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UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology

UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology

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Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3g726122

Journal UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, 1(1)

Author Spieser, Cathie

Publication Date 2010-01-23

Peer reviewed

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CARTOUCHE اﻟﺨﺮطﻮش

Cathie Spieser

EDITORS

WILLEKE WENDRICH Editor-in-Chief University of California, Los Angeles

JACCO DIELEMAN Editor University of California, Los Angeles

ELIZABETH FROOD Editor Area Editor Individual and Society

JOHN BAINES Senior Editorial Consultant University of Oxford

Short Citation: Spieser, 2010, Cartouche. UEE.

Full Citation: Spieser, Cathie, 2010, Cartouche. In Elizabeth Frood, Willeke Wendrich (eds.), UCLA Encyclopedia of Egyptology, Los Angeles. http://digital2.library.ucla.edu/viewItem.do?ark=21198/zz001nf61t

1063 Version 1, January 2010 http://digital2.library.ucla.edu/viewItem.do?ark=21198/zz001nf61t

CARTOUCHE اﻟﺨﺮطﻮش

Cathie Spieser

Königsring, Kartusche Cartouche

The cartouche is an elongated form of shen-hieroglyph that encloses and protects a royal name or, in specific contexts, the name of a divinity. A king’s throne name and birth name were each enclosed in a cartouche, forming a kind of heraldic motif expressing the ruler’s dual nature as both human and divine. The cartouche could occur as a simple decorative component. When shown independently the cartouche took on an iconic significance and replaced the king’s, or more rarely, the queen’s, anthropomorphic image, enabling him or her to be venerated as a divine entity. Conversely, the enclosure of a god’s or ’s name in a cartouche served to render the more accessible to the human sphere.

اﻟﺨﺮطﻮش ھﻮ ﻋﺒﺎرة ﻋﻦ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ اﻟـ ِ<<ﺷﻦ>> اﻟﮭﯿﺮوﻏﻠﯿﻔﯿﺔ وﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻄﻮﻟﺔ وﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪم ﻋﻼﻣﺔ اﻟﺨﺮطﻮش ﻟﺘﻄﻮﯾﻖ وﺣﻤﺎﯾﺔ إﺳﻢ ﻣﻠﻜﻲ أو ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ اﻻﺣﯿﺎن إﺳﻢ إﻟﮭﻲ . ﻛﺎن ﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ إﺳﻢ اﻟﻌﺮش وإﺳﻢ اﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻋﻨﺪ اﻟﻤﻮﻟﺪ داﺧﻞ ﺧﺮطﻮش ﻣﺸﻜﻼً ﺷﻌﺎر ﯾﻌﺒﺮ ﻋﻦ إزدواﺟﯿﺔ طﺒﯿﻌﺔ اﻟﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺴﺎن وإﻟﮫ. وﯾﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺨﺮطﻮش أﯾﻀﺎً أن ﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﻛﻌﻨﺼﺮ زﺧﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺴﯿﻂ، وﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﯾﻈﮭﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻼً ﺑﺬاﺗﮫ ﯾﻘﻮم ﺑﺤﻞ ﻣﺤﻞ اﻟﺼﻮرة اﻷدﻣﯿﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ أو اﻟﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻣﻤﺎ ﯾُ َﻤﻜﻦ ﻋﺒﺎدة (أو ﺗﻤﺠﯿﺪ) اﻟﻤﻠﻚ أو اﻟﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﻛﺈﻟﮫ، واﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺻﺤﯿﺢ، ﻓﺈذا ُﻛﺘﺐ إﺳﻢ إﻟﮫ أو إﻟﮭﺔ داﺧﻞ ﺧﺮطﻮش ﻓﮭﺬا ﯾﺠﻌﻠﮫ أﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺑﺎً ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺎل اﻟﺒﺸﺮي.

