John William Richard Guilding
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The Public and Political Life of Wiremu Te Kakakura Parata 1871-1906
Wai 2200, #A216 The Public and Political Life of Wiremu Te Kakakura Parata 1871-1906 Tony Walzl Walghan Partners 10 May 2019 1 Contents INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................... 6 PARATA AS PARLIAMENTARIAN .......................................................................... 8 The 1871 Parliamentary Session.......................................................................... 10 Confiscation .............................................................................................................. 11 Maori Representation .............................................................................................. 13 Other Issues .............................................................................................................. 20 The 1872 Parliamentary Session.......................................................................... 23 Hui at Otaki and Parihaka ........................................................................................ 24 Maori Representation .............................................................................................. 25 Land Confiscation ..................................................................................................... 27 The Fall of the Fox Ministry...................................................................................... 31 The Rise and Fall of the Stafford Ministry ............................................................... 36 Parata’s Appointment to -
James Macandrew of Otago Slippery Jim Or a Leader Staunch and True?
JAMES MACANDREW OF OTAGO SLIPPERY JIM OR A LEADER STAUNCH AND TRUE? BY RODERICK JOHN BUNCE A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington 2013 iii ABSTRACT James Macandrew, a Scotsman who migrated to Dunedin in 1851, was variously a businessman, twice Superintendent of Otago Province, an imprisoned bankrupt and a Minister of the Crown. He was an active participant in provincial and colonial politics for 36 years and was associated with most of the major political events in New Zealand during that time. Macandrew was a passionate and persuasive advocate for the speedy development of New Zealand’s infrastructure to stimulate the expansion of settlement. He initiated a steamer service between New Zealand and Australia in 1858 but was bankrupt by 1860. While Superintendent of Otago in 1860 and 1867–76 he was able to advance major harbour, transport and educational projects. As Minister of Public Works in George Grey’s Ministry from 1878–79 he promoted an extensive expansion of the country’s railway system. In Parliament, he was a staunch advocate of easier access to land for all settlers, and a promoter of liberal social legislation which was enacted a decade later by the Seddon Government. His life was interwoven with three influential settlers, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, Julius Vogel and George Grey, who variously dominated the political landscape. Macandrew has been portrayed as an opportunist who exploited these relationships, but this study will demonstrate that while he often served these men as a subordinate, as a mentor he influenced their political beliefs and behaviour. -
Māori Election Petitions of the 1870S: Microcosms of Dynamic Māori and Pākehā Political Forces
Māori Election Petitions of the 1870s: Microcosms of Dynamic Māori and Pākehā Political Forces PAERAU WARBRICK Abstract Māori election petitions to the 1876 Eastern Māori and the 1879 Northern Māori elections were high-stakes political manoeuvres. The outcomes of such challenges were significant in the weighting of political power in Wellington. This was a time in New Zealand politics well before the formation of political parties. Political alignments were defined by a mixture of individual charismatic men with a smattering of provincial sympathies and individual and group economic interests. Larger-than-life Māori and Pākehā political characters were involved in the election petitions, providing a window not only into the complex Māori political relationships involved, but also into the stormy Pākehā political world of the 1870s. And this is the great lesson about election petitions. They involve raw politics, with all the political theatre and power play, which have as much significance in today’s politics as they did in the past. Election petitions are much more than legal challenges to electoral races. There are personalities involved, and ideological stances between the contesting individuals and groups that back those individuals. Māori had to navigate both the Pākehā realm of central and provincial politics as well as the realm of Māori kin-group politics at the whānau, hapū and iwi levels of Māoridom. The political complexities of these 1870s Māori election petitions were but a microcosm of dynamic Māori and Pākehā political forces in New Zealand society at the time. At Waitetuna, not far from modern day Raglan in the Waikato area, the Māori meeting house was chosen as one of the many polling booths for the Western Māori electorate in the 1908 general election.1 At 10.30 a.m. -
