SIMONE SCHNALL

Clark University

A mong the people who left their mark on Karl Duncker's Life cognitive psychology, Karl Duncker's in- tellectUal legacy is certainly outstanding Karl Duncker was born on February 2, 1903, (Newell, 1985; Zimmer, 1989). Some of the the son of Hermann and Kathe Duncker, in Leip- tasks on that he designed as zig. Both his parents were active Marxists, a fact part of his MA thesis when he was a 23-year-old that would become central to Karl Duncker's life graduate student at in 1926 are later on. From 1923 to 1928, Duncker Wcs a stu- still discussed now-more than 70 years later- dent at the Friedrich-Wilhelms-University in Ber- in basic psychology textbooks. Most students of lin' where he worked with Wolfgang Kohler and introductory psychology are probably quite fa- , among others. When Kohler miliar with the "candle problem", or the "radia- was appointed to spend a year as visiting profes- tion problem", but probably most of them (and sor at Clark University in Worcester, Massachu- most of us) only know very little about the setts, in 1925-1926, he selected Karl Duncker to background of the extraordinarily promising join him there and Duncker was awarded a Clark scholar, Karl Duncker, whose life took such a University Fellowship. Duncker received an M.A. tragic course and ended in suicide when he was from Clark in 1926 with his thesis on " An Experi- only 37 years old. tn this paper I will focus on mental and Theoretical Study of Productive the context in which Karl Duncker's life and Thinking (Solving of Comprehensible Problems)" work were situated, ranging from the context of which was published the same year under a slightly Berlin in the 19205 and 19305, to Clark Univer- modified title in Pedagogical Seminary (Duncker, sity in 1925-1926, as well as his depression and 1926). forced emigration from Germany. In spring 1927, Kohler selected his "best stu- dent" (Wendelborn, 1996) to temporarily replace

From Past to Future, Vol. I (2), his University Assistant Kurt' Gottschaldt. Both The Drama of Karl Duncker, pp. 13-28. Kohler and Wertheimer were very impressed @ 1999 Frances L. Hiatt School of Psychology, with Duncker's exceptional abilities, as can be Clark University gathered from an undated letter of recommenda- Simone Schnall. Department of Psychology, tion in which Wertheimer described Karl Duncker Clark University, 950 Main Street, as his and Kohler's favorite student, and one of Worcester,MA 01610 USA. the best younger psychologists (Wertheimer, n.d., 14 FROM PAST TO FUTURE cited in King, Cox & Wertheimer, 1998). Kohler been bad, probably for at least a decade (King et predicted a splendid university career for him al., 1998) and was deteriorating, and by 1937, (Wendelborn, 1996), and a former fellow stu- Duncker was treated for endogenous depression dent of his recalled that he was undoubtedly the by the psychiatrist Ludwig Binswanger in brightest and most versatile of the students Kreutzlingen, Switzerland, where he stayed for

(Metzger, 1976). two months (King et al., 1998). Wertheimer and After completing his dissertation on induced Kohler, who both had academic appointments in motion in 1929, Duncker became University As- the US by that time, were very concerned about sistant in 1930, a position that he held until he Duncker's state, and tried to find work for him. In was dismissed from the university for political 1938, Kohler arranged for Duncker to follow him reasons in 1935. to , where he himself had In 1933, the year of the "Machtergreifung" of been a professor from 1935 onwards. Duncker the National Socialists, Duncker had applied to spent two years as instructor at Swarthmore. the university for his "Habilitation". In Germany, While there, he published an article together with the Habilitation is a substantial thesis which is Isadore Krechevsky "On solution-achievement" required to apply for professorship and to be (Duncker & Krechevsky, 1939), as well as a paper allowed to teach at a university, after having on taste perception (Duncker, 1939a) and a paper completed a doctoral dissertation. Duncker's on ethical relativity (Duncker, 1939b). Apparently, application for his habilitation thesis on problem Duncker's mental health was getting worse, and solving [Zur Psychologie des Denkens beim following several "nervous breakdowns", the Losen von Problemen] was not accepted. A look Kohlers tried to take care of Duncker, but alas, in into his personal file reveals that the reason for vain (King et al., 1998). He took his own life this decision was Duncker's communist connec- shortly after his 37th birthday. tions, and the fact that he had been married to a Jewish woman, although, by that time, he had The Berlin Institute already gotten a divorce (Wendelborn, 1996). A re-application for his habilitation in 1935 was What could it have been like for somebody rejected as well, making it impossible for him to like Karl Duncker to be a graduate student at the move up on the ladder of academia in Germany. Berlin Institute in the 1920s and 1930s? Furthermore, by September 1935, his contract In order to better understand the circum- as Assistant was terminated. stances of his life, consider the historical and po- However, during that year, building on his litical context of the time. After the painfu1 defeat Master's thesis, Duncker published his seminal in World War I, the first democratic German re- book Zur Psychologie des produktiven Denkens public, the "Weimar Republic" had been pro- [Psychology of productive thinking] (Duncker, claimed by Social Democrat Philipp Scheidemann 1935a), which later would be listed among one in November of 1918. The war had left the coun- of the "key events in one hundred years of the try with high debts, an extremely high inflation, study of cognition" (Newell, 1985, p. 394). The unemployment and a shortage of food and goods. same year, he published an article on learning Because of the dissatisfaction with the concessions and insight in the service of goal attainment made in the Versailles tre.aty, the government [Lernen und Einsicht im Dienst der Zieler- stood on shaky grounds, with upheavals from both

