmair's Woodcut reportsabout the Portugueseexplorations and transmittedthese to Frieze,"230. See also HenryHarisse, Americus Vespuccius: A Critical and theWelsers. In an inventoryof Peutinger'slibrary taken in 1597,"In- DocumentaryReview of Two RecentEnglish Books Concerningthe Navigator ventariumbibliothecae Peutingerianae" (BSB, Munich,Clm 402Id, (London: B. F. Stevens,1895), 43; and RenateKleinschmid, "Bal- fol.43r, no. 163), thesePortuguese and Latinreports appear as the thasarSpringer: Eine quellenkritischeUntersuchung," Mitteilungen der entry"De Insuliset peregrinationeLusitanorum: Liber manuscriptus." AnthropologischenGesellschaft in Wien 96-97 (1967): 150ff. Preservedtoday in the BSB, Munich,is "Cod. Hisp. 27: Berichteaus zur Afrikasund Indiens,"a codex thatincludes 34. Borowka-Clausberg,Balthasar Sprenger, 88-90. Portugal Entdeckung reportsof the westcoast of Africaby Fernandes himself and several 35. For the role of merchantsin in modernEu- mediatingdiscovery early accountsof the discoveryand conquestof Guinea.A Portuguesetran- see Pamela Smithand Paula Merchantsand Mar- rope, Findlen,eds., scriptof theAlmeida mission by the Weiser family's official recorder vels: and Artin Modern York: Rout- Commerce,Science, Early Europe (New Hans Mayris also assembledin thiscodex. See JoséPereira da Costa, ledge,2002). CódiceValentim Fernandes (Lisbon: Academia Portuguesa da História, 36. Springer,Die Merfart,fol. 1: "It was the size of a man in length,but 1997). For Peutinger'scatalog entry "Res Indiae,"see Künastand Zäh, resembleda pig worthabout fourgulden ... itsbeak resemblesthat Die autographenKataloge Peutingers, nos. 88, 470. For Peutinger'scos- of a bird's,but wider with many sharp teeth in it. Such a fishis said mographieactivity, see KlausA. Vogel,"Neue Horizonteder Kosmo- to feedone hundredand twentymen; I have also sampledit." graphie:Die kosmographischenBücherlisten Hartmann Schedels (um und Konrad desGermanischen Na- 37. Ibid.,fol. 2: "Auchin diesemKönigreich und auf den Inselnsahen 1498) Peutingers(1523)," Anzeiger tionalmuseums1991, 77-85. wirmerkwürdigerweise Menschen beiderlei Geschlechts ohne Scham untereinanderwie die wildenTiere: Manchebedeckten nur die 47. KonradPeutinger, Staats- und Stadtbibliothek,Augsburg, Scham,andere liefen gänzlich nackt herum, und alle warenSchwarz 2°Cod.Aug.382a.For an editionof thiscodex, see BenediktGreiff, wie die Mohren,wie wirsie nennen." "Briefeund Berichteüber die frühestenReisen nach Amerikaund Ostindienaus den 1497 bis 1506 aus Dr. Conrad 38. Text over"In Gennea"and "In Allago":"Das genanntmorenland ist / Jahren Peutingers m / cccc / wöliche nackentund an ar- Nachlass.Im Anhangzu: Tagebuchdes Lucas Rem aus den Jahren meylweyt gantz guldenring 1494-1541.Ein zur der Stadt men und fußentragen / in dem land (Allago) gat das volckin Beitrag Handelsgeschichte Augsburg," maßenwie hie niden ist/ umb sichfur ir Jahres-Berichtder historischenKreis-Vereins im Regierungsbezirkvon Schwaben angetzaigt Syschlagen klay- 111-72. dung heütunnd felzvon thieren/ . . . Die man tragenköcher oder undNeuberg26(1860): schaydenvon holtzoder leder überyr schäm / . . . Den yungenknab- 48. KonradPeutinger to the imperialsecretary Blasius Hölzl, January 13, lin bindensy ire schwentzlinüber sich / . . . . Sy haben ain schnalt- 1505,in ErichKönig, Konrad Peutingers Briefwechsel (Munich: Beck,

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1923), 50: "Und uns Augspirgernains großlob ist,als fürdie ersten Ekkehard Weber, Tabula Peutingeriana:Codex Vindobonensis324; Kom- Teutschen,die India suchen.Und ku. Mt. zu eren habe ich in die mentarund Tafelband(Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, briefgesetzt, wie er als der erstRomisch kunig die schickt:dan solchs 1976; reprint,2002). von kainemRomischen vor nie ist." kunig geschehen 62. "Inventariumbibliothecae Peutingerianae," BSB, Munich,Clm 402ld, 49. For a livelyaccount of howcreative and destructiveMaximilian's ar- fol.2v: "1 IndianischeMappa vfftuech gezongen." See Hansjörg Kü- chaeologycould be, see ChristopherS. Wood, "MaximilianI as Arche- nast,"Die Graphiksammlungdes AugsburgerStadtschreibers Konrad ologist,"Renaissance Quarterly 58 (2005): 1128-74; and also idem,Forg- Peutinger," in Augsburg,die BilderfabrikEuropas: Essayszur Augsburger ery,Replica, Fiction: Temporalities of GermanRenaissance Art (Chicago: Druckgraphikder Frühen Neuzeit, ed. JohnRoger Paas (Augsburg:Wiss- Universityof ChicagoPress, 2008). ner,2001), 12. 