University of Manitoba Winnipeg, Manitoba May 1980 RELOCATION and SOCIAL CHANGE AMONG THE
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
RELOCATION AND SOCTAL CHANGE A}4ONG THE ST{AMPY CREE AND METIS OF EASTERVTLLE, MANITOBA JAMES B. WALDRAM A THESTS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDTES ÏN PARTÏAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUTREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS Department of Anthropology University of Manitoba Winnipeg, Manitoba May 1980 RELOCATION AND SOCIAL CHANGE AMONG THE SI^IAMPY CREE AND METIS OF EASTERVILLE, t'lAN IT0BA BY JAMES BURGESS WALDRAM A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of the University of Manitoba in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS .jo 1980 Fernrission has been granted to the LIBRARY OF THE UNIVER- SITY OF MANITOBA to lend or sell copies of this thesis, to the NATIONAL LIBRARY OF CANADA to nricrofilnr this thesis and to lend or sell copies of the film, and UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS to publish an abstract of this thesis. The author reserves other publication rights, and neither the thesis nor extensive extracts from it may be printed or other- wise reproduced without the author's written permission. êBFTFêgT. In J,964r â coflllTlunity of Swampy Cree and Metis in Northern Manitoba was forced to relocate when a hydro- electric dam constructed nearby caused a rise in the lake leve1 which flooded out the community. In order to effect the relocation, the l"lanitoba government created an administrative body, known as the Forebay Committee. The purpose of this thesis is to examine the long-term consequences of the relocation for the people involved, and to evaluate the effectiveness of the Forebay Committee in planning and executing this relocat,ion. The relocation is viewed as involving a process of rapid, involuntary modernization in which a traditional, isolated, and relatively uncomplex native community \^¡aS brought, almost overnight, within the realm of the larger regional and national social, political, and economic systems. The thesis concludes that, contrary to the assumptions of change agents involved in effecting relocations ' such projects do not necessarily result in an improvement in the lives of the PeoPIe involved- ôÇ51\T9V.ütEpS¡JFN;rF I wish to thank Dr. John S. Matthiasson and Dr. William W. Koolage Jr. for their invaluable assistance throughout all the stages of the research and writing of this thesis. I wish also to thank Dr. Nei1 McDonald, who sat as external examiner on my thesis corfinittee. For their assistance during the research phase of this thesis, I wish to thank the following indÍviduals: Joe Keeper, Northern Flood Committee; Jack Bouma, Manitoba Department of Co-Operative Development; Henry Wilson, Chief, Swampy Cree Tribal Councilt Sgt- W-G. Baker, Royal Canadian Ì4ounted Police, Grand Rapids Detachment; and Armand Pouliot. Sincere gratitude must also be expressed to the Chief of the Chemawawin Indian Band, Percy Mink, for his co-operation, his time, and his valuable insight. I must also thank Councillor Riley Easter, Councillor Alpheus Brass, Percy George, Marcel Ledoux, John and Chris Andrews' and Brancil Burnham, for their assistance during my stay in Easterville. Finally, I wish to thank aII of the people of Easterville for Lheir patience and their co-operation; I sincerely hope that this thesis is in some way beneficial to them. The research for this thesis was conducted under a grant from the Northern Studies Committee of the University of Manitoba, and administered by Dr. John S. Matthiasson. l-f TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I Abstract . Acknowledgements . al- Table of Contents iii CHAPTER I. Introduction 1 II. The Research Process: Method and Experience . 11 III. Chemawawin: The "Old Post" ' 31 IV. The ForebaY Committee 63 V. Easterville ]-964 to 1979 106 VI. Relocation and the Modernization of Easterville 195 VII. Summary and Conclusions' ' 2r8 ReferencesCited.. '230 Appendix A: MaPs I236 Appendix B: Tables ' 238 raa CHAPTER I "OVER THERE WE HAD EVERYTHING. HERE VfE HAVE NOTHING. NOTHT}TG. '' Eastervil-Ie Resident 1979 - INTRODUCTÏON In 1964r âD isolated community of Swampy Cree and Metis 1íving along the shore of Cedar Lake, in northern Manitoþa, was forced to relocate to a new site further down the lake. This movement was necessitated by the construction of a hydro-electric dam at nearby Grand RapÍds, which transformed Cedar Lake into a giant reservoir. The subsequent rise in 1' the lake level flooded out the community of Chemawawin where approximately 280 people lived relatively sheltered from the world-at-1arge. Almost overnight, these people were brought into a \^rorld of modern conveniences and technology which they had never experienced before. The effects of this rppid process of change and modernization are the subject of this thesis. In order to facilitate the relocation of these people, the Manitoba Government, in conjunction with Manitoba Hydro, formed an administrative body, which became known as the Forebay Committee. The purpose of this committee was to negotiate the surrender of