NOTES Introduction 1. APP D/a1 127 Voitures de publicité 1876–1885, file Maugras et Montaut, 1881–1882. 2. Denis Tapin, “La Guerre au chameau,” Le Clairon (Jan. 10, 1882) in APP D/a1 127 Voitures de publicité 1876–1885. 3. Charles Holme, Henri Frantz, Octave Uzanne, Edgar Preston, and Helen Chisholm, Daumier and Gavarni (London: Offices of “The Studio,” 1904), n.p. 4. Victoria de Grazia, “Changing Consumption Regimes” in Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough eds., The Sex of Things: Gender and Consumption in Historical Perspective (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 11–24: 18. Historians have argued that consumer soci- ety—in which subjectivities, identities, and solidarities are associated with commodities—was born in England and the United States in the eighteenth or even earlier. Leora Auslander, “The Gendering of Consumer Practices” in Grazia and Furlough eds., The Sex of Things, 79–112: 80; Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007). 5. Whitney Walton, France at the Crystal Palace: Bourgeois Taste and Artisan Manufacture in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), Ch. 2. 6. For a survey of Paris see Bernard Marchand, Paris, histoire d’une ville (XIXe-XXe siècle) (Paris: Seuil, 1993). To list just a few titles from the extensive bibliography on Second-Empire Paris, see François Loyer, Paris Nineteenth Century: Architecture and Urbanism (New York: Abbeville Press, 1988); David van Zanten, Building Paris: Architectural Institutions and the Transformation of the French Capital, 1830–1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Jean Des Cars and Pierre Pinon eds., Paris-Haussmann, “Le Pari d’Haussmann” (Paris: Picard, 1991). 7. Patricie Higonnet also notes this in Paris, The Capital of the World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002). 8. Rosalind Williams, Dream Worlds: Mass Consumption in Late Nineteenth Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), 1–3. 9. See Leora Auslander, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); Walton, France at the Crystal Palace; Grazia and Furlough eds., The Sex of Things; Michael B. Miller, The Bon Marché: Bourgeois Culture and the Department Store, 1869–1920 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981); Lisa Tiersten, Marianne in the Market: Envisioning Consumer Society in Fin-de-Siècle France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001); Vanessa Schwartz, Spectacular Realities: Early Mass Culture in Fin-de-Siècle Paris (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Mary Louise Roberts, “Gender, Consumption and Commodity Culture,” American Historical Review 103:3, June 1998, 817–844. 10. Walter Benjamin, The Arcades Project, ed. Rolf Tiedemann, trans. Howard Eiland and Kevin McLaughlin (Cambridge: The Belknap Press, 1999) 391, [K1a, 9]. 11. On this idea also see Jennifer Terni, “Paris Imaginaire: Le vaudeville et le spectacle de la ville moderne dans les années 1820 à 1840” in Karen Bowie ed., La Modernité avant Haussmann: formes de l’espace urbain à Paris: 1801–1853 (Paris: Editions Recherches, 2001), 177–190; Jennifer Terni, “A Genre for Early Mass Culture: French Vaudeville and the City, 1830–1848,” Theatre Journal 58:2 (May 2006), 221–248; Jennifer Terni, “Elements of Mass Society: Spectacular Identity and Consumer Logic in Paris (1830–1848),” PhD diss., Duke University, 2002. On the idea of the 222 Notes imagined community of the newspaper’s public see Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983). 12. Auslander, “The Gendering of Consumer Practices,” 79; Walton, France at the Crystal Palace. 13. A number of studies on the consumer culture of the second half of the nineteenth century, men- tioned in previous footnotes here, likewise take an integrated view of cultural and economic change. 14. Roberta Sassatelli, Consumer Culture: History, Theory and Politics (London: Sage, 2007), 13, 20. On eighteenth-century French consumption see Woodruff Smith, Consumption and the Making of Respectability, 1600–1800 (New York: Routledge, 2002). 15. Mary Gluck, Popular Bohemia: Modernism and Urban Culture in Nineteenth-Century Paris (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), 5–7. Carl Schorske, Fin de Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York: Vintage Books, 1981). 16. Gluck, Popular Bohemia, 6–7; Donald Levine ed., Georg Simmel on Individuality and Social Forms (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 324–339; Henri Berson, Time and Free Will: An Essay on the Immediate Data of Consciousness, trans. F. L. Pogson (Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2001). On this sense of modernity, to name but few titles, see: Christopher Prendergast, Paris and the Nineteenth Century (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992); Jonathan Crary, Suspensions of Perception: Attention, Spectacle, and Modern Culture (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999); Janet Ward, Weimar Surfaces: Urban Visual Culture in 1920s Germany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). 