50. This effortincluded the emperorfashioning himself as the original 63. For example,Jacopo de' Barbari'sView of Venice, printed from six wildman. For a discussionof how the rediscoveryof Tacitusin this blocksfor the Nurembergmerchant Anton Kolb in 1500. See Landau periodnationalized the wild man, see StephanieLeitch, "The Wild and Parshall, The RenaissancePrint, 43-46. and the German Art no. 3 Man,Charlemagne, Body," History31, 64. We knowfrom the inventoryof the Sevillianprint collector Ferdinand For a broaderdiscussion of the Renaissance (2008): 283-302. recep- Columbusthat Burgkmair's frieze was mountedin thisscroll format; tionof see B. Gremaniae:Tacitus ' Tacitus, Christopher Krebs,Negotiatio see McDonald,"Burgkmair's Woodcut Frieze," 230; and idem,Print Germaniaund Enea Silvio Giannantonio Conrad Piccolomini, Campano, Collectionof Ferdinand Columbus, 169. Ceitisund Hänrich Bebei (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht,2005). 65. Accordingto ValerieTraub, this idea of race was not necessarilyde- 51. See Colin,"The WildMan and the Indian,"5-36; and Sixel,"Die terminedby physical appearance; "race" was not a distinctionthat as- DeutscheVorstellung vom Indianer." signedskin color and biologicalidiosyncrasies to distinctethnic 52. Not onlydo theverse and the typefacelink Dati's editionto thispop- groupsbut a designationbased on geographicseparation. See Traub, ular literaryform, but also the frontispiecemay have foundits inspira- "Mappingthe Global Body,"in EarlyModern Visual Culture, ed. Clark tionin contemporaryFlorentine cassone paintings that depicted scenes Hülse (Philadelphia:University of PennsylvaniaPress, 2000), 44-97. fromTrojan epics.See Hugh Honor, TheNew Golden Land (NewYork: See also BernhardKlein, "Randfiguren: Othello, Oroonoko und die PantheonBooks. 19751.7. kartographischeRepräsentation Afrikas," in Imaginationendes Anderen im 16. und 17. ed. Ina Schabertand MichaelaBoenke 53. The scale of broadsheetillustration direct Jahrhundert, larger discouraged recy- (Wiesbaden:Harrassowitz Verlag, 2002), 190. clingsfrom blocks used to illustratethe frontispiecesof quartoedi- tionsof travelreports. Additionally, broadsheets were novelty driven, 66. It is thisRenaissance notion of race thatthis argument rests on and and the largerformat encouraged elaboration. not the noxiousracism of the nineteenthand twentiethcenturies. For an introductionto earlymodern racial thinking, see NancyStepan, 54. See Hans Wolff,"Die MünchenerPortolankarten einst und heute,"in The Idea ofRace in Science:Great Britain 1800-1960 (Hamden, Conn.: America:Das Bild derNeuen Welt(Munich: Prestei 1992), frühe Verlag, Archon Books, 1982); and Kim F. Hall, Thingsof Darkness: Economies of 127-44; and T. Campbell,"Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Race and Genderin Modern N.Y.: Cornell Univer- to in The ed. B. and D. Early England (Ithaca, Century 1500," Historyof Cartography, J. Harley sityPress, 1995). Woodward(Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1987). 67. of the customsand dressof the Khoisanid 55. The decoratedCantino of forexam- Springer'sdescription sumptuously planisphere 1502, tribesof the includesdistinctions between the sexes,and reflectsthe world redrawn as a resultof Cape region ple, Portugueseexploration the textdirects the readerto findthe details"as illustratedbelow," or, from1484 to 1502, the of Cão, Bartolomeu including voyages Diogo per the 1509 pamphletversion of Springer'sreport, "abkunterfeit." Dias, the Corte Vasco da and Pedro AlvarezCabral - in Reals, Gama, Whilethe Khoi werefirst sighted in 1480 and describedby Portu- additionto showingPortuguese economic involvement on theAfrican accountsover the nexthalf Hans subcontinent. this was familiarto the Portu- guese manuscript century, Burgk- By 1502, territory fairly mair'sare the earliestknown depictions. guese:Africa's north and westcoasts had been the siteof Portuguese since the fallof Ceuta in 1415,after which several bases 68. In inclementweather, Khoisanid women and men worea sheepskin exploration mantle withthe wool turned womenoften wore hoods wereset up on the Gold and IvoryCoasts. Traders established them- (karas) inward; of the same. See Ezio Bassaniand LetiziaTedeschi, "The of selveshere to trafficin ivory,slaves, and gold. In addition,Henry the Image the Hottentotin the Seventeenthand Centuries," Navigatorsponsored expeditions to finda directmaritime route east, Eighteenth Journal