reichung] (Duncker, 1935b). rightist and leftist extremists threatening the After being expelled from the university, young democracy. The fact that the government Duncker left for England, and started doing had changed 21 times by the time Hitler came into work on pain with Sir Frederick Bartlett in power in 1933 serves as a good indicator of how Cambridge in 1936. Duncker's mental health had unstable the general political situation was. THE DRAMA OF KARL DUNCKER I S

Things promised to get better with the in- The excitement that characterized Weimar culture troduction a new currency in 1923, and indeed, stemmed in part from exuberant creativity and ex- the economic situation consolidated and the liv- perimentation; but much of it was anxiety. fear. a rising sense of doom. ...[I]t was a precarious glory, a dance ing conditions for the majority of the German on the edge of a volcano. Weimar culture was the population improved considerably thereafter. creation of outsiders. propelled by history into the The "Golden Twenties" swept the country, with inside. for a short. dizzying. fragile moment (Gay. 1969. technical and cultural innovations, such as mass p. 12). production of cars and "Rundfunk fOr alle" [ra- dio for everybody]. A new form of mass enter- Stumpfs Institute tainment was born with the rise of the film in- During the Weimar period, the Berlin Institute dustry, and movies became popular allover the was certainly the most influential psychology insti- country, and especially in the city, Berlin (Kra- tution in Germany (Ash, 1985a). Carl Stumpf cauer, 1995). By the end of the decade, the ( 1848-1936) had been appointed as chair of psy- standard of living had reached its level from be- chology within the three chairs of philosophy of fore the war (Thieme, 1994). the Friedrich-Wilhelms-University in Berlin in In the mid-twenties, according to Gay 1893. He had studied philosophy with Franz Bre- ( 1969), Berlin was the center of cultural, tech- tano (1838-1917) and with Hermann Lotze (1817- nological and scientific life not only of Germany, 1881 ), and had also attended lectures in physiol- but of Europe. ogy with Georg MeiBner ( 1829-1905), and physics with Wilhelm Weber ( 1904-1891) (Sprung & To go to Berlin was the aspiration of the composer, Sprung, 1995). the journalist, the actor: with its superb orchestras, At .the time, working in psychology with a its hundred and twenty newspapers, its forty thea- strong background in philosophy was not only ters, Berlin was the ,place for the ambitious, the en- common, but in fact mandatory .Although the ergetic, the talented (Gay, 1969, p. 83). foundation of Wilhelm Wundt's laboratory in Leipzig in 1879 is often mentioned in the context Among "the talented", to name only a few, were of the emergence of psychology as an empirical, Berthold Brecht, Erich Kastner, Alfred Dbblin "new" science, psychology as a discipline was by and Robert Musil (who had in fact received a no means independent from other disciplines. On Ph.D. from the Berlin Psychology Institute) in literature, and Max Pechstein, as well as Max the contrary, at most German universities, psy- chology was approached as providing an innova- Liebermann in the visual arts. The Dada move- tive methodological tool for solving the problems ment had its first international fair in Berlin in 1920, exhibiting works by Otto Dix, Max Ernst, of one more traditional science, namely philoso- George Grosz and others (Ferrier, 1988). In ad. phy (Ash, 1985a; Geuter, 1984a). For instance, Carl Stumpf in Berlin, as well as dition, many distinguished scientists and Nobel Wundt in Leipzig, hoped to find answers to ques- price laureates lived in Berlin, and Wolfgang Kbhler himself maintained friendly relationships tions of epistemology by using experimental psy- chological methods (Ash, 1984b). Thus, in contrast with the physicists Max Planck and Otto Hahn Oaeger, 1992; Ash, 1995), as did Max to the US where independent psychology depart- ments already existed before World War 1., in Wertheimer with Albert Einstein (King & Germany, psychology was more of a sub- Wertheimer, 1995). discipline, or "Propadeutik" (Ash, 1985a) to phi- Gay ( 1969) captures the cultural atmosphere losophy. In fact, the competition between philoso- of Germany during the time of the Weimar Re- phy and psychology was considerable, and profes- public in the following way: sors of philosophy feared that experimental meth- ods would contaminate the pursuit of "pure" I 6 FROM PAST TO FUTURE philosophy, or, at the least, not contribute to later on would become central to the work of his any new insights. The conflict between members student Wolfgang Kohler and would make him of the two science reached