'Like Fish in Poisonous Waters': Attacks on Media Freedom in Somalia
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Going Global: Islamist Competition in Contemporary Civil Wars
Security Studies,25:353–384,2016 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0963-6412 print / 1556-1852 online DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2016.1171971 Going Global: Islamist Competition in Contemporary Civil Wars AISHA AHMAD The global landscape of modern jihad is highly diverse and wrought with conflict between rival Islamist factions. Within this inter- Islamist competition, some factions prove to be more robust and durable than others. This research proposes that the adoption of a global identity allows an Islamist group to better recruit and expand their domestic political power across ethnic and tribal divisions without being constrained by local politics. Islamists that rely on an ethnic or tribal identity are more prone to group fragmentation, whereas global Islamists are better able to retain group cohesion by purging their ranks of dissenters. To examine these two processes, I present original field research and primary source analysis to ex- amine Islamist in-fighting in Somalia from 2006–2014 and then expand my analysis to Iraq and Syria, Pakistan, and Mali. GOING GLOBAL: ISLAMIST COMPETITION IN CONTEMPORARY CIVIL WARS The global landscape of modern jihad is highly diverse and wrought with internal competition.1 In Pakistan, factions within the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) movement have repeatedly clashed over the past decade, splintering into Downloaded by [University of Toronto Libraries] at 07:31 05 July 2016 multiple powerful jihadist groups. In northern Mali, the ethnic Tuareg re- bellion has also fractured, leading some Islamist factions to build strong ties to al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).2 More recently, the Aisha Ahmad is an Assistant Professor at the University of Toronto. -
ﺟﻣﮭورﯾﺔ اﻟﺻوﻣﺎل Press Release
جمهىريت الصىمال Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya وزارة اﻹعﻻم والبريد واﻹتصاﻻث مكتب تنسيق اﻹتصاﻻث ,Wasaaradda Warfaafinta Boostaha & Isgaarsiinta Xafiiska xiriirka Warfaafinta Republic of Somalia The Ministry of Information, Posts & Telecommunications Communications Office Press Release Our Ref 14/PR/CO/12 NUSOJ former secretary general’s claims are totally fabricated (Mogadishu, January 24, 2012), Today we have read the report titled “Lives and Rights of Journalists Under Threat”, and would like to shed some light into the misinformation contained in it and a little background information conveniently left out by the author, Omar Faruk. We also ask that this important and relevant information be circulated with Mr. Faruk’s report and placed in his Website along with his report. While we agree that 2011 was a difficult year for Journalist in Somalia, the report makes claims and accusations that are not factual with regard to the roles of the TFG, The Ministry of Information, Posts & Telecommunications, Radio Mogadishu and the Somali National Television. Some facts first: 1. Since February 2011, NUSOJ removed its Secretary General Omar Faruk from his post for mismanagement and the misappropriation of funds. NUSOJ then appointed an interim leadership. 2. In May 2011 NUSOJ held a well-attended conference in Mogadishu and elected new leadership in free and fair elections, according to their own rules and regulations. See link below for more information and documentation. Upon the completion of the NUSOJ General Assembly Conference, the new leadership received letters of support from both the Ministries of Information & Labor (see below): http://nusoj.org.so/reports/Docs/General%20Assembly%20report.pdf. -
WRAP-Understanding-Al-Shabaab
Manuscript version: Author’s Accepted Manuscript The version presented in WRAP is the author’s accepted manuscript and may differ from the published version or Version of Record. Persistent WRAP URL: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/132279 How to cite: Please refer to published version for the most recent bibliographic citation information. If a published version is known of, the repository item page linked to above, will contain details on accessing it. Copyright and reuse: The Warwick Research Archive Portal (WRAP) makes this work by researchers of the University of Warwick available open access under the following conditions. Copyright © and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable the material made available in WRAP has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. Publisher’s statement: Please refer to the repository item page, publisher’s statement section, for further information. For more information, please contact the WRAP Team at: [email protected]. warwick.ac.uk/lib-publications Journal of Eastern African Studies peer review 5 December 2014, Special Issue ‘Pirates & Preachers’ UNDERSTANDING AL-SHABAAB: CLANS, ISLAM, AND INSURGENCY IN KENYA David M. Anderson* & Jacob McKnight** * Professor in African History, History Department, Humanities Building, University Way, University of Warwick, Coventry CV2 7AL. -
Freedom of the Press