and the searchwas on in earnest the mid-1400s. See V. ofthe History of Collections 2, no. 2 (1990): 173. An illustrationof 1542 by Geoffrey showsthe of variationsto whichthese mantles Scammell, The First Overseas c. 1400- range iconographie ImperialAge: European Expansion were indistinctdark borrowthe mantlefrom Hercules 1715 (Boston:Unwin Hyman, 1989), 46-49, 58. subject; figures iconography;see Helen Wallis,ed., TheMaps and Textof the Boke of 56. Beforeastronomical reliedon dead navigation,navigators reckoning, IdrographyPresented by Jean Rotz to HenryVIII (Oxford: Roxburghe Club, a methodthat estimated the ship'sposition according to compass 1981), 46-47 (see fols.15v-16r). and distancesrun the with made forcur- readings by log, adjustments 69. This detailcomes from the textversion of to rentand The of or the coast,de- longer Springer'sreport, leeway. practice costeggiare,hugging which wouldhave been pended on a close and cautiousobservation of the coastline.See Ed- Burgkmair privy. ward Casey, RepresentingPlace: Landscape Painting and Maps 70. Forexample, their staffs and broadleather sandals are characteristicac- (Minneapolis:University of MinnesotaPress, 2002), 189. cessoriesused formobility in thesandy terrain. We knowthat Peutinger had SouthAmerican and of Indian 57. Ibid., 180. coral,mussels, parrots, examples featherwork in his collectionof curiosities.See Künast,"Die Graphik- 58. Such as the piratedversion printed by Georg Glockendom in 1511. sammlnnor He« AiicrshiircrprStaHtsrhrpihpr« KnnraH Peí i tin crer " 19 See inv.no. 1 63, 33 in the collectionin VesteCoburg. 71. Text over"In Arabia":"Als wir in Arabiamkamen sahen wir sy be- 59. Interestingly,the spatialorganization of Burgkmair'sfrieze anticipates klaidet/ als hie nach figuriertist unnd auß dem künigreichdaselbst laterethnographic museum practice in whichspecimens and artifacts istgewesen ainer von den hailigendrey künigen / daselbstbinden sy are displayedin shallowplanar dioramas behind glass. den ochsenArabisch gold umb ire hörnerunn oren / . . . / Ix / meil 60. The firstportolan atlases were set on successivepages and often von safalenligt ain statheißt quiloa die gewunnenwir schlugen vil zu pastedon wood or thickcardboard that would have protectedthem tod und blündertendie stat.. . . / Von quiloa / lxx meil ligtain stat fromsaltwater damage. See Harleyand Woodward,History of Cartogra- haißtbonbasa verbranten wir und erschlugenvil volcks / blünderten phy,376. I am gratefulto James Akerman of the NewberryLibrary's syauch mitübertreflichem gut." For a modernedition of the text,see HermonDunlap SmithCenter for the Historyof Cartographyfor Borowka-Clausberg,Balthasar Sprenger, 37. sharinghis expertisein earlymodern cartography. 72. See textover "Gros India": "Aldafindt man / Ingber/ Pfeffer/ und sunst und umb ain 61. The originalmap (no longerextant) probably dated to the thirdcen- NegelynZyment allerlayspecerey edelgestain zu kaffen Es hat seltzamfrücht viidomen turyCE, and Peutinger'smap (21 feetby 1 foot),probably made in geringgelt / / feigen/ und dreierbratit ains Da seindvil büffel the thirteenthcentury by a monkin the regionof Colmar,surfaced lang gutengeschmacks / unn küwdie küwtöten nit Da wachßt weinvil reiß in the Rhineregion in about 1496. In the summerof 1507,it was first sy / guter hönig/ köstlichkörn als semmelmel" one can find mentionedin conjunctionwith the humanistKonrad Ceitis, who be- gibtgantz weyß (There and all mannerof and queathedit to Peutingera fewmonths later. The map was in Peuting- pepper,clove, cinnamon, spices precious stoneswhich can be for little.Peculiar fruits can be er's collectionby the end of 1507. Peutingerwas granteda privilege bought very found the of seventhumbs and threewide. fromEmperor Maximilian to printthe map in 1511,but thisdid not there,tasty figs length beforethe end of the sixteenth See Max Manybuffalo roam there as wellas cows;they do not killthe cows. happen century. Weyrauther, You can wine is in riceas de- Konrad Peutingerund WillibaldPirckheimer in ihrenBeziehungen zur Geo- get good there,honey abundance, well, liciousgrain as whiteas bread flour.) graphie:Eine geschichtlicheParallele (Munich: Theodor Ackermann, 1907), 15-16; and H. F. Tozer,A Historyof Ancient Geography (Cam- 73. See McDonald,"Burgkmair's Woodcut Frieze," 234. The versionpirated bridge:Cambridge University Press, 1935), 310. For a facsimile,see byGeorg Glockendom in Nurembergin 1511radically reduces the text.