its peak in 1912 in a known throughout the world. declaration of more than two thirds of the aca- Thanks to Stumpfs successful negotiations, in demics in philosophy who protested against hir- 1920 the Psychological Institute of the Friedrich- ing any more psychologists within any of the Wilhelm University of Berlin moved into the ex- philosophy departments (Ash, 1984b; 1985b; tremely spacious former Imperial Palace right in 1995; Geuter, 1984a). Thus, psychology as a dis- the center of the city. In addition to more than cipline was relatively weak, and had yet to free doubling its size, the budget of the institute in- itself from philosophy, as well as to demonstrate creased by a phenomenal 600%, allowing for more the value of its practical applicability within soci- staff and faculty to be hired. The structure of the ety (Ash, 1984b; 1985b). institute changed as it was compartmentalized into Grounded in a life-long fascination with mu- a theoretical and an applied division. All these de- sic (Stumpf, 1924), Stumpfs research centered velopments made the Institute one of the best around auditory perception, especially musicol- equipped psychological laboratories of the time ogy (Stumpf, 1883; 1890), but he also studied (Ash, 1985a; 1995). As such, of course, the Berlin emotion (Stumpf, 1928), and he approached Institute was in constant competition with questions of the relationship of psychology and Wilhelm Wundt's laboratory in Leipzig (Ash, philosophy, especially questions of epistemology 1995; King & Wertheimer, 1995). (Stumpf, 1939; 1940). Carl Stumpf shared a deep, cordial friendship with William James Kohler's Institute ( 1842-1910) (Stumpf, 1924; Sprung & Sprung, In 1922 Kbhler was appointed to follow 1996), and although they disagreed on the topic Stumpfs footsteps as director of the Institute. Al- of pragmatism, their theoretical positions were though the number of doctoral students had in- certainly closer to each other than either was to creased, compared to Stumpfs time, a more strin- Wundt's, and both saw themselves in opposition gent selection process ensured that the number of to Wundt's views, as a letter from James to students was still low enough to provide them Stumpf in 1887 documents: with marvelous resources and opportunities to do their own research as well as to collaborate with He aims at being a sort of Napoleon of the intellec- more senior faculty (Ash, 1985a; 1995; Jaeger , tual world. Unfortunately he will never have a Wa- 1992). Many of its members recall that the atmos- terloo, he is a Napoleon without genius and with no phere at the institute was not very hierarchical or central idea. ..(Perry, 1935, cited in Sprung & authoritarian, and students were being treated by Sprung, 1996, p. 338). the faculty as being of equal status, rather than being subordinate (Ash, 1995). The ratio of Sprung and Sprung ( 1995) point out that in women was remarkably high for the standards of addition to his scientific contributions, Stumpfs the time, and some of them became quite influen- accomplishments for psychology as a discipline tial as to their contribution to the field of psychol- were considerable: He was instrumental not ogy, such as Tamara Dembo, Bluma Zeigarnik and only in the establishment but also the expansion Maria Ovsiankina. (see van der Veer, 1999, for a of the Berlin Institute. There he compiled, to- discussion of Demo's life within the Berlin con- gether with Erich Moritz von Hornbostel ( 1877- text). A large number of students and visitors 1935), the Phonogram Archives which became from other countries, for example from the Soviet an extensive collection of ethnic music record- Union, Japan, and the United States, contributed ings. In addition, he was among the founders of to the diverse and intellectually stimulating atmos- the "Anthropoiden-Station" on Teneriffe which phere of the Institute (Jaeger, 1992; Ash, 1995). THE DRAMA OF KARL DUNCKER I 7

It seems that, although an intellectual one, the atmosphere at the Institute was warm and friendly, as can be concluded from the humorous "Popular Special Issue" (Populdre Sondernummer) of the Psychologische Forschung that was jovially put together by the Institute's members upon the re- turn of Herrn Prof. Dr. Kohler, "QUS Freude iiber seine Wiederkehr" from Clark University in March 1926 (Figure I ). The issue contained brief stories and vignettes that alluded to central issues of Ge- stalt theory. For example, in a little love story, a lover says that she had a sudden Aha!-experience, after a process of re-structuring had taken place, and thought, "Him, or nobody!", and he replies coldly that, certainly, there had been an irresistible association between the piece of cake he ate and the taste of sweetness. Disappointedly, she asks, "But can't you see the Gestalt?", whereupon he leaves the field. Another vignette describes how Alfred Adler mediates as interpreter between Wertheimer and Freud, because the two have dif- ficulties in communicating. A short editorial at the end alludes to the fact that apparently, the standards for submission to (the real) Psychologische Forschung were quite high: Figure I. "PsychologischeForschung: Populare Son- dernummer": A "Popular Special Issue" of Psycho- Manuscripts may not be submitted before the fifth re- logical Reseachdedicated to Wolfgang Kohler upon vision. Further changes will be made by the editor his return from Clark University ( 1926). Translation