The Cult-Topographical Text of Qasr El-Zayyan
92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:43 Pagina 17
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN
[PLANCHE III]
PAR
DAVID KLOTZ Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York University 15 East 84th Street New York, NY, 10028 USA
I. Introduction*
The small temple of Qasr el-Zayyan in Khargeh Oasis has only recently begun to cap- ture the interest of Egyptologists1. The temple essentially consists of an entrance pylon, a stone paved approach, an inner mud-brick structure, and a sanctuary. According to the Greek dedication on the lintel of the pylon, the sanctuary and the pylon were rebuilt in the third regnal year of Antoninus Pius (140 CE)2, and the hieroglyphic inscriptions also date to this reign3. The Greek and hieroglyphic texts both indicate that the temple was dedicated to Amun-Re Lord of Hibis (Greek: ˆAmen±biv).
* The author would like to thank John C. Darnell for many valuable comments and suggestions, as well as for support- ing the author’s visit to Qasr el-Zayyan and the British Library to check the R. Hay’s Manuscripts. The author would also like to thank Michinori Ohshiro of Komazawa University, who kindly answered many inquiries about Qasr el-Zayyan and the work of the joint Japanese-Egyptian expedition. 1 PM VII, p. 293-4; see also G. Schweinfurth, “Notizen zur Kenntniss der Oase El-Chargeh”, Mittheilungen aus Jus- tus Perthes’ Geographischer Anstalt 21 (1875), p. 391-392; G. Wagner, Les Oasis d’Égypte à l’époque grecque, romaine et byzantine d’après les documents grecs (BdE 100), 1987, p. 166-167; S. Aufrère et al., L’Égypte restituée, III. Sites et temples des déserts. De la naissance de la civilisation pharaonique à l’époque gréco-romaine, 1994, p. 102-103; D. Arnold, Temples of the Last Pharaohs, 1999, p. 267-269; I. Guermeur, Les cultes d’Amon hors de Thèbes. Recherches de géographie religieuse (BÉPHÉ – Sciences Religieuses 123), 2005, p. 446-447 (then quoted as I. Guermeur, Cultes d’Amon); G. Hölbl, Altägypten im Römischen Reich. Der Römische Pharao und seine Tempel, III. Heiligtümer und religiöses Leben in den ägyptischen Wüsten und Oasen, 2005, p. 47-49, 52, 54, 55-59 (fig. 81-86); J. Willeitner, Die ägyp- tischen Oasen. Städte, Tempel und Gräber in der Libyschen Wüste, 2003, p. 42-45; M. Valloggia, Les oasis d’Égypte dans l'antiquité: des origines au deuxième millénaire avant J.-C., 2004, p. 175 and 181, fig. 215-216; H. Kamei – K. Kogawa (eds.), El-Zayyan, 2003-2006, 2007 (the author would like to think Michinori Ohshiro for providing a copy of this report; then quoted as El-Zayyan, 2003-2006). 2 For a translation of this famous dedication (OGIS 702 = CIG 4955 = IGRR 1264 = SB 8443), see G. Wagner, op. cit., p. 166; the Greek text appears between two scenes of Antoninus offering to Amun-Re of Hibis with hieroglyphic texts, just as on a lintel from Akhmîm from the reign of Trajan, now destroyed: K.P. Kuhlmann, Materialen zur Archäologie und Geschichte des Raumes von Achmim (SDAIK 11), 1983, p. 43, fig. 8; similar Greek dedications on the gates of Egyptian temples are fairly common, e.g. the temple of Imhotep at Philae (LD IV, 18-19; D. Wildung, Imhotep und Amenhotep: Gottwerdung im alten Ägypten [MÄS 36], 1977, p. 154-6, pl. 30). 3 For the considerable amount of temple construction and decoration during the reign of Antoninus Pius, see Chr. Thiers, “Un protocole pharaonique d’Antonin le Pieux (Médamoud, inscr. no 1, C-D)?”, RdE 51 (2000), p. 269, n. 30.
Revue d’Égyptologie 60, 17-40. doi: 10.2143/RE.60.0.2049272 Tous droits réservés © Revue d’Égyptologie, 2009. 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:43 Pagina 18
18 D. KLOTZ
Very little is known about the temple and surrounding settlement because they have remained for the most part unexcavated and unpublished until the last decade4. From 2001-2002, a joint expedition of the National Research Institute of Astronomy and Geophysics (NRIAG) and Tokyo Institute of Technology conducted geophysical surveys to the west of the main temple5. In 2003, a joint Japanese and Egyptian mission began excavating the town site west of the temple and documenting the temple’s architecture and inscriptions6. Qasr el-Zayyan is located about 30 km south of Hibis Temple in Khargeh Oasis, slightly east of the Khargeh extension of the Darb el-Arba‘yyin connecting Hibis to Dush7, and the temple has a north-south axis roughly parallel to the Darb el-Arba‘yyin8. The temple occu- pies the top of a small mound/hill in the middle of the Zayyan depression9, the lowest por- tion in all of Khargeh Oasis, around 20 meters above sea level10. Many temples in Khargeh Oasis, including Qasr el-Ghueita, Nadura, ‘Ain el-Labakha and Dush, were constructed on the summit of large hills with excellent views of traffic on the oasis and desert roads11. Qasr el-Zayyan, meanwhile, sits precisely in the middle of the Zayyan Depression, the spot closest to the water table of Khargeh Oasis. The Greek dedi- cation calls the temple, or its surrounding village, Txonemuriv, a name apparently derived from Egyptian *t-Ìnm.t-wr.t, “the great well”12. A large well actually features among the structures surrounding the temple, but it has not yet been excavated and is of uncertain
4 The SCA cleared and restored the temple in the 1980’s and 1990’s; the CEDEA announced plans to copy the hiero- glyphic inscriptions in 1981, but these copies never appeared; cf. A. Sadek, “Le relevé des textes des temples de Nadoura et de Qasr ez-Zayan (Survey épigraphique du CÉDAÉ)”, in N.-Chr. Grimal (ed.), Prospection et sauvegarde des antiqui- tés de l’Égypte. Actes de la table ronde organisée à l’occasion du Centenaire de l’IFAO, 8-12 janvier 1981 (BdE 88), 1981, p. 216; coll., Recherches sur les temples de Nubie, histoire de la Montagne thébaine, du Ramesseum et de la Vallée des Reines: exposition au Centre culturel français du Caire du 3 au 18 mai 1982, 1982, p. 14. 5 H. Kamei et al., “GPR and Magnetic Survey of the West of Al-Zayyan Temple, Kharga Oases, Al-Wadi Al-Jadeed (New Valley), Egypt”, Archaeological Prospection 9/2 (2002), p. 93-104; idem, “Complementary Integrated Geophysical Investigation around Al-Zayyan Temple, Kharga Oasis, Al-Wadi Al-Jadeed (New Valley), Egypt”, Archaeological Prospection 12/3 (2005), p. 177-189. 6 See the preliminary report El-Zayyan, 2003-2006. 7 Cf. M. Ohshiro, in El-Zayyan, 2003-2006, p. 1-2. 8 For the precise north-south alignment of Qasr el-Zayyan, see J.A. Belmonte – M. Shaltout – M. Fekri, “The Ancient Egyptian Monuments and their Relationship with the Position of the Sun, Stars and Planets II: New Experiments at the Oases of the Western Desert”, ASAE 80 (2006), p. 73 and 76, Table 1. 9 See the topographic map in El-Zayyan, 2003-2006, p. 8, fig. 5, and pl. 26. 10 H.J.Ll. Beadnell, An Egyptian Oasis: an account of the Oasis of Kharga in the Libyan Desert, with special reference to its history, physical geography, and water-supply, 1909, p. 59 and 117; El-Zayyan, 2003-2006, p. 62. 11 This was also true of the location of Roman Fortresses in North Khargeh, for which see M. Reddé, “Sites militaires romains de l’oasis de Kharga”, BIFAO 99 (1999), p. 377-396. 12 G. Lefèbvre, “À travers la Moyenne-Égypte. Documents et notes. §IX- La dédicace du temple d’ˆAmen±biv - Les noms de ville ÈJbiv et Txonémuriv”, ASAE 13 (1913), p. 5-9; the prefix txon- occurs in other names of Khargeh wells, cf. P.J. Parsons, “The Wells of Hibis”, JEA 57 (1971), p. 175.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:43 Pagina 19
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 19
date13. Altogether, the evidence suggests that Qasr el-Zayyan was a precious water source in central Khargeh14. For the ancient Egyptians, the verdant environs of the temple of Qasr el-Zayyan may have also evoked the primeval mound emerging from the chaotic waters of Nun15. H.J.Ll. Beadnell discovered lacustrine deposits found throughout Khargeh Oasis and concluded, based on the location of the Late Period monuments, that remains of an earlier lake still existed in the Roman Period, although by then “the lake had very much contracted, and probably only existed as a marshy swamp occupying the lower portions of the depres- sion.”16 In other words, the ancient lake would have survived in some form at least in the Zayyan Depression, and thus the temple of Qasr el-Zayyan atop its small mound would have appeared to rise out of the verdure at the edge of a glistening sheet of water. The tem- ple and its marshy appearance would have recalled both the primeval mound of creation and the aquatic environment of Chemmis17. Although the Greek dedication securely dates the renovation and decoration of the tem- ple to the reign of Antoninus Pius, nothing is certain about the earlier stages of temple con- struction at Zayyan. Although the communis opinio holds that Qasr el-Zayyan was origi- nally built in the Ptolemaic Period18, there is no evidence for this date besides the general architectural appearance of the earlier structures19, and this temple could conceivably date