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74. This particularillustration is used to head a sectionon Germanhis- ger and the Originsof theWunderkammer," in Smithand Findlen, toryin Münster'sCosmographia (Basel: HeinrichPetri, 1550; reprint, Merchantsand Marvels,182-200. For objectsin laterEuropean collec- 1552), fol.262. tions,see Bassaniand Tedeschi,"The Image of the Hottentot,"173. 75. Mason,"Classical Ethnography," 156. 96. For a good accountof the nascentprinting trade in Augsburg,see TheRenaissance 33-34. See also 76. McDonald,"Burgkmair's Woodcut Frieze," 230. Landau and Parshall, Print, Hans-Jörg Künast, "Getrucktzu Augsburg":Buchdruck und Buchhandelin Augsburg 77. This definesthe natureof thatstructure epistemology comparisons zwischen1468 und 1555 (Tübingen:Niemeyer, 1997); and Norbert scientific and the of newdiscoveries in a thinking processing system Ott,"Frühe Augsburger Buchillustration," in Augsburger Buchdruck und thatincluded hermeneutics of of Michel varyingdegrees rationality. Verlagswesen:Von den Anfangen bis zur Gegenwart, ed. HelmutGier and TheOrder York: 32. Foucault, ofThings (New VintageBooks, 1994), JohannesJanota (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1997). In the case of 78. Ibid., 17-25. Burgkmair'sfrieze, we can identifythe workof the FormschneiderCor- nelisLiefrinck initialson the block'sverso. Falk, Hans 79. Mason,"Classical Ethnography," 156. by Burgkmair, Studien,21. 80. Like a map,the friezehas integrityfrom multiple points of view.Bor- 97. For a facsimileof the German withTraut's illustrations, see rowingSvetlana Alpers's claim for Dutch maps and descriptiveland- report Schulze,Balthasar 9. An editionin scapes,this frieze is also an "additivework that cannot be takenin SpringersIndienfahrt, contemporary froma TheArt DutchArt in Germanis includedin AndreasErhard, Die Meerfahrt:Balthasar Spring- singleviewing point." Alpers, ofDescribing: ersReise zur theSeventeenth Century (Chicago: University of ChicagoPress, 1983), 122. Pfefferküste(Innsbruck: Haymon Verlag, 1998). 81. This contrastswith the in which"classical func- 98. These woodcutsare formedby a multiblockprocess in whicha line or way ethnography" color or tionedin theA/not-A model. Mason, "Classical 145- keyblock is printedwith one or moretone blocksthat adds Ethnography," This was in withthe 48, indicatesthat names to monsterslike Blemmyeand Cyklops highlight. technique developed conjunction given blockcutter de and it on in color pointdirectly to alterity. Jost Negker, expanded experiments printinginitiated by the printerErhard Ratdolt. See Landau and Par- 82. Burgkmairalluded to familiarbiblical iconography in orderto con- shall,The Renaissance Print, 180-84. cretizegroups as a seriesof nuclearfamilies. The compositionof the 99. Hans 21. Falk this of groupmarked "In Allago"recalls the Reston the Flightinto Egypt. Falk, Burgkmair,Studien, positions type develop- mentin to the innovationin craft With"In Arabia,"the adultswho flankthe childallude to the iconog- opposition practicerepresented by Albrecht who unifiedboth in the hand and mindof raphyof Adamand Eve. Dürer, practices one artistto producea characteristic"style." Naturalism in printre- 83. Traub,"Mapping the Global Body,"50. See also Klein"Randfiguren," sultedfrom an of and execution,a conflu- forthe connectionbetween literature and more organicgrafting design geography generally. ence of a painter'sinvention and a craftsman'stechnical ability to 84. For a discussionof the culturalshaping and historicaldetermination reproduceit. of structures,see De Mallie, The Founda- kinship Raymond "Kinship: 100. This obsessionwith the Khoi is trackedin WalterHirschberg, ed., tionfor Native American in NativeAmerica, ed. Rus- Society," Studying Schwarzafrika(Graz: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt,1962), an sel Thornton(Madison: of WisconsinPress, 1998). University importantanthology of texts,maps, and illustrationsof earlymodern 85. Klein,"Randfiguren," 