upon special request of the author. Recognition of the (by I. josephs): This issue is about -among other manuscript cannot be guaranteed. However, the editor things -Courths-Mahler I Doctoral dissertationsin em- reserves the right to print the original manuscript. bryonic form I Film stars and film premiers I Child abuse I KynologicalGestalts I PsychosesI Day dreams. Pyschologische Forschung In 1921 Max Wertheimer, , Wolf- gang Kbhler, Kurt Goldstein and Hans Gruhle Since. as Ash ( 1985a) notes. doing research founded the journal Psychologische Forschung [Psy- in psychology was not a profession to make a chological Research], which became the forum for living, but rather. was a "luxury subject'.. and the the publications of the Gestalt psychologists. For only degree obtainable in the rather lengthy example, Duncker's dissertation on induced mo- course of years and years of study (with an av- tion (Duncker, 1929) was published in the Psy- erage of nine years; Ash. 1985b). was the doc- chologische Forschung, as well as dissertations and torate. we can assume that the students at the research report of other institute members. Berlin Institute were really driven by a passion However, also high-quality work from researchers for the pursuit of theoretical knowledge. It was at other German universities, as well as foreign the Institute that offered them the support to universities, for example, from Vienna, Prague, and do so, and it certainly also offered them a sense the Soviet Union, was published and gave the Psy- of belonging to an elitist scientific community. chologische Forschung an internationally oriented I 8 FROM PAST TO FUTURE character and a high profile (Ash, 1985a; van der "insight" occurs. Finally, another central principle

Veer, 1999). of the "Berliner" was the principle of psychopysi- ological isomorphism, which stated that "actual A New School: Gestalt Theory consciousness resembles in each case the real struc- In addition to paving the way for the suc- tural properties of the corresponding psychophysiologi- cessful development and expansion of the Insti- cal process {Kohler, 1938, p. 38, italics in original)." tute, its first director Stumpf had also paved the way for a new school of thought: Gestalt psy- Psychology Course Offerings 1920-1935 chology. As Sprung and Sprung ( 1995) point out, Jaeger ( 1994) demonstrated that in the period he can justifiably be called the "grandfather of of 1920 to 1935, a main portion of the class of- ", since many of his basic ferings at the Berlin institute were devoted to ap- ideas were to be used and elaborated later on plied psychology (28 %), within the areas of "Psy- by his doctoral students Wertheimer, Kbhler, chotechnik" and "Wirtschaftspsychologie", very Koffi

Generally, Geuter ( 1984c) points out that in number and status of professorships, the situation many cases, it was not so much orders from did not deteriorate in the time from 1932-1945. "above" that resulted in dismissals of professors On the contrary, it was during that time that psy- and other faculty members, but rather, oppor- chology managed to break free from philosophy tunistic careerists who tried to get ahead were and established itself as In independent discipline, instrumental in denunciations and leave us with with a degree of its own, the "Diplom", which was the impression that academic psychology was introduced in 1941. Because of its expansion into undermined from "below". applied areas, psychology as a discipline was by no Apparently, from 1934-1936, Duncker had means threatened by extinction, but offered even actively tried to find ways to stay and work in more opportunities for employment than ever. Germany, with no success (Wendelborn, 1996). Nevertheless, qualitatively, when looking at For example, in 1936, he explicitly claimed in a the consequences regarding one of its most fa- letter (addressee unknown) that he had become mous schools, by 1935, Gestalt psychology was very critical of communism and had turned way practically wiped out from Germany (Geuter, from it. Also, he had rejected university posi- 1984c; see Stadler, 1985; Ash, 1995, chap. 20-21, tions abroad, because he didn't want to leave for an analysis of the few Gestalt psychologist re- Germany under any circumstances, and thought maining in Germany). Altogether, one-third of full it would be possible to stay on in Germany: professors were dismissed, including almost all of the internationally renown psychologists (Ash, (...) denn ich wollte Oeutschland um keinen Preis 1984a). verlassen, wollte nicht unter die Emigranten gehn, An examination of the development of Gestalt und ich glaubte zuversichtlich, man w(irde mich theory after most of its representatives left Ger- weiter in Oeutschland arbeiten lassen (Wendelborn, many and its influence on psychology in Germany 1996, p. 267). and in other countries, notably the in US, offers interesting insights. One view (Wellek, 1964; [( ...) because 1 did not want to leave Germany under Metzger, 1976) claims that psychology as a disci- any circumstances, did not want to be among the emigrants, and 1 was confident that 1 would be al- pline had been subject to the National Socialist lowed to continue working in Germany (Wendel- persecution more than other disciplines, for both born, 1996, p. 267).] ideological and content reasons. Wellek ( 1964) and Metzger (1976) argue that psychology was Those hopes were in vain. Duncker