13 H. Kamei et al., Archaeological Prospection, 9/2 (2002), p. 96, fig. 3b; El-Zayyan, 2003-2006, p. 53, fig. 36, 61-62; J. Willeitner, op. cit., p. 45, fig. 57. 14 For the various natural water sources around Qasr el-Zayyan, cf. H.J.Ll. Beadnell, op. cit., p. 71-73; cf. also M. Watanabe et al., in El-Zayyan, 2003-2006, p. 37-48, for evidence from sand analysis. 15 A. de Buck, Egyptische voorstellingen betreffende den Oerheuvel, 1922; A. Saleh, “The So-called ‘Primeval Hill’ and other related Elevations in Ancient Egyptian Mythology”, MDAIK 25 (1969), p. 110-120; J.C. Darnell, “Two Notes on Marginal Inscriptions at Medinet Habu”, in B.M. Bryan – D. Lorton (eds.), Essays in Egyptology in Honor of Hans Goedicke, 1994, p. 54-55. 16 H.J.Ll. Beadnell, op. cit., p. 118. 17 For the marshy environment evoked by temple architecture and decoration, cf. infra, text note l. 18 E.g. A. Hussein – G. Wagner, ZPE 95 (1993), p. 153, n. 4; D. Arnold, op. cit., p. 267; G. Hölbl, op. cit., III, p. 48; I. Guermeur, Cultes d’Amon, p. 447. 19 E. Cruz-Uribe, “Kharga Oasis, Late period and Graeco-Roman sites: Qasr Zaiyan”, in K.A. Bard (ed.), Encyclope- dia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt, 1999, p. 407, recently asserted: “The only dated inscription is from the reign of Antoninus Pius (AD 140), but the lintel of the inner gate is Ptolemaic in style. The inscriptions in the sanctuary are at the latest Ptolemaic in date, but may be earlier.” However, he did not explain the criteria for these temporal distinctions. Noth- ing about the inner gate is characteristically Ptolemaic; actually, the reliefs and hieroglyph inscriptions are very similar to those on the Antonine outer gate. Moreover, the preserved cartouches read […] qysrs, “[…] Caesar”, probably Antoninus (cf. S. Sauneron, BIFAO 55 [1955], pl. 12, right, and p. 29, who already correctly attributed this scene to Antoninus; the inscriptions of Qasr el-Zayyan refer to Antoninus Pius in the abbreviated form “Antoninus Caesar”, cf. J.-Cl. Grenier, Les titulatures des empereurs romains dans les documents en langue égyptienne [Papyrologica Bruxellensia 22], 1989, p. 60). The general carving style of the text in the sanctuary closely resembles that of the Antonine Period inscriptions discussed in the present article, particularly with the peculiar orthography of the wn-rabbit with short ears and a long tail (see already S. Sauneron, op. cit., pl. 13, bottom, right), and thus there is no reason to assume this single inscription belonged to an ear- lier stage of decoration, much less that the hieroglyphs could not be post-Ptolemaic.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:43 Pagina 20
20 D. KLOTZ
to the Twenty-Seventh Dynasty or earlier, like many other temples from Khargeh Oasis (Hibis, Qasr el-Ghueita, ‘Ain Manawir)20. The nearby site of Qasr el-Ghueita was pro- ducing wine for Thebes already in the Eighteenth Dynasty, and recent expeditions of the Theban Desert Road Survey have uncovered evidence of widespread Middle Kingdom activity21. Future seasons of archaeological study might uncover traces of pharaonic activ- ity at Qasr el-Zayyan.
II. The Cult Topographical Text
Most Egyptian temples from the Graeco-Roman Period contain religious texts summa- rizing the local cults and mythologies. These types of inscriptions, dubbed “monogra- phies” by A. Gutbub22, are common in the Nile Valley, and are even present in the Oases. The monographies in the Roman temples of ‘Ain Birbiyeh23 and Deir el-Haggar24 incorpo- rate Dakhleh Oasis into the Osirian cycle via puns on the names of the oasis temples25, so that the name of Deir el-Haggar (s-wÌ.t, lit. “the back of the Oasis”)26 is explained as the “resting place” (s.t-wÌ) for Horus after searching for the remains of his father27. Hibis Temple in Khargeh Oasis, decorated primarily in Dynasties Twenty-Seven, Twenty-Nine and Thirty, features only a small number of Graeco-Roman hieroglyphic inscriptions, and no cult-theological treatise comparable to those from Dakhleh survives at
20 For the pre-Persian sanctuary of Qasr el-Ghueita, cf. J.C. Darnell, “The Antiquity of Ghueita Temple”, GM 212 (2007), p. 29-40; for further updates, see also http://www.yale.edu/egyptology/. 21 J.C. Darnell, “Opening the Narrow Doors of the Desert: Discoveries of the Theban Desert Road Survey”, in R. Friedman (ed.), Egypt and Nubia: Gifts of the Desert, 2002, p. 147-9; D. Darnell, “Gravel of the Desert and Broken Pots in the Road: Ceramic Evidence from the Routes between the Nile and Kharga Oasis”, in R. Friedman (ed.), op. cit., p. 172-173; J.C. Darnell et al., “Preliminary Report on Qasr el-Ghueita” (forthcoming); for New Kingdom wine produc- tion at Qasr el-Ghueita, see especially S. Marchand – P. Tallet, “Ayn Asil el l’oasis de Dakhla au Nouvel Empire”, BIFAO 99 (1999), p. 312 and n. 24 (kindly noted by John C. Darnell). 22 A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux de la théologie de Kom Ombo (BdE 47), 1973, p. 502-521 (then quoted as A. Gut- bub, Textes fondamentaux); V. Rondot, “Une monographie bubastite”, BIFAO 89 (1989), p. 249-270; H. Sternberg-el Hotabi, Mythische Motive und Mythenbildung in den ägyptischen Tempeln und Papyri der griechisch-römischen Zeit (GOF IV/14), 1985; Chr. Leitz, Quellentexte zur ägyptischen Religion, I. Die Tempelinschriften der griechisch-römischen Zeit (Einführungen und Quellentexte zur Ägyptologie 2), 2004, p. 63-67 (with further bibliography). 23 O.E. Kaper, “How the god Amun-nakht came to Dakhleh Oasis”, JSSEA 17 (1987), p. 151-156. 24 I. Guermeur, Cultes d’Amon, p. 440, text A (with references to earlier discussions). 25 Similar etymologies are of course common for temples within the Nile Valley as well; cf. H. Kockelmann, Edfu, die Toponymen- und Kultnamenlisten zur Tempelanlage von Dendera nach den hieroglyphischen Inschriften von Edfu und Dendera (Die Inschriften des Tempels von Edfu, Begleitheft 3), 2002, p. 60-64; A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux, p. 10, n. (af); R.B. Finnestad, Image of the World and Symbol of the Creator. On the Cosmological and Iconological Values of the Temple of Edfu (Studies in Oriental Religions 10), 1985, p. 46-56, 64-78; J.-Cl. Grenier, “Djédem dans les textes du temple de Tôd”, in J. Vercoutter (dir.), Hommages à Serge Sauneron, 1927-1976. I, Égypte pharaonique (BdE 81), 1979, p. 381-390; D. Inconnu-Bocquillon, Le mythe de la Déesse Lointaine à Philae (BdE 132), 2001, p. 81-82 and 214-215. 26 For this toponym, cf. O.E. Kaper, “Egyptian Toponyms of Dakhla Oasis”, BIFAO 92 (1992), p. 124-129; P. Tallet, “A Particularity of the Toponymy of Dakhla Oasis: S-wÌ.t and Jw-mrw”, GM 173 (1999), p. 169-172. 27 O.E. Kaper, op. cit., p. 127; I. Guermeur, Cultes d’Amon, p. 440.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 21
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 21
Hibis28. Nevertheless, a sportive etymology of theological significance for the toponym Hibis appears already in the reign of Darius I. The cryptographic bandeau text from the west exterior wall writes Hb “Hibis” as , namely h(y.t) + b()29, calling to mind the common, ultimately Memphite epithet, “Ba, Lord of the Firmament” (b nb hy.t)30. Another sportive writing of the toponym Hibis employs the h-sign and b-ram: 31. Since the first sign could write h, “courtyard,”32 h(y.t), “open court, portico”, or even substitute for pr, “temple”33, this particular orthography of Hibis sug- gests that Persian Period priests interpreted the toponym as “the temple of the Ram of the desert”34. The ram of Khargeh Oasis was above all Amun of Hibis, a deity who appears primarily in criocephalic form35, often in contrast to the entirely human Amun of Karnak. Herodotus mentioned this ram-headed form of Amun of Hibis in his description of