Somalia Page 1 of 5 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Somalia Somalia Country: Somalia Year: 2016 Press Freedom Status: NF PFS Score: 79 Legal Environment: 25 Political Environment: 34 Economic Environment: 20 Overview Somalia is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for journalists, though conditions vary between semiautonomous Puntland and the rest of the country, as well as among different areas within the south-central region itself. Violence restricts journalistic access to large areas of the country, and retaliatory attacks against reporters are common. The government actively engages in censorship and prosecution of critical voices, while those who commit crimes against journalists enjoy impunity. Key Developments • Officials harassed the independent Shabelle Media Network on several occasions in 2015, including by fining the company’s owner $10,000 for public incitement and raiding the offices of two of its radio stations. • A controversial new media law passed in December requires reporters to have a university degree in journalism and pass a state test, includes heavy fines for libel, and empowers authorities to block websites as punishment for media offenses despite a provision explicitly prohibiting censorship. https://freedomhouse.org/print/48427 10/4/2016 Somalia Page 2 of 5 • Daud Ali Omar, a producer for the progovernment Radio Baidoa, and Hindia Haji Mohamed, a reporter for the state-run outlets Radio Mogadishu and Somali National TV, were killed in retaliation for their work in April and December, respectively. Legal Environment: 25 / 30 Somalia’s 2012 provisional federal constitution provides for freedoms of speech and the press, but pervasive violence restricts reporting in practice. -
Interview with the Late Abdullahi Qarshe (1994) at the Residence of Obliqe Carton in Djibouti
Interview with the late Abdullahi Qarshe (1994) at the Residence of Obliqe Carton in Djibouti Mohamed-Rashid Sheikh Hassan mrsh: Let us start with the basics. When and where were you born? aq: I was born in Moshe, Tanzania, in 1924. mrsh: People know you as Abdullahi Qarshe, but what is your real name? aq: Oh, yes, that is true. My real name is Mahmud Muhammad, and Qarshe was the nickname of my father. He was a businessman and trader in the livestock business in East Africa. He was regarded as a frugal man and was fortunate in business. We were five brothers and one sister. We lived in a big house on the outskirts of Moshe. mrsh: Tell us more about the background of your family and the rea- son your father moved to Tanzania. aq: My father emigrated from Sanaag region in what was at that time called British Somaliland. In those days, emigration (tacabbir) was pop- ular. Men used to travel for work and a better life, but it was not an easy task. Those who emigrated to East Africa, my father included, went through southern Somalia first of all, then proceeded to Tanza- nia. They had to travel by road or foot through harsh and unfriendly territories. Some of the migrants died along the way, and my father was one of the fortunate who survived. In the Sanaag region, my father’s family lived in the Maydh district. They were involved in the fish industry and the exportation of live- stock and animal hides, as well as timber, to the Gulf countries. -
Somalia: Al-Shabaab – It Will Be a Long War
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°99 Nairobi/Brussels, 26 June 2014 Somalia: Al-Shabaab – It Will Be a Long War I. Overview Despite the recent military surge against Somalia’s armed Islamist extremist and self- declared al-Qaeda affiliate, Al-Shabaab, its conclusive “defeat” remains elusive. The most likely scenario – already in evidence – is that its armed units will retreat to small- er, remote and rural enclaves, exploiting entrenched and ever-changing clan-based competition; at the same time, other groups of radicalised and well-trained individ- uals will continue to carry out assassinations and terrorist attacks in urban areas, in- cluding increasingly in neighbouring countries, especially Kenya. The long connec- tion between Al-Shabaab’s current leadership and al-Qaeda is likely to strengthen. A critical breakthrough in the fight against the group cannot, therefore, be achieved by force of arms, even less so when it is foreign militaries, not the Somali National Army (SNA), that are in the lead. A more politically-focused approach is required. Even as its territory is squeezed in the medium term, Al-Shabaab will continue to control both money and minds. It has the advantage of at least three decades of Salafi-Wahhabi proselytisation (daawa) in Somalia; social conservatism is already strongly entrenched – including in Somaliland and among Somali minorities in neigh- bouring states – giving it deep reservoirs of fiscal and ideological support, even with- out the intimidation it routinely employs. An additional factor is the group’s proven ability to adapt, militarily and politically – flexibility that is assisted by its leadership’s freedom from direct accountability to any single constituency. -
Somalia S 2010 577.Pdf