205-7. Kleinsees thesedecorative borders not Africa,in which"half of the thirty-twoauthors included . . . deal more as merelymarginal but ratheras an importantcomponent of pack- or less extensivelywith this numerically inconsiderable people," ac- aged geoculturalinformation and a mergingof threeseparate genres: cordingto Bassaniand Tedeschi,"The Image of the Hottentot,"173. costumebooks, atlases,and nationalor continental city maps. 101. Urs Bitterlicontends that the nextgeneration of artistsdrastically en- 86. Traub,"Mapping the Global Body,"51. largedthe breastsand buttocksin the Khoi females,fueling the ste- hideousin See Die 87. See Landau and Parshall,The Renaissance Print, 178. Burgkmair'suse reotypeof thesenatives as appearance. Bitterli, einerGeistes- und of multipleblock prints to createa woodcutfrieze was an innovation Wildenund die Zivilisierten:Grundzüge Kulturgeschichte C. H. in the north,and ifit has anyprecedent at all, Landau and Parshall dereuropäisch-überseeischen Begegnung (Munich: Beck, 1976), 26; Balthasar findsources south of theAlps, in particular,Jacob of Strasbourg'sTri- and Borowka-Clausberg, Sprenger,123. umphof Caesar, published in 1504 in Venice. 102. I Umantalk datesthis woodcut in the BritishMuseum (inv. no. 185b- a set havebeen identified. 88. For AndreaMantegna's Mantuan cycle painted between 1486 and 614-105)to after1508; no othermembers of 1473-1531:Das Gra- 1501,see StephenJ. Campbell,Evelyn Welch et al., "Mantegna'sTri- See Hausbergerand Biedermann,Hans Burgkmair Hans 106 n. 419. umph:The CulturalPolitics of Imitation'all'antica' at the Courtof phischeWerk, cat. no. 27; and Falk, Burgkmair,Studien, Mantua1490-1530," in Artistsat Court:Image-Making and Identity, 103. Burgkmairwould have been familiarwith the worksof Dürerin Peu- 1300-1550(Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum; Chicago: dis- tinger'scollection; Peutinger's inventory of 1597 reflectsan almost tributedby University of ChicagoPress, 2004), 91-105. For one of the completecollection of the printedworks of contemporaryAugsburg printededitions, see JeanMichel Massing, "The Triumphof Caesar artists,as wellas thoseof Dürer,including his laterwork on propor- byBenedetto Bordón and JacobusArgentoratensis: Its Iconography tionand perspective.See Künast,"Die Graphiksammlungdes Augs- and Influence,"Print Quarterly 7 (1990): 2-21. Mantegna'sTriumph of burgerStadtschreibers Konrad Peutinger," 13; and Künastand Zäh, Caesaris also believedto have inspiredthe Triumphof Maximilian I, a Die autographenKataloge Peutingers, no. 584. See also Bassaniand Tede- serialprinted encomium to EmperorMaximilian to whichBurgkmair schi,"The Image of the Hottentot,"164. contributed.See The substantially StanleyAppelbaum, Triumphof 104. These werefound in an editionof Suetoniusin MaximilianI: 137 Woodcuts Hans and Others(New York: Peutinger'slibrary. by Burgkmair to notesin his "Nachlass"(BSB, DoverPublications, 1964), v. According Peutinger'spreparatory Munich,Clm 4009), overone hundredportraits were made forthe once bound in a accordionlike 89. The mostcomplete edition, folding, project,which, although largely complete by 1505,never made it to in Basel's formatknown as a leporello,is preserved Kupferstichkabinett. press.See Falk,Hans Burgkmair,Studien, 46. Falk positsthat Burgk- See B. Aikema and B. L. Brown, RenaissanceVenice and theNorth: Cross- maircontinued work on thismonumental project throughout the first currentsin theTime of Bellini, Dürer, and Titian (New York: Rizzoli, twodecades of the sixteenthcentury. See Hausbergerand Bieder- 1999), 252. mann,Hans Burgkmair1473-1531: Das GraphischeWerk, 76-77; Künast 90. For the influenceof Mantegna'sTriumph of Caesar on sixteenth-cen- and Zäh, Die autographenKataloge Peutingers, no. 380; and Campbell turyfollowers, see AndrewMartindale, The Triumph of Caesar by Andrea Dodgson,"Die Cäsarenköpfe,eine unbeschriebeneFolge von Holz- Mantegna(London: HarveyMiller, 1979), esp. 97-102. schnittenHans