28 For the Graeco-Roman inscriptions at Hibis, see N. de Garis Davies, The temple of Hibis in el Khargeh oasis. III, The decoration, pl. 78 (further quoted as N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III); additional reliefs in E. Cruz-Uribe, Hibis Temple Project, I: Translations, Commentary, Discussions and Sign List, 1988, p. 183-184, pl. 71A-B, and photographs 1-2 (note that the first standing hieracocephalic deity with double plumes in pl. 71A is Montu-Re Lord of Thebes, not Amun as restored by the author, ibid., pl. 71A and p. 183); cf. also S. Sauneron, “Les temples gréco-romains de l’Oasis de Khargeh”, BIFAO 55 (1955), p. 24-25; further Ptolemaic blocks were discovered by the Metropolitan Museum of Art expedition (H.E. Winlock, “The Egyptian Expedition”, BMMA 5/10 [1910], p. 226-228) and the restoration team currently working at Hibis. 29 N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pl. 51, top left; É. Drioton, ASAE 40 (1940), p. 351-353 (for a slightly different inter- pretation); the cryptographic texts from Hibis are being reworked by D. Klotz, “Hibis Varia” (forthcoming). 30 C. Wilke, “Bemerkungen zu einer späten Bezeichnung des Sonnengottes (b-nb-Hj)”, ZÄS 76 (1940), p. 93-99; Fr. Labrique, Stylistique et théologie à Edfou. Le rituel de l'offrande de la campagne: étude de la composition (OLA 51), 1992, p. 266, n. 1312; LGG II, 682-683; this epithet is applied to Amun in the Great Amun Hymn from Hibis: N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pl. 33, col. 35; cf. D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram: five hymns to Amun-Re from Hibis temple (YES 6), 2006, p. 123, n. C (then quoted as D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram). 31 N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pl. 8 (captions to Sopdu and his consort), 9 (text over cloth-offering scene, line 1), 10 (top right; bottom right [caption to Thoth]), 11 (text of Apis), 33 (caption to the Ogdoad), 36 (north jamb), 64 (North Architrave), 71 (captions to Amun and Tefnut); P. Dils, Der Tempel von Dusch. Publikation und Untersuchungen eines ägyptischen Provinztempels der römischen Zeit (Ph.D. Diss., Cologne, 2000), pl. 74, 78 (then quoted as P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch); E. Cruz-uribe, “The Foundations of Hibis”, in S.H. d’Auria (ed.), Servant of Mut. Studies in Honor of Richard A. Fazzini (PdÄ 78), 2008, p. 82, fig. 9; the same orthography also appears once at Nadura Temple. 32 Wb. II, 470, 1-5; note however, the multiple attestations of this word may simply be variant writings of wsÌ.t; H.W. Fairman, “Notes on the Alphabetic Signs Employed in the Hieroglyphic Inscriptions of theTemple of Edfu”, ASAE 43 (1943), p. 308, no 8. 33 For variations on this sign, see the discussion of J.C. Darnell et al., Two Early Alphabetic Inscriptions from the Wadi el-Hôl: New evidence for the origin of the alphabet from the Western desert of Egypt (AASOR 59), 2005, p. 77. 34 Karnak temple is also referred to as the “firmament of the Ba/ram who sails across heaven (hy.t n b ∂í p.t)”, e.g. Fr. Daumas, “L’interprétation des temple égyptiens anciens à la lumière des temples gréco-romains”, Cahiers de Karnak 6 (1980), p. 283. 35 N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pls. 7-13, 21, 28, 30-32, 34, 38, 44-45, 47, 50, 55, 61-62; H.E. Winlock, Ed Dakhleh Oasis, Journal of a Camel Trip made in 1908 (MMA. Department of Egyptian Art 5), 1936, p. 71, pl. 21 (top) and pl. 22, West Wall, Middle Register (text 23); P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 206; as well as multiple reliefs from Qasr el-Zayyan, Qasr el-Ghueita, and Nadura; the criocephalic Amun of Hibis also appears on a stela to Piyris from ‘Ayn il-Labakha (no 3001), now in the Khargeh Museum: A. Hussein, Le sanctuaire rupestre de Piyris à Ayn al-Labakha (MIFAO 116), 2000, p. 41, 51, 74; G. Wagner, “Les inscriptions grecques d’Aïn Labakha (stèles - graffites - depinti)”, ZPE 111 (1996), p. 102-103.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 22
22 D. KLOTZ
Khargeh Oasis36, and G. Schweinfurth mentioned a possible echo of this cult in the form of a ram statuette he found among residents of Khargeh in the late Nineteenth Century37. Because of the specifically criocephalic form of Amun of Hibis, local priests may have also compared the toponym “Hibis” (#yb)38 to an Egyptian word for “lamb” (Demotic Ìyb and Coptic #ieib [S] #iyb [B])39. Although inscriptions from Hibis Temple give no further details about its theological origins, several interesting details appear in an etiological text from the small temple of Qasr el-Zayyan40. This inscription, preserved twice in two separate door jambs41, was carved along with the rest of the temple decoration during the reign of Antoninus Pius in 140 CE (cf. supra). The text does not mention Qasr el-Zayyan or the nearby Qasr el- Ghueita (pr-wsÌ), but instead focuses on Hibis itself. This feature is not surprising, as Amun of Hibis holds a prominent position in all of the temple scenes at Qasr el-Zayyan, as in the label to the niched naos in the rear wall of the sanctuary, where the Pharaoh addresses Amun of Hibis42: íí.n=í Ìr=k ít=í Ämn[-R¨ nb] Hb n†r ¨ wsr Ìps Ìnk=í n=k mn.ty Ìr ímy=sn That I have come before you, my father, Amun-Re Lord of Hibis, Great God, mighty of strong arm, is so I might offer to you the plateaus43 bearing what is in them. Amun of Hibis is also quite important in the temple scenes of Qasr el-Ghueita44, Nadura45 and Dush46. This situation is similar to the role of Amun of Karnak, who ultimately presides over all Theban temples, even though they all have their own lords
36 Herodotus, IV, 181; for this passage, cf. D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 9-10; J. Osing, “Notizen zu den Oasen Charga und Dachla”, GM 92 (1986), p. 79; H.J.Ll. Beadnell, op. cit., p. 91-92. 37 G. Schweinfurth, op. cit., p. 391. 38 W. Vycichl, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue copte, 1983, p. 288. 39 Ibid., p. 291; H.J. Thissen, “‘Apocalypse Now!’ Anmerkungen zum Lamm des Bokchoris”, in W. Clarysse – A. Schoors – H. Willems (eds.), Egyptian Religion. The Last Thousand Years: studies dedicated to the memory of Jan Quaegebeur. II, (OLA 85), 1998, p. 1046-1047. 40 Mentioned by O.E. Kaper, JSSEA 17 (1987), p. 153, n. d and 156, n. 20; slightly inaccurate handcopy and transla- tion in P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 208. 41 PM VII, p. 294 (3) and (4). 42 PM VII, p. 294 (5); partially quoted in S. Sauneron, BIFAO 55 (1955), p. 29, pl. 13; O.E. Kaper, op. cit., p. 155, n. 8; photographs and epigraphic copies of all inscriptions from Qasr el-Zayyan will be published by a joint Japanese-SCA expedition. 43 For the use of the word mn.ty, “hills”, in inscriptions from the oases, cf. O.E. Kaper, op. cit., p. 151 (also discussing this example). 44 The temple of Qasr el-Ghueita is being published by J.C. Darnell (cf. supra, n. 20). 45 The author is currently preparing the full publication of the inscriptions from Nadura temple; cf. D. Klotz, “Chonsu at Nadura Temple” (forthcoming). 46 P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 205-211; note also the popularity of the name Ns-Ämn-Hb, “he who belongs to Amun of Hibis” in documents from Khargeh and Armant: U. Kaplony-Heckel, “Die 28 demotischen Hibis-Ostraka in New York”, Enchoria 26 (2000), p. 64, n. 32. Amun of Hibis even appears on inscribed material from Qasr el-Deir in North Kharga (personal communication, Françoise Dunand)
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 23
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 23
(e.g. Chonsu at Chonsu Temple, Montu at North Karnak, Osiris and Opet at Opet Temple)47. The monography of Qasr el-Zayyan appears twice in the thickness of two different por- tals. Version A consists of four columns of text, two on each thickness of the door to the pronaos (PM VII, 294 [4]), while version B consists of two columns, one on each thickness of the door of the naos (ibid., 294 [3]), and thus only contains one half of the text. The fol- lowing translation is based primarily on version A, with damaged sections restored from the identical version B. Version A is well-preserved for the first two columns, but large sections are missing from columns 3 and 4. This damage is due to the removal of two large blocks from the right side of the portal (now filled in with cement), which also affected offering scenes on the right (east) doorpost. These blocks were gone by the early Twenti- eth Century48, but sketches by A. Edmonstone and G.A. Hoskins both represent this portal as intact in the early Nineteenth Century49. In his memoir on Khargeh Oasis, G.A. Hoskins noted his epigraphic activities during his stay at Qasr el-Zayyan: “I copied some lines of the hieroglyphics, which are still remaining; but they are not interest- ing, except as containing the name of Antoninus, whose name is also found in the inscrip- tion.”50 G.A. Hoskins’s travel companion, Robert Hay, also made copies of Version A of the Qasr el-Zayyan inscription. His copy of the preserved portion of the text is completely accurate, but unfortunately only the first two columns remain in his manuscripts currently in the British Library51.