left Ger- viewed as a "Jewish science", and therefore sub- many, along with many otner eminent research- ject to antisemitism. However, contrary to Wel- ers. lek"s ( 1964) assertion that academic psychology- as a result of being a content area that was inher- Niedergang oder Neubeginn?: ently incompatible with the National Socialist sys- Emigration of the Gestalt Psychologists tem-was more affected by dismissals than other The list of psychologists who had to leave disciplines, Ash ( 1984a; 1991) showed that the Germany after 1933 is long; names such as percentage of scientists who lost their positions Wolfgang Kohler, Max Wertheimer, Kurt Lewin, and emigrated after 1933 corresponds to the fig- Kurt Goldstein, Adhemar Gelb, Rudolf Arnheim, ure for German academics as a group. Ernst Cassirer, and Heinz Werner leave the im- A second thesis put forward by Metzger, and pression that not much of scientific psychology even more strongly by Wellek, is that emigre psY- was left in Germany. However, as Geuter chologists, and most of all, the Gestalt psycholo- ( 1984a) shows in a quantitative analysis, for most gists, had a fundamental, impact on American psy- psychology departments, when considering the chology: THE DRAMA OF KARL DUNCKER 2 I

Die amerikanische Psychologie der Gegenwart ware ate student applying for an academic appointment, nicht was sie ist und konnte nicht werden. was sie zu it was standard practice to point out whether the werden verspricht. oh ne den Humus der deutschen person was Jewish, and whether any "objection- Emigration (Wellek. 1964. p. 261 ). able" traits "characteristic" for Jews were appar- ent in the candidate's personality (Winston, 1998). [Contemporary American psychology would not be what it is now. and would not be able to become Given the obstacles that American Jews, who what it promises to become. without the base pro- had been living in the US all their lives, had to face vided by the German emigrants (Wellek. 1964. p. when seeking an academic position in psychology, 261).] the situation was, of course, exponentially worse This view is also challenged by Ash ( 1984a; for Jewish emigre psychologists, such as Kurt 1996) who points out that despite adding fea- lewin or Heinz Werner. tures to the scientific landscape, Gestalt psy- Heinz Werner, for example, who had been chology did not fundamentally change it. Ash internationally renown for the work in develop- ( 1984a) offers an analysis of the various stages in mental psychology and who had been a full profes- the transfer of scientific knowledge from one sor already in 1926 in Hamburg, had spent years country to another, consisting in reception, with short-term appointments at various institu- transfer and integration, and illustrates this pro- tions, before he was appointed professor at Clark cess with the example of Gestalt psychology . University in 1947. Others, few however, found First, a reception of the theory in the new coun- good positions immediately. Wertheimer, for ex- try needs to take place, before any emigration ample, found a new intellectual home at the New occurs. For Gestalt psychology, in addition to School of Social Research in New York. Both maintaining written correspondence with re- Koffka and Kbhler accepted positions at colleges searchers in the US, several representatives vis- which offered them optimal research conditions. ited psychology departments in the US ( e.g., Koffka, who strictly speaking cannot be counted as Kohler at Clark, 1925-1926; Koffka at Cornell, an emigrant because he had moved to the US al- 1924-1925, and Wisconsin, 1926-1927) and gave ready in 1927, accepted an extremely well paid lectures allover the country and thus made the position at Smith College in Northampton, Massa- theory available to other researchers. Ash chusetts, where he was exempt from teaching for ( 1984a; 1996) argues that although the open cri- five years, and was given the opportunity to estab- tique of behaviorism was welcomed by many, lish a brand new laboratory with two assistants of overall, the reception of Gestalt theory was his choice. Similarly, Kbhler found optimal work- rather ambivalent, mainly because it was so ing conditions at Swarthmore College near Phila- strongly tied to philosophical issues which were delphia. But the biggest downside of their ap- looked upon critically by theorists with a more pointment at undergraduate institutions was that empirical outlook. they did not work with doctoral students, which The second phase, the transfer phase, de- would have been crucial in educating a new gen- scribes the actual emigration of the Gestalt eration of Gestalt psychologists. In fact, all three theorists, and makes them permanent residents of Kbhler's most outstanding assistants (Karl of a new scientific community. Although one Duncker. Otto von lauenstein and Hedwig von may think that arriving at the US meant arriving Restorff) died young. Not having enough intellec- at a safe haven, far away from denunciations and tual descendants was probably the reason why the anti-Semitic sentiments and persecutions, anti- legacy of Gestalt theory was not as influential as it Semitism became increasingly explicit in the could have been (Ash, 1995). 