United Nations S/2010/577 Security Council Distr.: General 9 November 2010 Original: English Report of the Secretary-General on children and armed conflict in Somalia Summary The present report has been prepared in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolutions 1612 (2005) and 1882 (2009). It is the third report on the situation of children and armed conflict in Somalia submitted to the Council and its Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict, covering the nearly two-year period from 31 May 2008 to 31 March 2010. Some significant recent developments that occurred from May to July 2010 have also been reflected. The report documents a period of complex changes in Somalia and follows my second report (S/2008/352) and the subsequent conclusions and recommendations of the Working Group on Children and Armed Conflict (S/AC.51/2008/14). The report stresses that the level and scale of grave violations against children in Somalia have been increasing over the past two years, particularly with regard to the recruitment and use of children in armed conflict; the killing and maiming of children; and the denial of humanitarian access to children. In Mogadishu, tens of thousands of children are suffering under the direct impact of one of the most intense and indiscriminate conflicts in the world, while the broader implications of displacement, livelihood collapse and lack of statutory protection services have affected children across the entire country and further increased their vulnerability to all forms of violence, exploitation and abuse. The report cites a number of parties to the conflict responsible for recruiting and using children and committing other grave violations against children, such as the administration of the Transitional Federal Government, the government-allied Alhu Sunnah Wal Jama’a, the Hizbul Islam group and Al-Shabaab group. -
Somalia Terror Threat
THECHRISTOPHER TERROR February 12, THREAT FROM THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA THE INTERNATIONALIZATION OF AL SHABAAB CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH APPENDICES AND MAPS BY KATHERINE ZIMMERMAN FEBRUARY 12, 2010 A REPORT BY THE CRITICAL THREATS PROJECT OF THE AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 IMPORTANT GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS IN SOMALIA 3 NOTABLE INDIVIDUALS 4 INTRODUCTION 8 ORIGINS OF AL SHABAAB 10 GAINING CONTROL, GOVERNING, AND MAINTAINING CONTROL 14 AL SHABAAB’S RELATIONSHIP WITH AL QAEDA, THE GLOBAL JIHAD MOVEMENT, AND ITS GLOBAL IDEOLOGY 19 INTERNATIONAL RECRUITING AND ITS IMPACT 29 AL SHABAAB’S INTERNATIONAL THREATS 33 THREAT ASSESSMENT AND CONCLUSION 35 APPENDIX A: TIMELINE OF MAJOR SECURITY EVENTS IN SOMALIA 37 APPENDIX B: MAJOR SUICIDE ATTACKS AND ASSASSINATIONS CLAIMED BY OR ATTRIBUTED TO AL SHABAAB 47 NOTES 51 Maps MAP OF THE HORN OF AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST 5 POLITICAL MAP OF SOMALIA 6 MAP OF ISLAMIST-CONTROLLED AND INFLUENCED AREAS IN SOMALIA 7 www.criticalthreats.org THE TERROR THREAT FROM SOMALIA CHRISTOPHER HARNISCH February 12, 2010 Executive Summary hree hundred people nearly died in the skies of and assassinations. Al Shabaab’s primary objectives at TMichigan on Christmas Day, 2009 when a Niger- the time of the Ethiopian invasion appeared to be ian terrorist attempted to blow up a plane destined geographically limited to Somalia, and perhaps the for Detroit. The terrorist was an operative of an al Horn of Africa. The group’s rhetoric and behavior, Qaeda franchise based in Yemen called al Qaeda in however, have shifted over the past two years reflect- the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP). -
Somalia Country Report BTI 2012
BTI 2012 | Somalia Country Report Status Index 1-10 1.22 # 128 of 128 Political Transformation 1-10 1.27 # 128 of 128 Economic Transformation 1-10 1.18 # 128 of 128 Management Index 1-10 1.51 # 127 of 128 scale: 1 (lowest) to 10 (highest) score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2012. The BTI is a global assessment of transition processes in which the state of democracy and market economy as well as the quality of political management in 128 transformation and developing countries are evaluated. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2012 — Somalia Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2012. © 2012 Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh BTI 2012 | Somalia 2 Key Indicators Population mn. 9.3 HDI - GDP p.c. $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.3 HDI rank of 187 - Gini Index - Life expectancy years 51 UN Education Index - Poverty3 % - Urban population % 37.4 Gender inequality2 - Aid per capita $ 72.4 Sources: The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2011 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2011. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $2 a day. Executive Summary Over the last two years, Somalia experienced ongoing violence and a continuous reconfiguration of political and military forces. During a United Nations brokered peace process in Djibouti, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) reconciled with one of its opponents, the moderate Djibouti wing of the Alliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS-D). -
Somalia: Understanding Al-Shabaab