47 A. Gutbub, “Hathor Ìnt Äwn.t, Re Hor Ìnt BÌd.t, Amon Ìnt Ws.t”, in Mélanges Mariette (BdE 32), 1961, p. 332- 340. 48 See the photos of R. Naumann, “Bauwerke der Oase Khargeh”, MDAIK 8 (1939), pl. 8a; S. Sauneron, op. cit., pl. 10 (top); D. Arnold, op. cit., p. 270, fig. 236, all taken before the recent restorations. 49 A. Edmonstone, A Journey to the Two of the Oases of Upper Egypt, 1822, pl. before p. 67; G.A. Hoskins, Visit to the Great Oasis of the Libyan Desert: with an account, ancient and modern, of the oasis of Amun, and the other oases now under the dominion of the Pasha of Egypt, 1837, pl. 17. For other important blocks which have recently disappeared from Khargeh temples, cf. D. Kurth, “Antikenraub in den Oasen”, GM 130 (1992), p. 45-48 (Nadura); note also the relief of Darius I at Qasr el-Ghueita that was still intact in the 1950’s (S. Sauneron, op. cit., pl. 9). The fact that a similar door jamb block with an important cryptographic inscription disappeared from Hibis Temple after H. Brugsch’s visit in the late nineteenth century, only to resurface later in the Pushkin Museum in Moscow (N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pl. 29 = Sv. Hodjash – O. Berlev. The Egyptian Reliefs and Stelae in the Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts, Moscow, 1982, p. 124, 126), suggests the rest of the Qasr el-Zayyan inscription might still exist in a museum or private collec- tion. 50 G.A. Hoskins, op. cit., p. 170; if G.A. Hoskins had in fact copied the present text from Qasr el-Zayyan, no trace of it remains in his manuscripts preserved at the Griffith Institute in Oxford University (personal communication of Amin Benaissa, who kindly scoured the Hoskins archives). 51 R. Hay MS 29832, 67 verso; at the end of his copy, R. Hay noted: “On W. jamb of door. The other side copied before.” However, only a few pages from this Khargeh notebook are preserved in the British Library manuscripts, and the page with the remainder of the inscription is nowhere to be found.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 24
24 D. KLOTZ
Translation and Commentary (pl. III)52 ír Hb (a) ín R¨ (b) ím=f wn.n=f m nsw.t n t-mÌw sm¨w Ìr w∂(.t)-md.w(t) m t (r)-∂r=f Ìpr mít.t m-Ìt zm-t ím=f m Δd.t (c) mrí Ìm=f (d) zb-ss (e) Ìr ∂w pn (f) wn Äs.t (g) Ìr ÌÌí b n Wsír (h) m bw nb nty=f ím=w wn=sn Ìr s∂m (i) s[pr.w?…] Ìr ∂w pn […] íw wn n†r nb (j) ím=w m Ìp-Ì.t[…] (k) r ímn Äs.t (l) n sw[…] (m) […] nb ̨.w (Qysrs)| ¨nÌ(.w) ∂.t (n) As for Hibis, it is Re who was there, while he was King of Upper and Lower Egypt, making pronouncements throughout the whole land. The same was the case after he was buried in Mendes: His majesty loved to “roam the marshes” upon this mountain. Isis would seek out the Ba of Osiris, in all places he might be. They would hear s[upplications (?)…] upon this mountain, […] while every god therein was concealed of corpse […], in order to hide Isis […] […] Lord of Appearances, Caesar, may he live eternally.
(a) P. Dils read as íí r Hb, “kommt nach (oder: aus?) Hibis”53, which is not only syntactically and orthographically odd, but unexpected for a text of this genre. The more straightforward reading is to simply translate ír Hb, “as for Hibis,” a standard formula in temple monographies54. Discussing similar introductions beginning with ír, A. Gutbub concluded55: “La formule ír í.t tn est une formule de glose; elle donne la définition du temple, mais en termes de préhistoire, racontant les actions des dieux aux temps premiers, actions qui déterminent à la fois l’histoire des hommes et la fondation et la dédicace du temple, le culte qui y est célébré: l’étiologie mythique spéciale au lieu sacré débouche ainsi dans une étiologie générale du monde.”
52 The text is based on handcopies of R. Hay (MS 29832, 67) and P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 208, with corrections made after photographs of the author; the full publication of this and other inscriptions of Qasr el-Zayyan is in preparation by a joint Japanese-Egyptian expedition (personal communication of Michinori Ohshiro). 53 P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 208; as an alternate translation, P. Dils also suggested ír Hb “was Hibis betrifft” (ibid.). 54 E.g. Esna II, 60, 1; 81, 1; 104, 1; 129, 1; 196, 1; H. Sternberg-el Hotabi, op. cit., p. 13-14. 55 A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux, p. 511.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 25
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 25
According to A. Gutbub, the gloss formula introduced by ír describes the divine history of a location, while the parallel formula beginning with wnn “étend la durée du temple et du culte à toute l’éternité” (ibid.). The present gloss in the Qasr el-Zayyan text is perfectly logical, as what follows is precisely the prehistory of Hibis in the Golden Age of the gods.