Maori and Pakeha at Te Aroha: the Context: 1: Pakeha Perceptions of Maori
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Commons@Waikato MAORI AND PAKEHA AT TE AROHA: THE CONTEXT: 1: PAKEHA PERCEPTIONS OF MAORI Philip Hart Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers No. 10 2016 Historical Research Unit Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences The University of Waikato Private Bag 3105 Hamilton, New Zealand ISSN: 2463-6266 © 2016 Philip Hart Contact: [email protected] 1 MAORI AND PAKEHA AT TE AROHA: THE CONTEXT: 1: PAKEHA PERCEPTIONS OF MAORI Abstract: Interaction between Maori and Pakeha was unavoidable in the nineteenth century. Although Maori were commonly considered to be superior to other uncivilized races, in general the stereotyping of Maori was more negative than positive, for it was assumed that they needed to be raised to the level of Pakeha. Maori were seen as being capable of high achievements, but only if they abandoned their feckless and lazy ways along with their customs and superstitions; instead, they should adopt the best of Western civilization rather than the worst, as was believed to be all too common. Being somewhat child-like, they needing Pakeha guidance to attain their potential. An underlying fear remained that they were potentially dangerous, with their old savage ways lurking under the veneer of adopting European clothes and some European customs. Sometimes they were viewed as having too much influence on government policy, partly through the legacy of the Treaty of Waitangi and partly through the machinations of Pakeha Maori. Increasingly, as the often- admired ‘old time’ rangatira, died, the newer generation of lower class Maori were patronized or mocked for their poor English and assumed stupidity. -
The Post-Leadership Activities of New Zealand Premiers
LIFE AFTER POLITICS? THE POST-LEADERSHIP ACTIVITIES OF NEW ZEALAND PREMIERS AND PRIME MINISTERS, 1856-2008. BY JESS BOOKER A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Victoria University of Wellington 2013 2 Acknowledgements Much of this thesis has been written from Pipitea Street, Thorndon. Working from this setting has brought the area to life, particularly as I have worked through New Zealand’s early colonial history. Each morning as I walked to my office, I passed through the centre of New Zealand’s political system, knowing how rich in history it was. I therefore want to say thanks in particular to the bronzed Keith Holyoake on Molesworth Street, now the unexpected bastion of the New Zealand Rugby building. Keith’s friendly demeanour as I headed to work on my thesis reminded me of the important contribution that each political leader has made to New Zealand. I must also thank Jon Johansson for his incredible support in writing this thesis. I am forever indebted for the valuable knowledge and insights that Jon contributed to this work. At times I struggled to see the light at the end of the tunnel, and his words of encouragement have helped me greatly to get to this point. I would like to also thank my friends, family and colleagues for the various offers of wine, proof-reading and encouragement. They have enriched this thesis in ways they probably never thought possible. I thank Colin for his love and support, without it I would have never have finished this thesis. -
Men's Violence Against Wives and Partners
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. Men’s Violence Against Wives and Partners: The State and Women’s Experience, 1960-1984 A thesis presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Massey University, Manawatu, New Zealand. Jacqueline Marie O’Neill 2012 ABSTRACT While men’s violence against wives and partners is universal and transhistorical, the various terms used to describe it have been, and remain mutable, constructed and contested. This thesis traces how men’s violence against wives or partners was once constructed as a private or domestic matter and how and why these constructions have changed over time; and what effects, if any, the changes might have had on the way the violence was responded to, and experienced by victims. The thesis is particularly concerned with state practices and how these impacted on women’s capacity to resist a husband’s or partner’s violence. The thesis begins with marriage in the medieval period because marriage and the family have been central to the concept of “domestic” as it emerged in Western society. The principal temporal focus of the thesis is the 1960s – 1984. The 1960s were a period marked by rapid social change that provided a foundation for the construction of “domestic violence” in the 1970s. The thesis ends in 1984, two years after the Domestic Protection Act which marked a radical shift in the construction of men’s violence against wives or partners from a private matter to a public one, and one year after the state began to fund places of refuge for women trying to escape violent partners. -