1920s and 1930s in the US. For example, when As a consequence, as far as the integration of writing letters of recommendation for a gradu- Gestalt theory into psychology in the US is con- 22 FROM PAST TO FUTURE cerned, Ash ( 1984a) argues that although as- Visiting Clark University ( 1925-1926) pects of Gestalt theory were incorporated into psychological theorizing, the approach as a Having considered Duncker's life within the whole was not adopted and advanced by the sci- context of the Berlin Institute, a brief flashback entific community in the US. Or, as Luchins suc- will illuminate the different environment that he cinctly summarized: was exposed to when he came to the US as a vis- iting student. Wolfgang Kohler had been invited by The language, but not the assumptions nor the ap- Carl Murchison to visit Clark University for a proach nor the spirit of Gestalt psychology, has been year, and when offered a fellowship for one of his fully absorbed (Luchins, 1975. po 41 )o graduate students, he selected Karl Duncker. Of what kind was the intellectual atmosphere Ironically, as the example of Kohler shows, by that Duncker encountered when he came to trying to adopt different experimental methods Clark University in 1925? Certainly, the theoreti- that were prevalent in the US, Kohler opened cal climate at Clark was very different from what himself up to criticism and refutation on his own both Kohler and Duncker had been accustomed terms (Ash, 1996). Thus, trying to bridge the gap to in Berlin. While in Berlin Gestalt psychology between fundamentally different basic assump- was the leading school of thought, in the United tions, and integrating the "imported" holistic as- States, research in psychology was strongly influ- sumption on one hand, and the analysis of rela- enced by behaviorism. tively independent parts on the other hand, Interestingly, in his sharp criticism of behav- failed.. iorism (Duncker, 1927), Duncker draws a parallel Can we therefore conclude that the war was between the behavioristic approach and the responsible for the decline of a very influential American way of life: school of thought in psychology? Prinz ( 1985) asks the question whether the political situation Inwiefern ist der Behaviorismus etwas typisch Ameri- led to the "end of a beginning", or, whether it kanisches? Er ist es zunachst insofern, als ein solch merely facilitated the "beginning of the end". He konsequentes Drauf1osgehen, unbehindert von jenem argues that, independently from the political de- oft so heimtlickischen Ballast tausendfacher Ober- velopment in Germany, "Gestaltpsychologie" lieferung und dadurch bewirkter KompromiBlerei, ei- had reached its peak already around 1930. On gentlich nur in Amerika so erstaunliche Dimensionen annehmen konnte; wenigstens in Wissenschaften, die theoretical grounds, it was problematic for Ge- wie die Psychologie noch so sehr an den RockschoBen stalt theory to be formulated in abstract "princi- veralteter Philosopheme hangen. Diese Respektlosig- ples" ( cf. Koffka's Principles of Gestalt Psychology, keit ist amerikanisch, und gerade in besagter Hinsicht 1935), which were more descriptive than ex- ist sie, wie mir scheint, herzhaft zu begrUBen planatory, and were not organized into a coher- (Duncker, 1927, p. 699). ent theory. In addition, according to Prinz ( 1985), the strong nativist orientation of the Ge- [In what respect is behaviorism something typical stalt school left no room for learning, and as- American? In the sense that such a consistent heading signed a privileged status to phenomena, relative for the goal, regardless of the often insidious ballast of to theories. Thus, phenomena did not modify thousands of traditions and its resulting compromises, theory, and theory did not address the nature of could only have happened in America to such an ex- phenomena adequately. Following Prinz's ( 1985) tent; at least in the sciences such as psychology that still cling so strongly to ancient philosophies' coat-tails. argument, it is probably justified to say that the This lack of respect is American, and in this context, it end of the Gestalt school of thought was multi- seems to me, it should be warmly welcomed (Duncker, factorially caused, rather then being the conse- 1927, p. 699).] quence of the political context in Germany. THE DRAMA OF KARL DUNCKER 23

Duncker also notes that in no other country By 1922, several faculty members, such as E. is capitalism as pervasive as in the East of Amer- G. Boring and his wife Lucy, Samuel W. Fernber- ica. He describes "the American" in the follow- ger, L. R. Geissler, Karl J. Karlson and James P. ing way: Porter had either left or resigned, leaving the psy- chology and education departments with only Und wer Geld hat, hat alles. Wie charakteristisch three faculty members: Sanford as chair of psy- steht der Amerikaner z. B. zur landschaftlichen chology, Burnham as chair of education, and Kim- Natur. Er wandert nicht-er fahrt Auto (auch sein ball Young, a social psychologist on leave from the "hiking" ist nicht wandern); er schaut nicht-er pho- University of Oregon (Koelsch, 1990). tographiert und veranstaltet Picknicks (Duncker, Sanford had come to Clark together with Hall, 1927,p.701). under whom he received his Ph.D. from Johns