he cartouche derives from the times, a kind of cartouche formed by an Egyptian shen-ring, a hieroglyphic elongated oval or square, sometimes T sign depicting a coil of rope tied at crenellated and recalling the structure of a one end, meaning “ring, circle,” the root Sn fortress, was employed to protect names of (shen) expressing the idea of encircling. localities (Baines 1989: 471 - 482, fig. 3a). A Symbolically, the cartouche represents the similar enclosure, the so-called , or encircling of the created world by the sun “palace façade,” was used from the First disc—that is, the containment of “all that the Dynasty onward to surround the king’s sun encircles.” Originally, the shen-ring was name. probably an formed from a length of The convention of enclosing the king’s name papyrus rope looped into a circle with an in a cartouche initially appeared on royal additional binding. The cartouche is an monuments and may possibly date back as elongated shen-ring, extended to accommodate early as the First Dynasty (Baines 1995a: 127 - and magically protect a royal name (Barta 1970: 128), although there is currently little 5 - 16). conclusive evidence to support this The practice of encircling a written name to supposition. Recent work on early writing may ensure its protection is ancient. In Predynastic well light on the question (e.g., Kahl

Cartouche, Spieser, UEE 2010 1

1994). The cartouche was first used to enclose the king’s birth (given) name. The earliest attested example of an enclosed birth name— that of Third Dynasty , found on a block at —is doubtful (von Beckerath 1984: 35). Well attested, however, Figure 1. Lunette of private stela from reign of are examples on royal monuments of Amenhotep III ( C54 - N208) shows the (Fourth Dynasty) and his successors. By the throne name of Amenhotep III as a winged middle of the Fifth Dynasty, during the cartouche, replacing the traditional sun disc of regency of Neferirkara, the newly instituted Horus Behdety. throne name is also enclosed within a cartouche. The first occurrence of the use of to enclose queens’ names appears in the Sixth Dynasty. At this time we find the birth names of Ankhnesmeryra I and her sister Ankhnesmeryra II, also called Ankhnespepy— both wives of Pepy I—partially contained: cartouches enclose only the components “Meryra” and “Pepy,” these being the king’s Figure 2. Throne name of Ramesses II written throne and birth names, respectively. This within a solar disc, resting in a solar bark. Stela convention reflects the queen’s position as JE 43.690. “king’s wife,” but may further indicate, in a sense, that the king’s cartouche also became a part of the name of the queen, perhaps opening the way for queens to have their own names placed in cartouches. The name of queen Ankhnesmeryra I occurs in a private burial monument; that of Ankhnesmeryra II is found in her small at (Grajetzki 2005: 22 - 23). From the Middle Kingdom Figure 3. Cartouches enclosing throne and birth names of Ramesses III, venerated by princes. onward, cartouches enclosed the queen’s entire Temple of Medinet Habu. birth name (Grajetzki 2005: 40 - 41; Troy 1986: 134, 160); the birth name remained the only The king’s throne and birth names enclosed queen’s name to be enclosed by a cartouche. in cartouches form a kind of heraldic motif Occasionally epithets (both royal and non- expressing his dual nature: the birth name royal) or god’s names could also be included. represents him on a terrestrial level as a human being, chosen by the gods, and the throne Function and Meaning name represents him as an incarnation of The purpose of the cartouche is to protect the divine power (Baines 1995b: 9 - 19). The two royal name, the name embodying, cartouches may appear as a substitute for the supernaturally, the ruler’s identity. Moreover, anthropomorphic image of the king, but they as a solar element depicting “all that the sun are not its equivalent. When cartouches are encircles,” the cartouche establishes a parallel used iconically, they reflect the king’s divine between the sun and the pharaoh as long as he essence, in contrast to his anthropomorphic rules (figs. 1 - 4; Grimal 1986: 57 - 60; image, which is bound to his terrestrial aspect. Wilkinson 1994: 193 - 195). Iconic cartouches could be worshipped by private individuals as an equivalent of the sun

Cartouche, Spieser, UEE 2010 2

Figure 4. Cartouches adored by Aye and Tiy. Tomb of Aye, el-.

disc. They could also manifest the king in the role of various such as Horus, Horus Behdety, , and (Spieser 2000: 61 - 67; figs. 1 - 5). The throne name was traditionally the most important and the one by which most kings were known during their rule. Toward the end of the New Kingdom more complex forms of the throne name emerged (Baines 1998: 21). In the New Kingdom, the cartouche enclosing the queen’s birth name is displayed, although very rarely, as a representation of the queen’s divine image. In the Ramesside Period the phenomenon is more prevalent and the queen’s cartouche is sometimes shown protected by gods or (fig. 6).