Burgkmairsd. Ä.," in Beiträgezur Geschichte der deut- schen vol. Kunst der und ed. 91. See Aikemaand Brown,Renaissance Venice and theNorth, 252. Kunst, 2, Augsburger Spätgothik Renaissance, ErnstBuchner and KarlFeuchtmayr (Augsburg: Dr. Benno FilserVer- of Native 46 and 92. See Massing,"Hans Burgkmair'sDepiction Africans," lag, 1928), 224-28. For a discussionof Burgkmair'swork with mate- n. 27; and idem,"The Triumphof Caesar." rialartifacts, see AshleyWest, "Hans Burgkmairthe Elder 93. Curiously,enslaved "exotics," typically the mainstayof triumphalpro- (1473-1531) and theVisualization of Knowledge"(Ph.D. diss.,Univer- cessions,are conspicuouslyabsent in Bordon's version. sityof Pennsylvania,2006), 100-154. 94. It was preciselythese signifiers of local prestige,such as the palan- 105. For humanistmedals, see StephenScher, Currency ofFame: Portrait quin, thatthe Portuguesewould later outlaw in theirevangelizing Medalsof the Renaissance (London: Thamesand Hudson in association missionsin Goa. See JosephThekkedath as quoted in Ines G. Zu- withthe FrickCollection, 1994). in A tothe panov,"Compromise: India," Companion ReformationWorld, 106. See AndréeHayum, "Dürer's Portrait of Erasmusand the ArsTypogra- ed. RonniePo-chia Hsia 357. (Oxford:Blackwell, 2004), phorum,"Renaissance Quarterly 38, no. 4 (Winter1985): 668. Quentin 95. For example,shells, hides, clubs, and parrotswere mentioned by Peu- Massys's1519 portraitmedal of DesideriusErasmus carried the in- tingerin a letterto SebastianBrant; see König,Konrad Peutingers Brief- scription"Imago ad vivameffigiem expressa" (an imagecast from a wechsel,77-78. For otherAugsburg collections, like thatof the Fugger livingrepresentation); Dürer used thismedal forhis own studiesof family,see MarkMeadow, "Merchants and Marvels:Hans Jacob Fug- Erasmus.For otherRenaissance portrait conventions borrowed from

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Romancoins, see LarrySilver, "Prints for a Prince:Maximilian, Moor (Hollstein,139). The crownedMoor was also the emblemof Nurembergand theWoodcut," in NewPerspectives on the Art of Renais- the archbishopricof Freising,near Munich.The head of SaintMauri- sanceNuremberg, ed. JeffreyChipps Smith (Austin: Archer M. Hunting- tiushas been the emblemof the Franconiancity of Coburgsince the tonArt Gallery, 1985), 8. late fourteenthcentury, after his skullwas broughtback fromCon- 107. See Luke a Likeness?"in The theIndivid- stantinopleand became the focusof devotion.For the popularityof Syson,"Circulating Imageof thismotif in the see Paul H. D. The ual: Portraitsin theRenaissance, NicholasMann and (London: German-speakingregions, Kaplan, by Syson Rise the in WesternArt Mich.:UMI Research BritishMuseum Press, 1998), 113. of Magus (AnnArbor, Press,1985), 71-85. 108. See Kuhoff,"Markus Welser als Erforscherdes römischen Wolfgang 119. BartholomaeusCodes claimedthat none of his "wereso in Häberleinand Burkhardt,Die Welser,587-617; and, for predecessors Augsburg," observersof an abundanceof individualcases as I am"; antiquarians'privileging of materialevidence, Anthony Grafton, "Jean great quoted in Thorndike, and Science,vol. 5 Hardouin:The Antiquaryas Pariah,"in BringOut YourDead: ThePast Lynn Historyof Magic Experimental York:Columbia Press,1953), 57. Codes, Anastasis,VI, as Revelation(Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001), in (New University prologue,and see also chaps. 240, 328. whirhGrafton areiies o that roins and inscriotions1 became the new "texts." 