Institute for Security Studies Situation Report Date issued: 3 June 2009 Author: Paula Cristina Roque1 Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Somalia: Understanding Al-Shabaab On 8 May 2009, Al-Shabaab reinforced by a faction of Hizbul Islam and former Summary Islamic Courts Union’s (ICU) leader Sheikh Aweys began what they claimed was a final assault on the capital Mogadishu in an attempt to destroy President Sheikh Sharif’s fragile National Unity Government. A wave of targeted assassinations of ICU officials and Al-Shabaab commanders in mid-April onwards,2 the reshuffling of military and political alliances among Islamist factions and inflammatory rhetoric that has led to a polarization of political positions has all but eliminated prospects for reconciliation between the government and the opposition. At the time of writing the government is managing to keep hold of southern Mogadishu. Nevertheless Al-Shabaab continues to gain ground in central Somalia and is positioning itself for what it hopes will be a decisive military victory. This report briefly examines the nature of Al-Shabaab’s ideological stance, their political ambitions and why this movement constitutes the gravest threat to the survival of Sheikh Sharif’s government and the Djibouti peace process that gave it birth. Introduction Al-Shabaab Al-Mujahidin (The Youth) is today the strongest, best organised, financed and armed military group and controls the largest stretch of territory in southern Somalia. Ahmed Abdi Godane (aka Sheikh Abu Zubeyr)3 leads the movement, deemed the Emir of the jihadist organisation, and is assisted by a ten-member council (Shura). -
B COUNCIL DECISION 2010/231/CFSP of 26 April 2010 Concerning Restrictive Measures Against Somalia and Repealing Common Position 2009/138/CFSP (OJ L 105, 27.4.2010, P
2010D0231 — EN — 16.10.2012 — 003.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL DECISION 2010/231/CFSP of 26 April 2010 concerning restrictive measures against Somalia and repealing Common Position 2009/138/CFSP (OJ L 105, 27.4.2010, p. 17) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Decision 2011/635/CFSP of 26 September 2011 L 249 12 27.9.2011 ►M2 Council Decision 2012/388/CFSP of 16 July 2012 L 187 38 17.7.2012 ►M3 Council Decision 2012/633/CFSP of 15 October 2012 L 282 47 16.10.2012 2010D0231 — EN — 16.10.2012 — 003.001 — 2 ▼B COUNCIL DECISION 2010/231/CFSP of 26 April 2010 concerning restrictive measures against Somalia and repealing Common Position 2009/138/CFSP THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular Article 29 thereof, Whereas: (1) On 10 December 2002, the Council adopted Common Position 2002/960/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Soma lia (1 ) following United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCR) 733 (1992), 1356 (2001) and 1425 (2002) relating to an arms embargo against Somalia. (2) On 16 February 2009, the Council adopted Common Position 2009/138/CFSP concerning restrictive measures against Somalia and repealing Common Position 2002/960/CFSP (2 ), imple menting UNSCR 1844 (2008) which introduced restrictive measures against those who seek to prevent or block a peaceful political process, or those who threaten the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) of Somalia or the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) by force, or take action that undermines stability in Somalia or in the region. -
The Role of Education in Livelihoods in the Somali Region of Ethiopia
J U N E 2 0 1 1 Strengthening the humanity and dignity of people in crisis through knowledge and practice A report for the BRIDGES Project The Role of Education in Livelihoods in the Somali Region of Ethiopia Elanor Jackson ©2011 Feinstein International Center. All Rights Reserved. Fair use of this copyrighted material includes its use for non-commercial educational purposes, such as teaching, scholarship, research, criticism, commentary, and news reporting. Unless otherwise noted, those who wish to reproduce text and image files from this publication for such uses may do so without the Feinstein International Center’s express permission. However, all commercial use of this material and/or reproduction that alters its meaning or intent, without the express permission of the Feinstein International Center, is prohibited. Feinstein International Center Tufts University 200 Boston Ave., Suite 4800 Medford, MA 02155 USA tel: +1 617.627.3423 fax: +1 617.627.3428 fic.tufts.edu 2 Feinstein International Center Acknowledgements This study was funded by the Department for International Development as part of the BRIDGES pilot project, implemented by Save the Children UK, Mercy Corps, and Islamic Relief in the Somali Region. The author especially appreciates the support and ideas of Alison Napier of Tufts University in Addis Ababa. Thanks also to Mercy Corps BRIDGES project staff in Jijiga and Gode, Islamic Relief staff and driver in Hargelle, Save the Children UK staff in Dire Dawa, and the Tufts driver. In particular, thanks to Hussein from Mercy Corps in Jijiga for organizing so many of the interviews. Thanks also to Andy Catley from Tufts University and to Save the Children UK, Islamic Relief, Mercy Corps, and Tufts University staff in Addis Ababa for their ideas and logistical assistance.