Figure 5. Cartouche of Thutmose IV. Cairo Cartouches in Writing Museum. The king shown as composite emblem with falcon’s head, feet, and tail, and human arms; The cartouche isolates and foregrounds the his “cartouche” body encloses his throne name. name in a text while also magically ensuring the Iconographic version of “the king slaying his name’s protection. The cartouche could be enemies.” written horizontally or vertically, with hieroglyphs oriented to the left or the right, or from top to bottom. The cartouche is generally preceded by a title referring to the enclosed name. The king’s throne name is entitled either nswt bjtj, “He of the sedge and the bee” (reading uncertain), mostly translated “King of Upper and Lower ”/“Dual King” or nb tAwj, “Lord of the Two Lands.” His birth name is entitled either Figure 6. Cartouche of protected by a zA Ra, “Son of Ra,” or nb xaw, “Lord of vulture goddess. Small temple of Nefertari, Abu /Appearances” (von Beckerath 1984: Simbel. This type of iconography is used for both 38). queens and kings without distinction.

Cartouche, Spieser, UEE 2010 3

Most often one royal name is enclosed within representation of the god. Cartouches enclose, a cartouche; however, from the end of the for example, the names of and Horus in Sixth Dynasty through the Middle Kingdom their numerous variants, Horakhti, Amun-Ra, sometimes two royal names are enclosed. In and , among others. A cartouche of a such cases the throne name precedes the birth divinized king, such as , name within the cartouche; sometimes the functioned in a similar manner. Whereas the throne name is itself preceded in the cartouche royal cartouche reveals some idea of the by an epithet, such as nswt bjtj (von Beckerath divinity of the king, the use of the cartouche 1984: 185 - 220). From the Fourth Dynasty for gods’ names displays an intent to bring the onward, it became the practice (although it was gods to a level closer to the human sphere. not systematic) to include the epithet zA Ra Gods’ names enclosed in cartouches appear, within the cartouche of the king’s birth name on the one hand, in a context deriving from (for example, the birth names of kings and royal ideology that associates them with the Pepy I are preceded by this epithet; von solar disc; on the other hand, they are also Beckerath 1984: 184). From the Ninth/Tenth associated with the solar destiny of the Dynasties onward, the throne name could be deceased individual who is assimilated to the preceded within the cartouche by the epithet god. Many images displaying a cartouche nswt bjtj, but there is no discernable regularity enclosing a god’s name refer to Spell 16 of the or pattern in this practice. The regular inclusion (the spell is more accurately a of zA Ra within the cartouche is characteristic of vignette of the rising sun, illustrating Spell 15), the names of Eleventh Dynasty Theban kings. especially in the iconography of post-New This practice survives only into the Kingdom Theban coffins (Spieser 2002: 85 - Period and the Seventeenth Dynasty. The 95). meaning of this feature is not clear; it may have been an attempt to endow royal names with Cartouches in Iconography greater sanctity, or, in the Eleventh Dynasty, it The cartouche takes on iconic significance may have been an assertion of local identity. when it appears in place of the From the New Kingdom onward, excluding anthropomorphic image of the king (or, much some rare exceptions, non-royal epithets could more rarely, the queen). It should be occasionally be included in the cartouche, such understood that in such cases the cartouche is as the title jt-nTr, used by the late Eighteenth not intended as a substitute for the ruler’s Dynasty king Aye, or Hm-nTr, used by the high image but rather as a presentation of the ruler priests of Amun ruling in the Twenty-first as a divine entity. Figure 5, for example, shows Dynasty. An example of the latter practice is Thutmose IV’s cartouche as a falcon with that of Herihor, whose throne name was Hm-nTr human arms—an iconic representation of tpj n Jmn, “High Priest of Amun.” “Horus slaying his enemies.” Similarly, artistic The use of cartouches was also sometimes strategies serve to indicate when the extended to whose names clearly replacement of the ruler’s image is intended evoked their non-royal origins, especially (Spieser 2000: 32 - 35; Vernus 1987: 60 - 65). A during the Second Intermediate Period. cartouche of Thutmose III, worshipped by the Examples include the birth names of kings viceroy of Kush called Nehy (fig. 7), is displayed on the same scale as Nehy himself. Imiramesha (jmj-r mSa), meaning “general” or “commander of the army”; Nehesi, meaning That the cartouche is ornamented further “the Nubian” or “a troop soldier”; and increases its sacredness. Additionally, gods or Shemesu, meaning “the escort” (von Beckerath goddesses can be depicted protecting the 1984: 204, 212, 214). cartouche (figs. 6, 8; Spieser 2000: 71 - 80, figs. 146 - 195). From the end of the New Kingdom, a cartouche enclosing the name of a deity could Cartouches can be assimilated with a god and also substitute for an anthropomorphic venerated as such. The autonomous cartouche