[If you have money, you have everything. For exam- Hopkins University. According to Goodwin ple, how does the American characteristically relate ( 1987), Sanford never managed to step out of the to nature. He does not walk-he drives a car ( even omnipresent shadow of his mentor, and he nei- his "hiking" is no hiking); he does not look-he takes ther developed a systematic program of research, pictures and goes for picnics (Duncker, 1927, p. nor a systematic theoretical position. The im- 701).] pending retirement of Sanford and Burnham led to the trustees' decision to stop accepting new Ph.D. How could one therefore be surprised that candidates in 1923. behaviorism is tb.e. school of thought in Ameri- However, a number of factors prevented the can psychology, Duncker wonders. We don't department from becoming extinct. Most impor- know what exactly prompted Duncker to get tantly, Clark alumni and other psychologists pro- this impression of the United States, but given tested against the trustees' decision. In addition, that the paper was published the year after he the discontinuation of the Ph.D. programs in returned to Berlin, it was probably his stay at physics, sociology, and chemistry freed up funds Clark University. that were invested into the psychology depart- Duncker came to Clark at a time when the ment. Additional funds became available when G. psychology was in the process of recovering Stanley Hall, who had already retired in 1920, died from a serious crisis, which had culminated in in 1924 and left an endowment, "to be strictly and the decision of the trustees to discontinue the solely devoted to research in genetic psychology" Ph.D. program in psychology in 1923. A series of (Ross, 1972, p. 437). A professorship in Hall's events led to this difficult situation, which almost name was established, and in 1925, Walter S. meant the end of a program that had become Hunter of the University of Kansas was appointed one of the nation's leading institutions to pro- the first G. Stanley Hall Professor of Genetic Psy- duce Ph.D.s in psychology under the guidance of chology. G. Stanley Hall (Koelsch, 1987). Clark University had changed its main commitment to graduate Carl A. Murchison education and research by admitting under- Carl Murchison ( 1887-1961 ), who had earned graduate students, and in 1921, the Graduate his Ph.D. from Johns Hopkins under Knight Dun- School of Geography was founded, with Wallace lap, was appointed to be head of the psychology W. Atwood, Clark's president, as director of the undergraduate department in 1923. (Thompson, new program. Under Atwood's direction, the 1996). Although his colleagues considered his re- new focus of the university was shifting to geog- search methods to be dubious, and he was noto- raphy and related fields, and away from psychol- rious as a bad teacher (Koelsch, 1990), he man- ogy, on which the emphasis had been during aged to raise considerably Clark's profile in the Hall's presidency. scientific community by editing numerous journals 24 FROM PAST TO FUTURE and books and organizing lecture series. Muchin- mate behavior station at Clark, modeled after son was involved in editing an impressive list of Kohler's "Antropoiden-Station" on Tenerife. journals, namely the Pedagogical Seminary, which However, the project did not get funded and was he had taken over, and renamed in journal of Ge- never carried out (Koelsch. 1990). netic Psychology, he founded the Genetic Psychol- ogy Monographs, the journal of General Psychology john Paul Nafe (together with E. B. Titchener), the journal of Murchison's first appointment was John Paul Social Psychology, as well as the journal of Psychol- Nafe ( 1888-1970) who had earned his Ph.D. at ogy. He was also responsible for the "Powell Cornell University (Thompson, 1996) and who Lectures in Psychological Theory" held at Clark came to Clark in 1924. Nafe was a follower of from 1924 to 1926 (named after Muchison's fa- Titchener's structuralism (e.g. Nafe, 1930), and ther-in-Iaw, Elmer Ellsworth Powell who con- although he signed off on Duncker's M.A. thesis, it tributed the financial means) which featured is unlikely that he influenced Duncker's thinking in such outstanding scholars as J. B. Watson, W. $. any fundamental way, given that the thesis was Hunter, W. Kohler, K. Koffka, and W. McDou- fundamentally grounded in the Gestalt framework. gall, among others. Still, of the three available faculty members, Nafe's research and theoretical interest were certainly Walter $. Hunter closest to Duncker's, and he was the person of Hunter ( 1889-1954) was one of the promi- choice to be the (at least formal) supervisor of nent behaviorists of the time. He was first reluc- Duncker's project. Nafe's research focused on tant to accept the offer because he was very sensation and perception, and according to re- concerned about the problematic administrative ports of his students, he was an exceptionally situation at Clark, which had even prompted an good teacher (Koelsch, 1990). investigation of the American Association of Including the visiting scholar Kohler's, the mix University Professors (Koelsch, 1987). Upon of theoretical positions at Clark at the time consultation with Angell, Warren, Boring and Duncker was visiting represented behaviorism Watson, he decided to accept the offer, and, in (Hunter), structuralism (Nafe), and Gestalt psy- his autobiography, recalls that he was certainly chology (Kohler) and must have provided a quite happy at Clark (Hunter, 1952). In the summer of stimulating atmosphere. In terms of the interper- 1925, he became editor of the Psychological In- sonal context, on average, there were nine to dex, he founded the Psychological Abstracts in twelve resident graduate students in the depart- 1926, and he was president of the American ment each year (Koelsch, 1990). Interestingly, Psychological Association in 193 I. He also lec- Duncker ( 1927) noted when talking about " Amerika", that the students "over there" were a tured at Harvard, where among his students was B. F. Skinner. Hunter was a very active and pro- bit too liberal for his taste, for example regarding ductive researcher, he published 21 experimen- "dre Geschlechterfrage" (Women's rights] tal papers, five theoretical studies, four book (Duncker, 1927, p. 702). chapters and one textbook in the eleven years Problem Solving -Solving His Problems? that he was at Clark (Hunter, 1952). Twenty- two more papers were published by his graduate Although Karl Duncker was interested in a students in the same period of time. broad spectrum of research topics. ranging from On a trip to Europe in 1926, when both induced motion (Duncker. 1929). to perception of Kohler and Duncker had already left Clark to go back to Berlin, Hunter visited Kohler and the pain ( 1937). taste perception (Duncker. 1939a). ethics ( 1939b ). to motivation ( 1938). his main con- other Gestaltists at the Berlin institute. Inter- tribution to psychology. in particular to cognitive estingly, Hunter considered establishing a pri- THE DRAMA OF KARL DUNCKER 25 science, certainly lies in his work on problem Watson, W. James, J. S. Mill, Michelangelo, F. solving (Duncker, 1926; 1935a; 1935b; Duncker Chopin, E. Hemingway, V. van Gogh, P. Tchaikov- & Krechevsky, 1939) (see Newell, 1985; Simon, sky, to name only a few, and the last three of the this issue, for an account of Duncker's impact on list all committed suicide (Simonton, 1994). Of the information-processing paradigm). course, it is impossible to make any causal state- Problem solving, or "productive thinking", as ment and conclude that either exceptional abilities Duncker, and before him, Wertheimer ( 1920) lead to psychological problems, or that psychopa- called it, is often discussed in the context of thology leads to an overcompensation through creativity (e. g., Langley, Simon, Bradshaw & creative achievement. However, Simonton ( 1994) Zytkow, 1987; Weisberg, 1988). Most authors speculates that creators often tend to exhibit a agree that creativity can be defined as the ability "little bit" of mental disturbances, more than to come up with novel and appropriate solutions "normal" individuals, but less than clinically diag- to a given problem (Amabile, 1983; Gardner, nosed patients, suggesting that mental problems 1993; MacKinnon, 1978; Sternberg & Lubard, are often the price that outstandingly creative in- 1996). Interestingly, according to that definition, dividuals have to pay. Duncker was certainly very creative himself, Certainly, Karl Duncker's life was full of com- while laying the groundwork for creativity re- plexities and problems, only one of them being his search. For example, he created a number of depression (King et al., 1998), in addition to the unique problem situations that he used in his hardships that he had to endure because of his experiments, such as the candle problem, the political convictions, resulting in his emigration radiation problem, etc. Furthermore, his ap- from a country that he apparently felt very at- proach to thinking was quite innovative com- tached to. It must have been extremely hard for pared to other models of his time (Newell, him to accept that he could not continue his pro- 1985). fessional career in the way that he had hoped for On a different level, it is noteworthy that while still in Germany. In that sense, Karl Duncker one of the most controversial questions in the was facing problems (in his life) and working with area of creativity is how emotional stability and problems (in his research) at the same time. mental health are related in the process of crea- tive achievement. For example, in Maslow's hu- Those who suffer from mental disturbances often manistic view, (e.g. Maslow, 1959) self-actualizing have an abundance of psychological problems to solve, creativeness is synonymous with health, as he or if they are not trying to solve them through their sees creativity as epiphenomenon of self- writing or art, may gain relief from their own problems acceptance and integration. In contrast to psy- by solving problems not particularly related to their personal histories. (Ludwig, 1995, p. 193.) choanalytic views which try to explain creative achievement as a result of inner conflict, Maslow Perhaps that was the case for our protagonist claims that only when conflicts have been re- Karl Duncker, and his theoretical focus was moti- solved and a person reaches self-acceptance, vated by the attempt to address and solve prob- time and energy is available for creative pur- lems of his own life? poses. A different view suggests that extraordi- nary creativity might be accompanied by psycho- Note. The support of my work through the Gottlieb- pathology: "Those who have become eminent in Daimler und Karl-Benz-Stiftung is gratefully acknowledged. I philosophy, politics, poetry, and the arts have all am also very thankful to Mitchell G. Ash, Jaan Valsiner, and had a tendency toward melancholia." is attrib- Hannlore Putt for valuable comments on an earlier version uted to Aristotle (Simonton, 1994, p. 284). In- of this paper. deed, the list of eminent individuals with sup- posed affective disorders is long: C. Darwin, J. B. 26 FROM PAST TO FUTURE

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