(b) P. Dils restored this passage as Ä
(c) P. Dils read this toponym as “Busiris”60, but as with other examples, it is difficult to determine whether such an orthography represents Mendes (Δd.t) or Busiris (Δdw)61. Busiris is traditionally connected with the burial place of Osiris62, although Osiris was of course also integrated into Mendesian cults63. However, the only god mentioned thus far in the Qasr el-Zayyan inscription is Re. While Re is not directly associated with Busiris, he is closely involved with the Ram of Mendes. The quadrifrontic Mendesian ram was a combination of the Bas of Re, Shu, Geb, and Osiris, but his official title was “the Ram Lord of Mendes, Great God, Living one of Re” (b nb-Δdw, n†r ¨, ¨nÌ n R¨)64, and a late text even says of him: “Verily, he is the body of Re!” (∂.t pw nt R¨ m m¨.t zp-snw)65. According to local traditions, the Ram of Mendes was
56 P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 208. 57 For a sampling of late orthographies of the name Amun, cf. M.-Th. Derchain-Urtel, Epigraphische Untersuchungen zur griechisch-römischen Zeit in Ägypten (ÄAT 43), 1999, p. 68-72. 58 E.g. A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux, p. 521-523, 525-526; É. Drioton, Rapport sur les fouilles de Médamoud (1925). Les inscriptions (FIFAO 3,2), 1926, nos 14, 17, 98; Esna II, 58, 60, 81, 84; for similar Heliopolitan influence on the local theology of Edfu, cf. S. Cauville, Essai sur la théologie du temple d’Horus à Edfou, I (BdE 102), 1987, p. 239-240. 59 N.-Chr. Grimal, Quatre stèles napatéennes au Musée de Caire. JE 48863-48866, (MIFAO 106), 1981, p. 23, 11-12. 60 P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 208. 61 P. Montet, Géographie de l’Égypte ancienne, I, 1957, p. 98. 62 E.g. Plutarch, De Iside et Osiride, 21; J. von Beckerath, “Busiris”, in LÄ I, col. 883-884; J. Yoyotte, “La cuve osirienne de Coptos”, Annuaire de l’ÉPHÉ. Ve section 86 (1977-1978), p. 166-168; P. Koemoth, Osiris et les arbres: contribution à l’étude des arbres sacrés de l’Égypte ancienne (AegLeod 3), 1994, p. 109-113. 63 D. Meeks, Mythes et légendes du Delta d’après le papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.84 (MIFAO 125), 2006, p. 262-265. 64 H. Wild, “Statue d’un noble mendésien du règne de Psamétik Ier aux musées de Palerme et du Caire”, BIFAO 60 (1960), p. 65, n. 3; cf. also D. Kurth, Die Dekoration des Säulen im Pronaos des Tempels von Edfu (GOF IV/11), 1983, p. 154, n. 13; K. Jansen-Winkeln, Ägyptische Biographien der 22. und 23. Dynastie (ÄAT 8), 1985, I, p. 231, n. 2; II, p. 571, A1; I. Guermeur, “Le groupe familial de Pachéryentaisouy. Caire JE 36576”, BIFAO 104 (2004), p. 261-263, texte E1, col. E2; LGG IV, 403. 65 Urk. VI, 73, 9.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 26
26 D. KLOTZ
the animal god par excellence, “the sovereign of great (sacred) animals [of Egypt]” (íty í.wt wr.w [nw Km.t])66, and it is even stated that “he is the physical manifestation of every god” (b pw n n†r nb)67. A close association between Hibis and the Ram of Mendes seems to have existed already in the Persian Period, because he appears there with his consort Hatmehyt in a number of offering scenes68. These reliefs are located near the entrance to room K in the north-west corner of Hibis Temple, from which ascends the northern staircase leading to a false door69. The south wall of the northern staircase preserves a 25-column hymn spoken by Thoth to the Ram of Mendes70. This hymn describes various rites performed for the Ram of Mendes which seem connected with kingship and the Sed-Festival71. Most notable in this regard is the following passage (cols. 18-22): w†z(.w) nfrw=k That your processional bark is lifted, rmn tw rmn.w R¨ is so that the carriers of Re carry you, sqd tw Ìnmm.t and the “sunfolk” sail you around. Ìq=k p.t May you rule heaven, ̨.tí m Δdw appearing in Mendes, t r-∂r=f [Ì]r s.t-Ìr=k with the entire land [un]der your command. ín n=k R¨ w.t-íb Re brings to you happiness73,
66 Urk. II, 49, 17. 67 Urk. II, 51, 12; cf. also Urk. II, 46, 15. 68 N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pls. 10, 21, 51; the majority of deities represented at Hibis (outside of the crowded Naos) are from Hibis or from regions cultically and economically connected to Khargeh, namely gods from Asyut, Thi- nis/Abydos, Thebes, Edfu, Aswan and the deserts (see F. Ismail, Cult and Ritual in Persian Period Egypt [Ph.D. Diss., Johns Hopkins University, 2009]). The presence of the Ram of Mendes and Hatmehyt is thus remarkable, and may indicate a special cult within Hibis. For a Theban cult of the Ram of Mendes, see K. Jansen-Winkeln, Biographische und religiöse Inschriften der Spätzeit aus dem Ägyptischen Museum Kairo (ÄAT 45), 2001, I, p. 97, 110, n. 10. 69 See the map in N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pl. 1. 70 N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pl. 23; translated by A. Barucq – Fr. Daumas, Hymnes et prières de l’Égypte ancienne (LAPO 10), 1980, p. 303-6; E. Cruz-Uribe, op. cit., p. 97-100. Even though A. Barucq and Fr. Daumas understood this to be a Mendesian hymn, E. Cruz-Uribe translated the toponym consistently as “Busiris” and assumed the hymn was addressed to Osiris. The Mendesian context is confirmed through the references to Hatmehyt (cols. 2, 5, 23-24), Anpet (col. 5), and most explicitly the final strophe (cols. 24-25): q zp-snw B-nb-Δdw, “Be exalted, be exalted, o Ram Lord of Mendes!” Note that this hymn also incorporates excerpts from the Sokar Festival liturgy; F. Feder, “Die verschiedenen Redaktionen des ‘Rituals des Herausbringens von Sokar aus dem Schetait-Sanktuar’”, in L. Gabolde (ed.), Hommages à Jean-Claude Goyon offerts pour son 70e anniversaire (BdE 143), 2008, p. 153 and 160. 71 N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, Pl. 23, col. 12: wÌm=k ÌÌ.w n Ìb-sd, “May you repeat millions of Sed-Festivals”; cols. 17-18: nfr Ìr=k m íwn.t=k m Δdw, íw=k ̨.tí m-Ìnw [pr]-wr, “Your face is beautiful in your sanctuary in Mendes, while appearing within the [Per]-Wer.” 72 Restored from the parallel phrase in col. 9. 73 For w.t-íb, “happiness”, as an aspect of solar kingship, cf. J. Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott, Untersuchungen zur altägyptischen Hymnik I, (MÄS 19), 1969, p. 184-185; N.-Chr. Grimal, Les termes de la propagande royale égyptienne de la XIXe Dynastie à la conquête d’Alexandre, 1986, p. 578-579; the epithet nb w.t-íb specifically designates Horus or Chonsu as legitimate successors of their father; see V. Rondot, “Une monographie bubastite”, BIFAO 89 (1989), p. 267-268, n. 31; Cl. Traunecker, Coptos. Hommes et Dieux sur le parvis de Geb (OLA 43), 1992, p. 192, n. f;
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 27
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 27
ssp=k ¨nÌ m-Ìnw Δdw you receive life within Mendes, [pÌ]72=k p.t zm=k m R¨ you [reach] heaven, you unite with Re, dí n=k Sw ¨.wy=f(y) n ¨nÌ Shu gives to you his hands of life. dí(.w) n=k nsyw.t Ìry-tp t That kingship is given to you upon earth, Ìry-tp=k t r-∂r=f is so that you might preside over the entire land. ín∂-Ìr=k dw tw p¨.t Greetings unto you! The pat-people worship you. This hymn suggests that a bark festival associated with renewal of kingship was per- formed at Hibis Temple in honor of the Ram of Mendes, perhaps assimilated to Amun of Hibis, the ram of the desert74. This would be a solar counterpart to the well-known Osirian chapels on the roof of Hibis75, thus celebrating both the solar and Osirian aspects of Amun of Hibis. Ultimately, this role of the Ram of Mendes as a solar king at Hibis Temple brings us back to the Qasr el-Zayyan etiological text, where the primary ram god of Hibis is said to be Re, the King of Upper and Lower Egypt.
(d) The determinative to Ìm, “majesty,” is a hieracocephalic god with a solar disk, indi- cating that Re is still the subject.