Cartouche, Spieser, UEE 2010 4

constitute a cosmogonic representation: they show the deceased king as Osiris enveloped by the bounded universe (“all that the sun encircles”) (see examples in PM I, 2: 495 - 498). In such cases, the cartouche has an iconographic value but does not replace the image of the king. In the same way, the chambers from some earlier royal tombs—for example, the tombs of Thutmose Figure 7. Lintel of the viceroy Nehy (reign of I (KV38), Thutmose II (KV 42?), and Thutmose III). Temple of Aniba (). Nehy is Thutmose III (KV 34)—may take the form of venerating the adorned cartouche of the throne a cartouche (PM I, 2: 548 - 559). The cartouche name of Thutmose III. could also be used in the design of objects or furniture; for example, a wooden box in the form of a cartouche was found in Tutankhamen’s tomb (Reeves 1990: 190). Cartouches, whether empty or enclosing a name, could serve as protective , seals, and ring-seals, as displayed in the numerous examples found at el-Amarna (see Andrews 1990: 165; 1994: 77; Frankfort and Pendlebury 1933: pl. XLIX; Wilkinson 1994: 194 - 195).

Ornamental Features Figure 8. Cartouches of Ramesses II protected by Horus Behdety. Ramesseum. Such depictions are Ornaments served to protect the cartouche common in the New Kingdom. and to further emphasize the king’s or queen’s divinity. Some ornaments were placed atop the (i.e., the cartouche shown independently) cartouche (see fig. 7)—we find cartouches presents the king or queen as the manifestation surmounted by double-plumed solar discs, of various gods or goddesses, sometimes in solar discs with or without a pair of uraei, and combination with rebuses, cryptograms, and lunar discs, which in turn could be combined wordplay (Radwan 1975: 204 - 213; Spieser with ram, , or cow horns—whereas pairs of 2000: 61 - 66, figs. 204 - 218, 220, 223, 229, uraei with the crowns of Upper and Lower 297). The cartouche becomes a component of Egypt are found adorning the sides. The the Horus falcon in representations identifying cartouche can also occur without ornaments the king with “Horus slaying his enemies” (see when it replaces the king’s or queen’s fig. 5). The cartouche could also depict the king anthropomorphic image (Spieser 2000: 42 - as Horus Behdety, replacing the solar disc 61). between the god’s wings (see fig. 1). The king’s The cartouche itself may surmount a potent name written within a solar disc or associative symbol, such as the hieroglyph for (“the snake that bites its tail”) rather than a “gold” (nbw), for “festival” (Hb), or for “the cartouche assimilates the king with the god Ra uniting of the Two Lands” (zmA-tAwj), or the (see fig. 2). The king’s name written in the solar sign for the standard (jAt). The nbw-sign alludes bark likely associates the king with Amun-Ra; to the “golden” radiance of the cartouche, indeed the birth name of Amenhotep III can considered an image of the sun disc. (In the be written with the solar-bark sign, connoting , this solar radiance is Amun (Keel 1995: 243, fig. 571). reserved for the god to the extent that the Ramesside royal sarcophagi in the form of a nbw-sign is excluded from iconography.) More- cartouche encircling the body of the king