The First-Class, the Familiar and the Forgettable: an Analysis of Prime Ministerial Performance in New Zealand
The First-Class, the Familiar and the Forgettable: An analysis of Prime Ministerial performance in New Zealand By Katherine Anna-Clare Smith A thesis Submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science School of History, Philosophy, Political Science & International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2019 2 Table of Contents Acknowledgements 5 Abstract 7 Tables and Figures 9 Chapter One: Thesis Overview 11 Thesis Aims 12 Thesis Structure 13 Chapter Two: Literature Review 17 Components of Political Leadership 17 Leadership Ranking Scholarship in New Zealand 22 Sheppard 1998 22 Johansson and Levine 2011 27 Leadership Ranking Scholarship in the United States of America 31 Schlesinger Ranking Studies 1948, 1962, 1996 31 Other Ranking Studies 33 Leadership Ranking Scholarship in the rest of the world 37 United Kingdom 37 Canada 42 Australia 46 Chapter Three: Methodology 49 Chapter Four: Data and Analysis 55 The initial responses 55 Calculation of results 56 The 2018 study: A replication of the Sheppard (1998) and Johansson and Levine (2011) methodology 57 An alternative survey: A replication of the Schlesinger (1948, 1962 and 1996) methodology 60 A new survey: the analysis of generational shifts and recall rates 62 Pols 111: The entry-level student perspective 62 Pols 353: The final year Bachelor’s student perspective 64 Pols 428: The postgraduate perspective 67 3 Chapter Five: Discussion 69 Replication of multi question methods 69 Contrast with -
Aspects of Government Native Policy in Taranaki
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. POLICIES AND PROPHECIES Aspects of Government Native Policy in Taranaki 1878-1884 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History at Massey University Hazel Riseborough 1987 11 ABSTRACT This thesis examines the government's reactions to the pacific resistance offered by the resident Maod ttibes to the survey for sale and settlement of confiscated lands between Hawera and New Plymouth. on the west coast of the Nm1h Island of New Zealand, in the years 1878-1884. Successive governments neglected to honour the promises to make reserves contained in the legislation confiscating the land and, by treating those who protested this neglect as infatuated followers of deluded prophets and refusing to consider their legitimate grievances. helped create in Taranaki a centre of disaffection which they perceived as a threat to the colony. This study looks first at the existing literature on the events in question, and then at the acts and proclamations of confiscation and the promises contained therein. The main body of the thesis. chapters three through seven. is a chronological study of the years from 1878 to 1884. When the government attempted to enforce the confiscation on the Waimate plains by surveying for sale before making any effort to delimit the promised reserves. the resident tribes protested first by removing the surveyors. -
IOFFICI@ Wai 686 #T3
IOFFICI@ Wai 686 #T3 HAURAKI AND EAST WAIROA Barry Rigby A Report Commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal April 2002 TABLE OF CONTENTS page INTRODUCTION 3 Research commissions Sources Interpretation CHAPTER ONE: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 10 Why East Wairoa? Conspiracy allegations Invasion of the Waikato Hauraki involvement The Hunua guerrilla campaign Confiscation plans and debates Imperial constraints Confiscation in action CHAPTER TWO: HAURAKI RIGHTS IN EAST WAIROA 49 The Compensation Court The Court's early operations Procedural problems Hauraki loyalists Ancestral rights and Mackay Constraining circumstances CHAPTER THREE: PROTEST 72 Limits of protest Hoete's protest Kingitanga-inspired protest Twentieth century inquiries CONCLUSION: TREATY ISSUES ARISING 83 Historical background Confiscation and compensation Confused consequences BIBLIOGRAPHY 93 LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 1: East Wairoa confiscation area 1865 7 FIGURE 2: Invasion of the Waikato 1863 8 FIGURE 3: Compensation COUlt map of East Wairoa 1865 9 2 Introduction Research commissions This is a repOlt about Hauraki lights within the East Wairoa confiscation area. In introducing it, I will begin by summatising the terms of my research commission. This will include a discussion of the relationship between my commission and the parallel research of Gael Ferguson and Bryan Gilling. I will then discuss very brief! y the research methodology I have employed. This will include the way I have attempted to supplement documentary research with oral history. I complete the introduction with a preview of the main lines of interpretation that feature throughout the repOlt. The preparation of this report followed a scoping exercise in mid 2001. At that time I worked in parallel with Gael Ferguson. -
Maori and Pakeha at Te Aroha: the Context: 1: Pakeha Perceptions of Maori