17. Gluck, Popular Bohemia, 8. 18. See Ruth E. Iskin, Modern Women and Parisian Consumer Culture in Impressionist Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 19. Sassatelli, Consumer Culture, 18. 20. Crary, Suspensions of Perception. 21. Paul Metzner, Crescendo of the Virtuoso: Spectacle, Skill, and Self-Promotion in Paris during the Age of Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998), 274. 22. Benjamin, The Arcades Project, 391, [K1a, 9]. 23. Lisa Tiersten has shown that in the late nineteenth century bourgeois women enjoyed signifi- cant measure of consumer autonomy, shaped through cultural, social, and political ideologies expressed by critics, policymakers, and retailers, which underlined both collectivity as well as individual aesthetic sensibility. Tiersten, Marianne in the Market. 24. Judith Coffin has demonstrated that French advertising images for the sewing machine con- tained rich and diverse layers of meanings and symbols. Judith Coffin, The Politics of Women’s Work: The Paris Garment Trades, 1750–1915 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996). Ruth Iskin has analyzed poster images for perceptions and representations such as the chang- ing conceptions of time and women in public space. Ruth Iskin, “Father Time, Speed, and the Temporality of Posters Around 1900” in KronoScope 3:1 (2003), 27–50; “The Pan-European Flâneuse in Fin-de-Siècle Posters: Advertising Modern Women in the City” in Nineteenth- Century Contexts, 2003 25:4, 333–356. Clemens Wischermann and Elliott Shore eds., Advertising and the European City: Historical Perspectives (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000) addresses the interaction between the message and the message’s receiver. Also see Frederic Jameson, “Reification and Utopia in Mass Culture,” Social Text (Winter 1979), 130–148. 25. Daniel Miller, Material Culture and Mass Consumption (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), 5, 17. On alternative ideas of consumption including Saint-Simonian views see Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: the Politics of Consumption, 1834–1930 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1991). 26. Clemens Wischermann, “Placing Advertising in the Modern Cultural History of the City” in Wischermann and Shore eds., Advertising and the European City, 1–31: 22. Thomas Richards has argued that a new way of representing commodities emerged at the 1851 Crystal Palace exhibi- tion in London, and that advertising continued this trend of showcasing commodities, forming a culture based on the exchange of material goods. Thomas Richards, The Commodity Culture of Victorian England: Advertising and Spectacle, 1851–1914 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990). Also see Christoph Asendorf, Batteries of Life: On the History of Things and Their Perception in Modernity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993). The power of representation in advertising and consumption has been underlined by scholars in various fields. Jean Baudrillard defined consumption as “a systematic act of the manipulation of signs” and argued that “what is consumed are not objects but the relation itself.” Jean Baudrillard, “The System of Objects” Notes 223 in Selected Writings 2nd ed. (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), 13–31: 25. Sociologists and communication scholars have highlighted power relations in twentieth-century adver- tising messages and argued that advertising creates desire and obscures the real structure of society. Stuart Ewen, All Consuming Images: The Politics of Style in Contemporary Culture (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Judith Williamson, Decoding Advertisements: Ideology and Meaning in Advertising (London: Boyars, 1978); William Leiss, Social Communication in Advertising (New York: Routledge, 1990). From a structuralist viewpoint, advertising does not innovate but renews and reinforces “hidden myths,” acting as an “anxiety-reducing mechanism.” Varda Langholz-Leymore, Hidden Myth: Structure and Symbolism in Advertising (London: Heinemann Education, 1975), 141. 27. The leaders of advertising since the eighteenth century are largely thought to have been the English, followed by Americans who developed a massive culture of advertising by the turn of the twentieth century. Pre-Revolutionary French press ads were far fewer in number than the English equivalent, and throughout the nineteenth century the Anglo-American press greatly outpaced the French press in the number of ads, even before the abolition of