120. See BartolomaeusCodes, In disentbiechlein wirt von 109. See ArnaldoMomigliano, "Ancient History and theAntiquarian," Jour- erfunden Complexion dermenschen Hans 1513), BSB, Munich, nal ofthe Warburg and CourtauldInstitutes 13 (1950): 285-315. Momigli- (Augsburg: Schönsperger, ano's the role artifactsand sourcessuch as Res/4 Anthr.7x: "Und wie wol dise kunstin unsernlanden unbrauch- essaydevelops primary lich und seltzamist doch in anndernlanden in hohen eeren und coinsand inscriptionsplayed in antiquarianismand the challenge sy to textualsources. For a discussionof how these werdgehalten / unnd sonderlichin der haydenschafftund in der theypresented Als ich von denen die sollichesselber erfaren. sourceswere translated in see Wood, and Türekey/ gesehen print, "EarlyArchaeology Und auch in Cronicken hab nämlichdas die the Book Trade,"83-117. glaubwirdigen gelesen / menschenin den selbengegenden gekaufft und verkauftetwerden in were to review a circleof 110. Artists Maximilian'semploy subject by und die kaufferund verkaufFerder Phisonomeyso gewis/ wennsy advisers Konrad the courthistorian including Peutinger, Johannes die menschenund in ire geliderbeschauen als bald erkennensy ains and the MarxTreitzsauerwein. Stabius, emperor'sprivate secretary yedengeschicklichait und natur/ ob er endlichtrag oder warzuer See "Printsfor a 15. Silver, Prince," genaigtsey / dadurcher yn teureroder wolfyalerkauff / Wie auch 111. FriedrichDörnhöffer speculates that the newdesign was intendedfor beyuns die rosstauscherdas alterund auch anndernatur der pferd a plannededition of Celtis'sRhapsodia that made it onlyas faras a an irnzenen unnd gelidernund andernzaichen erkennen und ur- manuscriptpresentation copy for Maximilian, now lost.Ceitis proba- tailen"(For as uncustomaryand unusualas thisart [physiognomy]is blybrought the blocksto Augsburgand depositedthem between 1504 in our country,it is held in highesteem in otherlands, particularly in and 1506 in the printshop of ErhardOeglin, where Burgkmair re- the lands of heathensand of the Turks/ Such as I have seen myself ceivedthe commissionto alterthem. The alteredversion of the wood- and read about in crediblechronicles / thatis to say,the slavetraders cut appearsonly in a bound collectionof printsentitled "Cuspinianus in thisregion are so versedin physiognomy/ thatthey can immedi- Celtiultimum vale," by Johannes Cuspinianus (1508) in BSB, Munich, atelydiscern the abilitiesand qualitiesof slavesby simply inspecting Rar.585, witha copyin Edmondde Rothschild'scollection in Paris. theirlimbs / to tellif theyare indolentor whattheir inclinations are See Dörnhöffer,"Über Dürer und Burgkmair,"in Beiträgezur Kunstge- / so that[the trader]can knowif he is payingdearly or gettinga bar- schichte,Franz Wickhoff gewidmet (Vienna: A. Schroll,1903), lllff., 123- gain / just as it is the customof our horsetraders to recognizeand 27. See also Hausbergerand Biedermann,Hans Burgkmair1473-1531: judge the age and qualityof the horseby its teeth and limbsand Das GraphischeWerk, cat. nos. 14, 15. othersigns) . 112. Celtis'saltered look seemscloser to his appearancein othercontem- 121. Even ifwe doubt the scientificrigor that such booksenjoyed in the poraryportraits; his cap seemsto reflectthe realityof his premature humanistcommunity, the sheerpopularity of thisbook in the first baldness.See Dörnhöffer,"Über Dürer und Burgkmair,"128. twodecades of the sixteenthcentury certainly argues for its general WhileTilman Falk, Hans Studien,52 and n. 310, 113. Falk,Hans Burgkmair,Studien, 20. Portraitswould become one of vigor. Burgkmair, The woodcut of II in maintainsthat humanists in Maximilian'scircle about 1514 probably Burgkmair'sspecialties. portraits Pope Julius foundthe "scientific"content of thisvolume on and 1511,as wellas thoseof Augsburg patricians Jakob Fugger and Hans physiognomy Grafton(e-mail to author,fall 2003) Paumgartnermade the same year,represent a new pictorialgenre palmistryspecious, Anthony thatused the mediumof woodcutto reserved thinksotherwise. Thorndike, History of Magic, 53-57, claimsthat its expresssubjects usually use of medievalsources did not a conflictof formedallion production and painting.See LarrySilver, "The Face Is unabashedly represent Familiar:German Renaissance Portrait in Printsand Med- interestfor humanists, who wereonly too happyto consultthese au- Multiples thorsin the fieldof and we can als," Wordand Image19, nos. 1-2 (2003): 10. physiognomy chiromancy.Perhaps takeseriously Cocles's claimthat even humanistswanted to become this was 114. Silver,"The Face Is Familiar,"10, also suggeststhat change physiognomists. made at the expresscommand of MaximilianI. 