Cartouche, Spieser, UEE 2010 5

Figure 9. Names of Ramesses III in a frieze from the temple of Medinet Habu.

over, the “nb” component of the nbw-sign it designates either the name of a ruler or the perhaps also references “lord” and “all”—that king’s titulary, rn wr (“great name”) (Bonhême is, the king as “ruler of all (the universe)”— 1978: 347 - 387). In the Ptolemaic and Roman constituting a display of multiple meanings Periods, a great number of reliefs (at the temple (Spieser 2000: 51). The Hb-sign may refer to the of Dendara, for example) display an empty (Hb-sd), the royal jubilee ritually cartouche for either kings or queens, celebrated by the king. The zmA-tAwj can bear designating the kingship or queenship, one or multiple royal names. The jAt-sign is respectively. The idea of kingship can also be used to support many divinities and belongs to expressed at this time by a cartouche the emblems displaying the king’s (or queen’s) containing only the word “pharaoh” (Quirke divine nature. 1990: 42 - 43), examples of which may point to weaknesses in, or uncertainty regarding, the Veneration kingship at this point in history. In the Middle Kingdom, cartouches in temple Omission reliefs are shown receiving offerings from gods, especially in procession scenes (Baines Some names of the royal titulary—the Horus 1985; Spieser 2000: 73, figs. 178 - 182). New name, name, and Golden Horus Kingdom iconography features scenes of names, specifically—were never enclosed officials venerating kings’ names. The officials within a cartouche. The selective use of the express their loyalty to the king by praying to cartouche in the titulary may have been a way the king’s cartouche, which is itself assimilated to emphasize the sanctity of the throne and with the rising sun; they also present funerary birth names. wishes, expressing their hope for continued Conversely, it is noteworthy that in the existence in the afterlife (see fig. 4; Habachi Ramesside Period the absence of a cartouche 1954; Spieser 2000: 84 - 117, figs. 1 - 138). enclosing a royal name—in particular Starting in the reign of , foreign contexts—could actually indicate the name- chiefs are depicted prostrating before the holder’s increased status and divinity. Kings’ ruler’s cartouches (Spieser 2000: 80 - 84, figs. birth and throne names without cartouches are 139 - 145). A distinctive elaboration in the displayed, for example, in monumental friezes Ramesside Period is the veneration of on temple walls (fig. 9). In statuary, officials are cartouches by royal children (see fig. 3). depicted holding the king’s hieroglyphic names in their hands—the absence of cartouches now Empty Cartouches lending iconic value to the hieroglyphs (Spieser An empty cartouche serves as a hieroglyphic 2000: 31 - 32, figs. 222, 224, 226, 230). It determinative for the word rn (“name”) when therefore appears that each hieroglyphic sign of the royal name had, by this time, taken on