land at the old settle- menÈ, devise a compensation agreement, and adminis.ter the planning of the new conmunity, to be known as Easterville' (2',) The Committee was also to act as a mediator between the people themselVes and the various goyernment departments that would be invol-ved in the relocation. In 1968, Michael Landa conducted a study in Easterville to assess the effects of the introduction of a co-operative economic structure into the lives of the peopie. Landars (1969) study is important because it provides a data base for a restudy of the effects of the relocation after an extended period of time, in this case fifteen years. Landa (1969) found a conmunity which was split by political factions, and which suffered from a relatively high incidence of alcohol abuse, family and marriage breakdown, petty crime, and juvenile delinquency. According to Landa's informants, these problems had existed. to a minor extent only in the old community of Chemawawin. Landa also found that a once viable economic base (fishing, hunting, and trapping) had been reduced to dependency upon a single resource (fish) through an unfamiliar economic institution (a co-operative) - Landa concluded his study with the prediction that, unless definit,e measures r,rrere undertaken to strengthen the economic base of the community, "there is little prospect for the maintenance of the community even at pre-relocation standards" (1969:116) . Relocation: A World-Wide Phenomenon Relocation, the voluntarY or involuntary removal of individuals, families, and entire communities from their (3) home-sitesr is a much mere comlnon phenomenon than the existing lj-terature would suggest. ReJ.ocation in many forms ¡ f rom urban redevelopment involvÍng individual- families to the removal of entire communities as a result of massive resource development projects, are occurring at this very moment. The numbers involved are staggering: relocations involving thousands of people are not uncommon. This is especially true of large-sca1e development projects, such as hydro- electric dams, where thousands of square miles of inhabited territory may be adversely affected. Despite the fact that so many people have experienced relocation, especially of the involuntary variety, the development of this phenomenon in the social science literat,ure is not strong. The relocation, or abandonment, of many output com- munities in Newfoundland is perhaps the best known Canadian example of relocation. Under the Newfoundland Resettlement Act, no less than 234 communities were evacuated, involving more than 23,000 people, between 1953 and 1970 (Matthews 1976). The people were relocated to facilitate administration and servicing by the provincial government who found it too costly to bring such items. as electricity and telephones to the outports (Iverson and Matthews 1968). The need for these items was not necessarily viewed in the same 1i9ht by the people involved, however, but were dictated by then-Premier Joey Smallwoods' plan for the modernization of the province. Another well known Canadian relocation project was (4) the result of hy-dro-electric develoPment on tlre CoLumbia River in British Columbia. Wilson's (1973) exposition on the project provides a good account of the upheaval experíenced by t.he people living in the va11ey. The project, which also involved the raising of the water level, forced the abandonment of at least seven communities and the dislocation of approximately 2r000 people. A similar project, also well known, is the James Bay Hydro-Electric Project. This project was in the public eye for many years, and has caused a widespread social change for the Cree living in northern Quebec. Once again the rising lake levels behind a dam forced the relocation of a community, in this case, that of the Nemaska Cree Band (Preston I978: personal communication). It is al-so apparent that a number of other native communities have relocated or will have to relocate in the near future (Salisbury I979: personal communication). There is a growing sentiment in Quebec that further development should be undertaken, and other bands may Soon have experiences similar to that of the Nemaska Band. While these relocations are the best known Canadian examples, other groups have also experienced relocation. These incl-ude the native people of Aklavik (who were moved to Inuvik) (.Honigmann and Honigmann 1970), the Duck Lake Chípewyan Band (Koolage I972r, and the Cree of South Indian Lake (Matthiasson 1972). (s) In other parts of th.e worldf relocation has also become a favoured method of dealing with the 'people problemr which large-scale development entails. For instance, in the United States, the Garrison Dam on the Missouri River resulted in the relocation of about 1r000 Gros Ventre, Ir1andan, and Arikara (l,lacGregor 1949). Similarly, the GIen Canyon Dam (Navajo), the Bridge Canyon Project (Hualapi) and the Niagara Falls project (Tuscarora) have also necessitated relocation (Euler and Dobyns 1961). In L946, the residents of Bikini Island in the Marshall fslands were forced to relocate so that the United States could use their land as a nuclear test site (Mason 1957; Kiste I974r.