(e) This phrase is clearly zb-ss, “roam the marshes”76, and not íí ¨q, “kommen und ein- treten” (P. Dils). The expression in question has a number of nuances, and is ultimately related to the idyllic marsh-scenes found in Egyptian tombs77. While M. Depauw and M. Smith have recently suggested that the expression “roaming the marshes” most often refers to
Fr. Labrique, “Khonsou et la néoménie, à Karnak”, in D. Budde – S. Sandri – U. Verhoeven (eds.), Kindgötter im Ägypten der griechisch-römischen Zeit. Zeugnisse aus Stadt und Tempel als Spiegel des interkulturellen Kontakts (OLA 128), 2003, p. 215-216. 74 The decoration of the doorway to the nearby northern chapel I (N. de Garis Davies, Hibis III, pl. 9) depicts the rite of Inundation waters of the New Year (Cl. Traunecker, “Les rites de l’eau à Karnak d’après les textes de la rampe de Taharqa”, BIFAO 72 [1972], p. 195-236; Cl. Traunecker did not discuss the Hibis example), in conjunction with cloth offerings before Tayit, suggesting a connection to a possible New Year’s roof procession (for the special combination of water and cloth offerings for the New Year, cf. E. Schott, “Die heilige Vase des Amon”, ZÄS 98 [1970], p. 47-49; M.-L. Ryhiner, La procession des étoffes et l’union avec Hathor [Rites Égyptiens 8], 1995, p. 29, 49-50); see further D. Klotz, “Hibis Varia” (forthcoming). 75 For the Osirian chapels on the rooftop of Hibis, see W. Waitkus, “Zum funtionalen Zusammenhang von Krypta, Wabet und Goldhaus”, in D. Kurth (ed.), 3. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung. Systeme und Programme der ägyptischen Tem- peldekoration (ÄAT 33,1), 1995, pp. 290-292; F. Coppens, The Wabet: Tradition and Innovation in Temples of the Ptole- maic and Roman Period, 2007, p. 219-221; F. Ismail, op. cit. 76 Already recognized by O.E. Kaper, JSSEA 17 (1987), p. 156, n. 20. 77 J.C. Darnell, “Hathor Returns to Medamud”, SAK 22 (1995), p. 52-53, n. f, 89-90; P. Wilson, A Ptolemaic Lexikon: a lexicographical study of the texts in the temple of Edfu (OLA 78), 1997, p. 790-791; S. Sauneron, “Villes et légendes d’Égypte, X.- Le « lieu de promenade » de Satis à Éléphantine”, BIFAO 64 (1966), p. 189, n. 4; Cl. Traunecker, Coptos…, 1992, p. 249, note n; P. Der Manuelian, Living in the Past: studies in Archaism of the Egyptian Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, 1994, p. 343, n. 199; M. Depauw – M. Smith, “Visions of Ecstacy. Cultic Revelry before the Goddess Ai/Nehemanit. Ostraca Faculteit Letteren (K.U.Leuven) dem. 1-2”, in F. Hoffmann – H.J. Thissen (eds.), Res severa verum gaudium. Festschrift für Karl-Theodor Zauzich zum 65. Geburtstag am 8. Juni 2004 (Studia Demotica 6), 2004, p. 81-82, 86-87, 89; Fr.-R. Herbin, “Trois papyrus hiéroglyphiques de l’époque romaine”, RdE 59 (2008), p. 133.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 28
28 D. KLOTZ
sexual intercourse78, such an interpretation does not explain many occurrences of the expres- sion, including the present example79. One such passage occurs in the following excerpt from a ritual of offering plants, where the officiating priest tells Khnum Lord of the Field80: pr(=í) r s.t Just as I go out to the field, zb(=í) ss m sÌ.t so do I “roam the marshes” in the countryside, ¨q=í s.t=k tpy dww so I might enter your place at the break of day. Here the phrase “roaming the marshes” has a literal meaning; the priest finds his sacred plants from the outlying agricultural domains attached to the temple. Another use of zb-ss is closely connected with animal or statue manifestations of divini- ties. The temple is described as a marshy environment, a naturalistic setting in which the divinity feels at home81. Thebes itself can be Amun’s “city of roaming the marshes” (níw.t nt zb-ss)82, while an inscription from Shanhûr claims that the temple was built for Mut of Thebes, “in order for her to roam the marshes within it.”83
78 Ibidem. For the use of similar horticultural imagery and metaphors in erotic poetry, cf. M.V. Fox, The Song of Songs and the Ancient Egyptian Love Songs, 1985, p. 26, 28, 283-287. This particular phrase often has a sexual connotation when it describes the hieros gamos of Shu and Tefnut (Esna II, 30, 2; 31, 34), or Amun and Mut (Stela JE 65904, line 4 = O.E. Kaper, The Egyptian God Tutu: a study of the sphinx-god and master of demons with a corpus of monuments [OLA 119], 2003, p. 360-361; Stela BM 1432, lines 4-5 = E.A.W. Budge, A Guide to the Egyptian Galleries [Sculpture], 1909, p. 283 and pl. 39; these and other Theban stelae from the reign of Tiberius will be fully published by Philippe Collombert, who graciously sent me new photographs). For more on the hieros gamos of Amun and Mut, and the birth of Chonsu the Child in the Mut Temple Precinct, cf. D. Klotz, Kneph: the religion of Roman Thebes (Ph.D. Diss., Yale University, 2008), p. 120-130, 399-401, 406-407, 581-582. 79 This is also the case with the fishing and fowling scenes set in marshes, which can be understood a number of ways, not just sexually; cf. E. Feucht, “Fishing and Fowling with the Spear and the Throw-stick Reconsidered”, in U. Luft (ed.), The intellectual heritage of Egypt: studies presented to Laszlo Kákosy by friends and colleagues on the occasion of his 60th birthday (Studia Aegyptiaca 14), 1992, p. 157-169; similarly the rite of “rustling the papyrus (zss w∂)” which has a number of different meanings and associations; see primarily P. Munro, Der Unas-Friedhof Nord-West. I, topographisch-historische Einleitung. Das Doppelgrab der Königinnen Nebet und Khenu, I, 1993, p. 94-118, 126-136; and cf. the different interpreta- tion of H. Altenmüller, “Der Himmelsaufstieg des Grabheern – Zu den Szenen des zss w∂ in den Gräbern des Alten Reiches”, SAK 30 (2002), p. 1-42; as P. Munro notes, the concept of zb-ss includes most fishing and fowling activities asso- ciated with the rite of zss w∂, and also that it “schließt (…) nicht nur die »Hingabe an erotische Vergnügungen mit allen dazu behörigen Begleitumständen und –handlungen ein, sondern läßt auch den rituellen Rang der damit umschriebenen Geschehnisse deutlich genug anklingen” (P. Munro, op. cit., p. 117; connection suggested to the author by John C. Darnell). 80 Esna III, 286, 15 = S. Sauneron, Les fêtes religieuses d’Esna aux derniers siècles du paganisme (Esna 5), 1962, p. 137; note the close parallel in Esna VI, 517, 1-2. 81 J.C. Darnell, SAK 22 (1995), p. 89-90; Chr. Thiers, “Thèbes, le buisson des dieux”, Kyphi 4 (2005), p. 61-66; com- pare also S. Sauneron’s description of a pavillion of Satet “où la déesse, lors de ses «sorties», pouvait venir un moment jouir des joies de la vie, dans la fraîcheur des fourrés” (S. Sauneron, BIFAO 64 [1966], p. 190); compare also Esna III, 156, 20, where the temple is described as “the place of roaming the marshes for the Ka” of Khnum, in a hymn enumerat- ing in great detail the flora and fauna of Esna. 82 J.-M. Kruchten, Les annales des prêtres de Karnak (XXI-XXIIImes Dynasties) et autres textes contemporains relatifs à l’initiation des prêtres d’Amon (OLA 32), 1989, p. 257, 260, n. B. 83 H. Willems et al., The Temple of Shanhûr, I: The Sanctuary, the Wabet, and the Gates of the Central Hall and the Great Vestibule (1-98) (OLA 124), 2003, no 33, and p. 45-46; just as with the inscription from Qasr el-Zayyan, the refer- ence to “roaming the marshes” at Shanhûr may refer to a festival procession from Thebes.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 29
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 29
In a food offering scene from Deir Shelwit, Amun of Karnak is described as “roaming the marshes (zb-ss) throughout the two lands and banks, (since) all temples established with his image, without limit to his travels.”84 This statement merely claims that Amun manifests himself in all temples of Egypt, and does not appear to have any sexual over- tones. The naturalistic meaning of “roaming the marshes” is demonstrated by a text from Tod, which describes the temple as85: mrw n sÌr ¨pp ín R¨ Ìr Δdm The mrw for felling Apep by Re in Djedem, s.t-zb-ss nt tqr-pÌty the place of “roaming the marshes” for the one valiant of strength, Ìr Ìs m rqy.w=f while raging against his enemies. This inscription likens the “place of roaming the marshes” to a mrw-shrine, the com- plex of the temple in which the sacred animal lived and appeared before the public86. As a home for the god, mrw-shrines were surrounded by trees, flowers, and lakes, creating a natural paradise on earth87. This image of the god enjoying himself while “roaming the marshes” of his temple is perhaps best expressed in a hymn describing the bull manifesta- tion of Chonsu-Thoth88: mk sw m nb-Ìtp.w Ìq ∂f.w Behold, he is Lord of Offerings, Ruler of Provisions, ∂=f r=f m ¨nÌ r nÌÌ he fills his mouth with life for ever, Ìn.tw Ìr Ì.t=f nt zbí-ss stopping at his field of “roaming the marshes”: s=f †Ìn(.w) <Ì>r Ìr.wt=f his plain scintillates with his food, SÌm.t sÌn.tí Ìr sÌ.t=f Sakhmet resting upon his field, W∂.t w∂w∂(.tí) n Ìr=f Wadjyt flourishing before him, swr=f mw he drinks water, fn∂=f Ìr Ì with his nose beneath a flower, ¨n¨n.t=f Ìr nÌb.t and his neck bearing a lotus blossom.