MAORI AND PAKEHA AT TE AROHA: THE CONTEXT: 1: PAKEHA PERCEPTIONS OF MAORI Philip Hart Te Aroha Mining District Working Papers No. 10 2016 Historical Research Unit Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences The University of Waikato Private Bag 3105 Hamilton, New Zealand ISSN: 2463-6266 © 2016 Philip Hart Contact: [email protected] 1 MAORI AND PAKEHA AT TE AROHA: THE CONTEXT: 1: PAKEHA PERCEPTIONS OF MAORI Abstract: Interaction between Maori and Pakeha was unavoidable in the nineteenth century. Although Maori were commonly considered to be superior to other uncivilized races, in general the stereotyping of Maori was more negative than positive, for it was assumed that they needed to be raised to the level of Pakeha. Maori were seen as being capable of high achievements, but only if they abandoned their feckless and lazy ways along with their customs and superstitions; instead, they should adopt the best of Western civilization rather than the worst, as was believed to be all too common. Being somewhat child-like, they needing Pakeha guidance to attain their potential. An underlying fear remained that they were potentially dangerous, with their old savage ways lurking under the veneer of adopting European clothes and some European customs. Sometimes they were viewed as having too much influence on government policy, partly through the legacy of the Treaty of Waitangi and partly through the machinations of Pakeha Maori. Increasingly, as the often- admired ‘old time’ rangatira, died, the newer generation of lower class Maori were patronized or mocked for their poor English and assumed stupidity. Yet always there were some Pakeha who had good relations with Maori, meaning that intermarriage was neither unusual nor (openly at least) condemned. -
The 'Continuous Ministry' Revisited
The 'Continuous Ministry' Revisited IN HIS ARTICLE on the 'Scarecrow Ministry', published in a festschrift for Willis Airey in 1963, Keith Sinclair began by commenting on the lack of detailed study of the structure of New Zealand politics in the 1870s and 1880s.1 That article was part of the structural basis for the analysis of politics in Sinclair's subsequent biography of William Pember Reeves. The biography, the article, and a number of university theses written around the same time filled in many of the gaps in our political historiography.2 Most of the thesis writers studied a particular election or the politics of a par- ticular region. Nearly all began with Reeves's own description of politics, written in the 1890s, and then refined, expanded or refuted his views.3 These works focussed on the relationship between politics and economic policy, on the 'Continuous Ministry', on the so-called 'liberal' challenges to this ministry, and on the emergence of a proto-party system from 1887. In this article I want to return to the 'Continuous Ministry', a feature of 1 'The Significance of the "The Scarecrow Ministry", 1887-1891', in Robert Chapman and Keith Sinclair, eds, Studies of a Small Democracy. Essays in Honour of Willis Airey, Auckland, 1963, p. 102. 2 R. W. Armstrong, 'The Politics of Development: A Study of the Structure of Politics from 1870 to 1890', M.A. thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, 1960; J. Bassett, 'Sir Harry Atkinson: A Political Biography, 1872-1892', M.A. thesis, University of Auckland, 1966, (subsequently published); E. -
Mixed-Race Māori Identity and the Influence of Legislation and Legal Administration C
“Even though I am Māori sometimes I feel like a bit of a fraud”: Mixed-Race Māori Identity and The Influence of Legislation and Legal Administration c. 1850-1950 By Kiriana Siobhan Haze (Ngāti Pikiao, Te Arawa, Pākehā) A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Victoria University of Wellington 2019 Abstract In 1910, Āpirana Ngata stated that both he and the Young Maori Party were proponents for children born from a Māori – Pākehā mix. Ngata believed the children would then have the prime characteristics of each parent. This thesis explores how such rhetoric about mixed-race children was a consequence of the symbiotic influence Pākehā legislation and legal administration had on Māori identity. This influence was relevant to both mixed-race Māori historically, and today. Too often, mixed-race people are questioned for their lack of authenticity. This questioning began the moment Pākehā people first came to New Zealand and courted interracial relations with Māori. Therefore, the period of 1850 to 1950 is where this thesis’ substantive research and analysis lies as here the construction of legislation and legal administration to do with mixed-race Māori was most visible. The themes this timeframe is considered through are ‘marriage and land’, ‘native schools’ and ‘enumeration.’ These themes are the best mechanism to display the ways in which the law has worked and continues to work to maintain a mixed-race dichotomy of privilege and disadvantage. This thesis draws on a wide range of legislative and administrative sources, to demonstrate the mentioned dichotomy crafted into the law.