Cartouche, Spieser, UEE 2010 6

power and divinity individually. The signs still integral role in the artistic design of the frieze, belonged to a cohesive grouping that the absence of the cartouche enhancing their constituted a royal name, but each iconic value. simultaneously took on its own role as a divine entity. This is particularly visible in the drawing in Figure 10, which shows a frieze from the bark chamber in the Temple of Khons at . Here, alternating images of Ramesses IV, in maturity and as a young man, are shown offering to the god Amun, the name of the god being part of the king’s throne name. Close examination reveals that the frieze Figure 10. Names of Ramesses IV in a frieze from the temple of Khons, Karnak. is a kind of rebus. One of the alternating images shows the king wearing the Disappearance surmounted by a sun disc, heqa scepter in hand, offering maat to Amun, who sits atop The cartouche remained in use until the end of the signs reading stp n—thus presenting the Pharaonic civilization. When Pharaonic beliefs king’s throne name, HoA-mAat-Ra stp-n-Jmn. The and the associated writing systems lost their other plays on the king’s birth name and is relevance, the cartouche disappeared as well. rather more difficult to read. It features the The last pharaohs whose names are attested as young king or prince surmounted by a sun disc, written in cartouches are the Roman emperors maat feather in hand, offering maat to Amun, Diocletian, Galerius, and Maximinus Daia of who sits atop the mr-sign. Under both the the beginning of the fourth century CE (von young Ramesses and the god Amun is a Beckerath 1984: 306). The kings of Meroe in double-s. In this way, the king’s birth name is Sudan continued to use the cartouche until the presented: Ra-msj-sw HoA-mAat-mrj-Jmn. Thus, we fifth century CE (Quirke 1990: 42 - 43). see that the hieroglyphs themselves played an

Bibliographic Notes

A basic overview treating cartouches, with illustrations, can be found in Wilkinson (1994). For a good understanding of the central issues of reading and interpretation, studies concerning the integration of art and writing are crucial: Baines (1989); Keel (1995); Radwan (1975); and Vernus (1987). Studies of kingship or queenship and the role played by the titulary provide detailed discussions of the various functions and meanings of the cartouche: Baines (1995a, 1995b); Bonhême (1978); Grajetzki (2005); Grimal (1986); von Beckerath (1984); and Quirke (1990). A small number of specialized studies examine the role of the cartouche in religious iconography: Barta (1970); Habachi (1954); and Spieser (2002). Cartouches are present on the full range of monuments—temples, tombs, and furniture—and are commonly found on small objects such as jewelry and amulets; for examples of the latter see Andrews (1990, 1994) and Reeves (1990). A comprehensive treatment of the function and meaning of the cartouche is Spieser (2000).

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References Andrews, Carol 1990 Ancient Egyptian jewellery. London: British Museum Press. 1994 Amulets of . London: British Museum Press. Baines, John 1985 Fecundity figures: Egyptian personification and the iconology of a genre. Warminster: Aris & Phillips; Chicago: Bolchazy-Carducci. 1989 Communication and display: The integration of early Egyptian art and writing. Antiquity 63, pp. 471 - 482. 1995a Origins of Egyptian kingship. In Ancient Egyptian kingship, Probleme der Ägyptologie 9, ed. O'Connor, and David Silverman, pp. 95 - 156. Leiden, New York, and Cologne: Brill. 1995b Kingship, definition of culture, and legitimation. In Ancient Egyptian kingship, Probleme der Ägyptologie 9, ed. David O'Connor, and David Silverman, pp. 3 - 47. Leiden, New York, and Cologne: Brill. 1998 Ancient Egyptian kingship: Official forms, rhetoric, context. In King and messiah in Israel and the : Proceedings of the Oxford Old Testament Seminar, ed. John Day, pp. 16 - 53. Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press. Barta, Winfried 1970 Der Königsring als Symbol zyklischer Wiederkehr. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 98, pp. 5 - 16. Bonhême, Marie-Ange 1978 Les désignations de la "titulature" royale au Nouvel Empire. Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale 78, pp. 347 - 387. Davies, Norman de Garis 1908 The rock tombs of El-'Amarna VI: The tombs of Parennefer, and Aÿ. Archaeological of Egypt 18th Memoir. London: Egypt Exploration Fund. Frankfort, Henri, and J. D. S. Pendlebury 1933 The city of II: The north suburb and the desert altars: The excavations at Tell el Amarna during the seasons 1926 - 1932. London: Egypt Exploration Society. Grajetzki, Wolfram 2005 Ancient Egyptian queens: A hieroglyphic dictionary. London: Golden House Publications. Grimal, Nicolas 1986 Les termes de la propagande royale égyptienne: de la XIXe dynastie à la conquête d'Alexandre. Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres: Nouvelle Série 6. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale: Diffusion de Boccard. Habachi, Labib 1954 Khatâna-Qantir: Importance. Annales du service des antiquités de l’Egypté 52, pp. 443 - 562. Kahl, Jochem 1994 Das System der ägyptischen Hieroglyphenschrift in der 0. - 3. Dynastie. Göttinger Orientforschungen: Reihe IV: Ägypten 29. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Keel, Othmar 1995 Corpus der Stempelsiegel-Amulette aus Palästina/Israel. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis: Series Archaeologica 10. Freiburg: Academic Press; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Porter, Bertha, and Rosalind Moss 1964 Topographical bibliography of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphic texts, reliefs, and paintings (PM), Vol. I: The Theban necropolis: Part 2: Royal tombs and smaller cemeteries. Oxford: Griffith Institute.