84 Deir Chelouit III, 143, 14. 85 Tôd I, 41, 1; cf. J.-Cl. Grenier, in J. Vercoutter (dir.), Hommages à Serge Sauneron, 1927-1976. I, Égypte pharaonique (BdE 81), p. 384; Chr. Thiers, “Fragments de théologies thébaines. La bibliothèque du temple de Tôd”, BIFAO 104 (2004), p. 560-561, n. 56. 86 The mrw is described in detail in the “Book of the Temple”, and the word is rendered in demotic as sst, “window of appearances”; see the discussion of J.Fr. Quack, “Die Rolle des heilgen Tieres im Buch vom Tempel”, in M. Fitzenre- iter (ed.), Tierkulte im pharaonischen Ägypten und im Kultuvergleich (IBAES 4), 2003, p. 113, 116-117; for a detailed dis- cussion of the Graeco-Roman examples, cf. also L. Goldbrunner, Buchis: eine Untersuchung zur Theologie des heiligen Stieres in Theben zur griechischrömischen Zeit (MRE 11), 2003, p. 246-252. 87 For the layout of New Kingdom mrw-shrines, cf. A. Badawy, “Maru-Aten: Pleasure Resort or Temple?”, JEA 42 (1956), p. 58-64; B.J. Kemp, “Outlying Temples at Amarna”, Amarna Reports 6 (1995), p. 418-432, 452-455; A. Cabrol, Les voies processionnelles de Thèbes (OLA 97), 2001, p. 600-607; for the earlier architectural precedents, cf. J.C. Darnell, “The Eleventh Dynasty Royal Inscription from Deir el-Ballas”, RdE 59 (2008), p. 102-104. 88 Urk. VIII, 104b = P. Clère, La porte d’Évergète (MIFAO 84), 1961, pl. 40; for this text, see most recently Fr. Labrique in D. Budde et al. (eds.), Kindgötter im Ägypten der Griechisch-Römischen Zeit: Zeugnisse aus Stadt und Tempel als Spiegel des interkulturellen Kontakts (OLA 128), 2003, p. 207-209.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 30
30 D. KLOTZ
In the context of Hibis temple, or of Qasr el-Zayyan, the reference to zb-ss recalls the horticultural imagery often found in the temple forecourt. The marshy primeval environments of Chemmis or Nun waters are represented physically through planted trees and plants89, and suggested architecturally with papyrus capitals and temple reliefs90.
(f) The term ∂w, “mountain”, can apply to desert regions in the Oases91. The word might also refer to Khargeh Oasis as the “western mountan”, the necropolis (cf. infra, “Conclusions”).
(g) The name Isis is to be read as rather than (P. Dils)92. Spellings of Isis with an initial yod are not uncommon93, but it is unclear what exactly writes the medial -s- in the present example. It is possible that the egg is used both phonetically (s < s) and as a determinative, since orthographies like appear already in the Coffin Texts94. Alterna- tively, the reed leaf might stand in for the ísw-plant, as in the Roman Period spelling of Isis: 95.
(h) While this could alternatively read “seeking benefactions for Osiris” (Ìr ÌÌí Ì.wt n Wsír)96, the latter phrase appears more often in a royal context97, and the bnw-bird writes
89 A. Cabrol, op. cit., p. 427-467. Note that a building inscription from Edfu explicitly relates the two ideas, claiming that the festival court (hy.t) is: “the place of roaming the marshes for Re and Horus; it resembles Chemmis (s.t-zb-ss n R¨ Ìn¨ Îr; twt s(í) r Ì-bí.t)” (Edfou VII, 17, 5). 90 A.M. Badawy, “The Approach to the Egyptian Temple in the Late and Graeco-Roman Periods”, ZÄS 102 (1975), p. 79-90; S. Sauneron, BIFAO 64 (1966), p. 190; J.C. Darnell, SAK 22 (1995), p. 52-53, n. f. 91 Already noted for the present text by by O.E. Kaper, JSSEA 17 (1987), p. 153, n. d; idem, BIFAO 92 (1992), p. 123, n. 35; P. Dils, Tempel von Dusch, p. 208, n. 106; compare also the specific use of tw in Demotic and toou in Coptic to refer to the uncultivable land just beyond the Nile valley: J.G. Manning, The Hauswaldt Papyri: A Third Century B.C. Family Dossier from Edfu (Demotische Studien 12), 1997, p. 42, n. 14. 92 The reed-leaf is quite clear in Text B, and the traces in the damage of Text A are too small for a throne. Alterna- tively, this could be an unusual writing of n†r.t, “goddess”, with Isis as the determinative, based on confusion between the reed-leaf and the n†r-sign; for examples, cf. Tôd II, p. 68, n. c; E. Czerny, “Remarques sur un hymne à Min-Amon et sur un bloc méconnu de Coptos”, in L. Gabolde (ed.), Hommages à Jean-Claude Goyon: offerts pour son 70e anniversaire (BdE 143), 2008, p. 102, n. a. 93 M.-Th. Derchain-Urtel, Epigraphische Untersuchungen zur griechisch-römischen Zeit in Ägypten (ÄAT 43), 1999, pp. 84-85. 94 E.g. CT I, 183f; cf. LGG I, 61, and the comments of A.H. Gardiner, EG, p. 467; H.G. Fischer, Varia Nova, (Egypt- ian Studies 3), 1996, p. 203, n. 193. 95 M.-Th. Derchain-Urtel, op. cit., p. 85-86; note that her proposal to read the plant as ís < ísw, “Schilfrohr” (ibid., p. 86) is preferable to her acrophonic derivation s < smw, “Kraut” (ibid., p. 85); one might also suggest s < sw, from sub- stitution with the sw-plant; cf. J.C. Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity (OBO 198), 2004, p. 605. 96 For the common phrase ÌÌí-Ì.wt n, cf. Wb. III, 151, 17. 97 N.-Chr. Grimal, op. cit., p. 171-172, 523-526.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 31
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 31
b more frequently than Ì98. This spelling of Ba would be all the more appropriate, as the Ba of Osiris is often identified with the bnw-bird99. The key word here is ÌÌí, “to seek”, often used to describe Isis’s search for the scattered limbs of Osiris100. As noted above, a similar text from the sanctuary of Deir el-Haggar describes Horus searching for the limbs of his father in the western desert and oases, referred to generally as Ìs.wt, “desert lands.”101 In any event, the name of Hibis is given an Osirian etymology, being the place where Isis “sought the Ba” of Osiris, i.e. Hb < Ì(Ìí) b(). The mention of Isis and Osiris undoubtedly refers to their local temple at Dush.
(i) The orthography of s∂m, “to hear”, with a -.ty ending is unexpected. Perhaps it is influenced by hieratic or demotic, where two otiose diagonal strokes are quite common102, or this could be the variant infinitive s∂m.t103. This spelling might also reflect a contempo- rary pronunciation *sty with the final bilabial omitted104. Alternatively, this could be an unusual writing of the verb smt, “to hear” which is also determined with the ear-sign105.
(j) The reading of as n†r nb is somewhat tentative because of the damage106. One could also read n†r(.w) n†r.(w)t, “god(s) and goddess(es)”, but that would provide approx- imately the same meaning.