122. Hans Schönspergerprinted several editions of thisvolume between R. T. Erhard MasterPrinter N.H.: 115. See Risk, Ratdolt, (Francestown, Ty- the years1510 and 1517. It is the 1515 edition,published in Augs- 40-43. See and Hans pographeum,1982), Hausberger Biedermann, burg,that concerns us here. Burgkmair1473-1531, Das GraphischeWerk, cat. no. 6. We can trace in another of surro- 123. "A.B.C."probably stands for Augustanus Burgkmair Civis. The 1515 Burgkmair'sphysiognomic improvements group date of thisvolume a terminusante gatecuttings he made forthe head of SaintPelagius in the Breviarium publication providesonly quern forthe woodcut.Tilman Falk, Hans Studien,52, a Constantiense(Augsburg: Ratdolt, 1499). In a plug thatreplaced the Burgkmair, proposes saint'shead whenit was in the to Ratdolt's date between1500 and 1505,a date morein line withBurgkmair's reprinted frontispiece actual knownfrom a as wellas on 1505 MissaleConstantiense, we see how a crudelycut genericface has appearance contemporarydrawing, been transformedinto a marshaledthese techni- stylisticgrounds. Incidentally, that date wouldalso place the self-por- portrait.Burgkmair traitmedallion in the of on cal developmentsin definingheads and facesto enable the "repro- period Burgkmair'sactivity Peutinger's ductionof traitsto Kaiserbuchproject, during which time he made numerousportrait physiognomic produceportrait-like specificity"; roundels.The idea thatscholars date work the Falk,Hans Studien,19-20. It is also that Burgkmair's by partic- Burgkmair, supposed Burgk- of his a deal about our of himas mairreworked a Crucifixiongroup originally designed by Jörg Breu ularity visagesays great expectations a See and Biedermann,Hans 1473- fora missalprinted in Constancein 1504. Burgkmairrefashioned the portraitist. Hausberger Burgjkmair head of the foran undated missal 1531:Das GraphischeWerk, cat. no. 72; and see also ErwinPanofsky, John Baptist Augsburg printedby "ConradCeltes and Kunz von der Rosen:Two Problemsin Portrait ErhardRatdolt shortly thereafter. See Dörnhöffer,"Über Dürer und Identification,"Art Bulletin 24, no. 1 (1942): 51. Burgkmair,"119-20. in late medievaland Renaissance see 116. For watercolorstudies, see "Hans 124. For physiognomy portraits, Sy- Burgkmair's Massing, Burgkmair's a Likeness?" and Valentin "Com- of NativeAfricans," 46; and idem, to cat. no. 405, in son, "Circulating 118; Groebner, Depiction entry Individual in TheMoral Levenson,Circa 1492, 571, forfurther references. plexio/Complexion:Categorizing Natures," AuthorityofNature, ed. LorraineDaston and FernandoVidal (Chicago: 117. and Hans 1473-1531:Das Gra- Hausberger Biedermann, Burgkmair Universityof Chicago Press,2004) , 332ff.Burgkmair made several cat. no. Falk that inter- phischeWerk, 26. suggests throughPeutinger's woodcutroundel versions of Christ'sprofile fashioned from medals was also made familiarwith African vention,Burgkmair physiognomy thatfollowed textual descriptions in the Lentulusletter. This letter, in Augsburg. whichproliferated in humanistcircles in Augsburgand Nurembergin 118. The emblemof the blackMoor was popularamong humanists and about 1500,purported to relayan eyewitnessaccount of the true patricians.Dürer emblazoned coats of armsfor the Scheurland physicalappearance of Christthat images made fromit soughtto rep- Tücherfamilies (Hollstein, German Engravings, vol. 8, 291), as wellas licate.See JosephLeo Koerner,The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German his own 1523 emblem(Hollstein, 288). Hans Schäufelein'sdesign for RenaissanceArt (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,1993), 116-17; HartmannSchedel's coat of armsabout 1513 similarlyincluded a and Wood, Forgery,Replica, Fiction, 155-64.

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