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Quirke, Stephen 1990 Who were the pharaohs? A history of their names with a list of cartouches. London: British Museum. Radwan, Ali 1975 Der Königsname: Epigraphisches zum göttlichen Königtum im Alten Ägypten. Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 2, pp. 213 - 234. Reeves, Nicholas 1990 The complete : The king, the tomb, the royal treasure. London: Thames and Hudson. Spieser, Cathie 2000 Les noms du pharaon comme êtres autonomes au Nouvel Empire. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 174. Freiburg: Academic Press; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 2002 Les cartouches divins. Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 129, pp. 85 - 95. Steindorff, Georg 1937 Aniba. 2 volumes. Glückstadt and Hamburg: J. J. Augustin. Troy, Lana 1986 Patterns of queenship in ancient Egyptian myth and history. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis: Boreas 14. Uppsala and Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell International. Vernus, Pascal 1987 L'ambivalence du signe graphique dans l'écriture hiéroglyphique. In Écritures III: Espaces de la lecture: Actes du colloque de la Bibliothèque publique d'information et du Centre d'étude de l'écriture, Université Paris VII, ed. Anne-Marie Christin, pp. 60 - 65. Paris: Bibliothèque publique d'information. von Beckerath, Jürgen 1984 Handbuch der ägyptischen Königsnamen. Münchner Ägyptologische Studien 20. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag. Wilkinson, Richard H. 1994 Reading Egyptian art: A hieroglyphic guide to ancient Egyptian painting and sculpture. London: Thames and Hudson.

Image Credits Figure 1. Lunette of private stela from reign of Amenhotep III (Louvre C54 - N208) shows the throne name of Amenhotep III as a winged cartouche, replacing the traditional sun disc of Horus Behdety. Photograph by the author. Figure 2. Throne name of Ramesses II written within a solar disc, resting in a solar bark. Stela Cairo JE 43.690. Drawing by the author. Figure 3. Cartouches enclosing throne and birth names of Ramesses III, venerated by princes. Temple of Medinet Habu. Photograph by the author. Figure 4. Cartouches adored by Aye and Tiy. Tomb of Aye, el-Amarna. From Davies (1908: pl. XXXI). Figure 5. Cartouche of Thutmose IV. Cairo Museum. The king shown as composite emblem with falcon’s head, feet, and tail, and human arms; his “cartouche” body encloses his throne name. Iconographic version of “the king slaying his enemies.” Photograph by the author. Figure 6. Cartouche of Nefertari protected by a vulture goddess. Small temple of Nefertari, . This type of iconography is used for both queens and kings without distinction. Photograph by the author.

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Figure 7. Lintel of the viceroy Nehy (reign of Thutmose III). Temple of Aniba (Nubia). Nehy is venerating the adorned cartouche of the throne name of Thutmose III. Drawing after Steindorff (1937: Vol. 2: pl. 18). Figure 8. Cartouches of Ramesses II protected by Horus Behdety. Ramesseum. Such depictions are common in the New Kingdom. Photograph by the author. Figure 9. Names of Ramesses III in a frieze from the temple of Medinet Habu. Photograph by the author. Figure 10. Names of Ramesses IV in a frieze from the temple of Khons, Karnak. Drawing by the author.

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