(k) The exact syntax of the verb Ìp, “to cover, conceal”, remains ambiguous here. The verb Ìp is often used to describe the burial of a corpse, particularly that of Osiris107. If
98 Cf. H.W. Fairman, “Notes on the alphabetic signs employed in the hieroglyphic inscriptions of the temple of Edfu”, ASAE 43 (1943), p. 269, note XLII; K. Jansen-Winkeln, op. cit., I, p. 96, n. 8. 99 L.V. Zabkar, A Study of the Ba Concept in Ancient Egyptian Texts (SAOC 34), 1968, p. 13-14; for the Ba of Osiris in general, cf. H. Junker, Das Götterdekret über das Abaton (DAWW 56/4), 1912, p. 58-68; L.V. Zabkar, op. cit., p. 10, 12- 4, 42; LGG II, 676-677. 100 For the relics of Osiris, see recently L. Coulon, “Les reliques d’Osiris en Égypte ancienne: données générales et par- ticularismes des cultes thébains”, in Ph. Borgeaud – Y. Volokhine (eds.), Les objets de la mémoire. Pour une approche comparatiste des reliques et de leur culte (Studia Religiosa Helvetica Jahrbuch 2004/05), 2005, p. 47-72 (with references to earlier literature); for the verb ÌÌí in this particular context, cf. A. Egberts, In Quest of Meaning: A Study of the Ancient Egyptian Rites of Consecrating the Meret-chests and Driving the Calves (EgUit 8), I, 1995, p. 351 and 357. 101 I. Guermeur, Cultes d’Amon, p. 440, text A; O.E. Kaper, JSSEA 17 (1987), p. 154. 102 Wb. IV, 384, 4 (since the NK); W. Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar, 1954, p. 478-479 (Roman examples). 103 Wb. IV, 388, 1, only cites examples from the Old and Middle Kingdoms, but the same infinitival form is also attested in Demotic; M. Smith, The Mortuary Texts of Papyrus BM 10507 (Catalogue of Demotic Papyri in the British Museum 3), 1987, p. 74, note a to line 6. 104 This would be unusual (cf. Coptic swtM / sotM), but see G. Wagner – J. Quaegebeur, “Une dédicace grecque au dieu égyptien Mestasytmis de la part de son synode (Fayoum – Époque Romaine)”, BIFAO 73 (1973), p. 53, for the equiv- alences ΔÌwtí-s∂m = Qotsútjv, and Îr-s∂m = ¨Arsútjv, attested in bilingual documents. 105 Wb. IV, 144, 5-8. 106 For the seated god as an ideogram for n†r, see A. Egberts, op. cit., p. 147, n. 6. 107 For the funerary connotations of the verb Ìp and the theme of hiding the corpse or tomb, see P. Wilson, op. cit., p. 615-616; A. Egberts, op. cit., p. 350-351, 359-360; M. Smith, The Carlsberg Papyri 5: On the Primaeval Ocean (CNI
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 32
32 D. KLOTZ
Osiris is the owner of the corpse mentioned here, then one might understand the passage with an m of predication: “all gods therein are as hider(s) of [his] corpse.” This could also be a simple pseudo-verbal sentence, “every god therein hides the corpse” (n†r nb ím m Ìp Ì.t). However the preposition Ìr would be expected rather than m, since Ìp, “to hide”, is a transitive verb108. Alternatively, the hidden corpses could be those of the gods themselves109. Each temple in Egypt had an associated mound (í.t) in which the deceased ancestor gods were buried and received an appropriate mortuary cult (cf. infra). The ancestor gods are frequently said to be hidden within the mound, as in the following description from Edfu110: n†r.w ¨nÌ.w pr.w m R¨ ps∂.t The living gods who came forth from Re, the Ennead, ms.w Ätm the children of Atum, st(.w) m í.t=sn Ìr rsy-ímn.t who are hidden in their mound to the south-west n Δb.t (…) of Edfu (…) st-s.t Ìr st st.w=sn mí ntt The Shetaset keeps secret their mysteries like that which is m Äwnw in Heliopolis, í.t-n†r(.t) wr.t BÌd.t Ìp(.t) the great divine mound of Behedet which conceals the Ì.wt n n†r.w qrty.w corpses of the cavern gods While this concept is quite popular in Graeco-Roman temple texts, it ultimately derives from a long tradition of Pharaonic mortuary compositions. In fact, most New Kingdom Netherworld compositions describe groups of deities said to be “hidden of corpse” (ímn Ì.wt)111. Just like tombs or divine mounds, temples themselves could “conceal” the gods and goddesses within112. A Roman Period stela states that Tiberius completed the temenos wall of the Mut Temple Precinct: “to hide her condition, to make secret her place, from
Publications 26), 2002, p. 86. Cf. already Ani B, 17, 4: “Your place in the valley is useful, (namely) the Duat which hides your corpse (mnÌ s.t=k nt(.t) m t ín.t, dw.t Ìp.t Ì.t=k)” (J.Fr. Quack, Die Lehren des Ani: ein neuägyptischer Weisheits- text in seinem kulturellen Umfeld, [OBO 141], 1994, p. 96-97, 291). 108 See A.H. Gardiner, EG, §331; E. Wente, Syntax of Verbs of Motion in Egyptian (PhD. Diss., University of Chicago, 1959), p. 135. Nonetheless, this distinction between m and Ìr in pseudo-verbal sentences lost importance in Graeco-Roman texts; see D. Kurth, Die Dekoration des Säulen im Pronaos des Tempels von Edfu (GOF IV/11), 1983, p. 54, n. 19; Å. Eng- sheden, La reconstitution du verbe en égyptien de tradition 400-30 avant J.-C. (Uppsala Studies in Egyptology 3), 2003, p. 259. 109 For the phrase ímn-Ì.t, “hidden of corpse,” compare the Naos of Saft el-Henna, which describes the Persian Period as a time when all local statues were “in a remote location which not even those in charge of secrets knew, (since) the bod- ies of the Ennead of this district were hidden (m s.t-st.t nn rÌ=s in Ìry.w-sst.w, ps∂.t sp.t tn m ímn-∂.t=sn)”; G. Roeder, Naos, I, 1914, p. 63, §295, 2. 110 Edfou II, 51, 9-13; for discussions, see the references in D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 118, n. 332. 111 See the extensive discussion of J.C. Darnell, op. cit., p. 289-293, n. e. 112 For the theme of gods concealing themselves (“Verbergungs-Mythen”), see H. Sternberg-el Hotabi, op. cit., p. 200- 201; cf. also the practice of temples granting asylum, for which see Fr. Dunand, “Droit d’asile et refuge dans les temples en Égypte lagide”, in J. Vercoutter (dir.), Hommages à Serge Sauneron, 1927-1976. II, Égypte post-pharaonique (BdE 82), 1979, p. 77-97.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 33
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 33
whoever might come from outside it” (r ímn sÌr=s, r sst s.t=s, r íí m-rwty=s)113. A ban- deau inscription from Dendera, meanwhile, claims that one of the crypts was built114: r ímn n†r m-Ìnt=s In order to hide the god within it, r Ìp ∂d.w to conceal the ancestors, r íí m-rwty from whoever might come from outside115, m wí s†y.w r-Ìnt Ìtm when the Asiatics come into Egypt. The use of the verb Ìp (vocalized in Coptic as #wp, #yp) creates another pun on the name Hibis (#yb).
(l) The ideograph of Isis might also write a suffix pronoun, either =s or =s(n), thus read- ing “in order to hide her/them.” This phrase evokes the myth of Isis hiding from Seth within the marshes of Chemmis. As noted above, the temple of Qasr el-Zayyan is located within the Zayyan depression, the lowest point of Khargeh Oasis. The inscription might allude to the topographical position of the temple, which through its verdant environment and low position might have partially resembled Chemmis116.
(m) Everything following the ideograph of Isis is unfortunately damaged, but the traces sug- gest reading “in order to hide Isis from Se[th]” (r ímn Äs.t n Sw[tÌ]) (cf. supra, text note l).
(n) This reference to the living Pharaoh, Antoninus Pius, concludes the cyclical- gener- ational history of Hibis. The text began with Re as king of Egypt, followed by an allusion to his successor, Osiris. The mention of Osiris evokes his own funerary rites as well as the sacred mound of the other deceased ancestor gods. However, the mound containing the corpses of the primeval deities is also the mound of new creation. Just as Qasr el-Zayyan hides the bodies of the deceased, so does it protect the newborn Horus, who is none other than the reigning king, Antoninus.
113 BM EA 617 (1052), lines 6-7 = E.A.W. Budge, A Guide to the Egyptian Collections in the British Museum, 1909, p. 277 and pl. 51; H. De Meulenaere, OLP 9 (1978), p. 70-71 (additional photographs provided by R. Friedman); similar is a related stela Berlin 14401, line 6 = A. Erman, “Geschichtliche Inschriften aus dem Berliner Museum”, ZÄS 38 (1900), p. 124-125. 114 Dendara V, 97, 3; W. Waitkus, Die Texte in den unteren Krypten des Hathortempels von Dendera: ihre Aussagen zur Funktion und Bedeutung dieser Räume (MÄS 47), 1997, p. 89; S. Cauville, Dendara V-VI : traduction. Les cryptes du tem- ple d'Hathor (OLA 131), 2004, p. 185; for similar phrases in building inscriptions, cf. R. Preys, Les complexes de la Demeure du Sistre et du Trône de Rê. Théologie et décoration dans le temple d’Hathor à Dendera (OLA 106), 2002, p. 65, n. 601-602. 115 For the specific phrase “who comes from outside” (íí m-rwty) in a similar perjorative sense, cf. also Fr.-R. Herbin, “Trois manuscrits originaux du Louvre porteurs du Livre des Respirations fait par Isis (P. Louvre N 3121, N 3083 et N 3166)”, RdE 50 (1999), p. 181; Tôd I, 48, 4; H.-W. Fischer-Elfert, Abseits von Ma’at. Fallstudien zu Außenseitern im Alten Ägypten (Wahrnehmungen und Spuren Altägyptens 1), 2005, p. 172-176. 116 Suggested by John C. Darnell. The same concept influenced the architecture and decoration of many temples, for which see A.M. Badawy, “The Architectural Symbolism of the Mammisi-Chapels in Egypt”, CdE 38 (1963), p. 78-90; J.C. Darnell, SAK 22 (1995), p. 89-90, n. f; note also the designation of Thebes as “the bush of the gods”, which may refer to the entire city as “un lieu de refuge dans lequel le nouveau-né pourra trouver asile” (Chr. Thiers, Kyphi 4 [2005], p. 64).
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 34
34 D. KLOTZ
Such generational histories appear not infrequently in other cult topographical texts. One example from Kom Ombo records the lineage of Sobeks, listing “all the gods from Irita down to the son of Isis” (n†r.w nb.w ∂r Ärí-t r z Äs.t)117. A similar inscription from the Ptolemaic Pylon of Medinet Habu mentions “[…] the gods down to the son of Isis” ([…] n†r.w nfry.t r z Äs.t)118.
Conclusion The Qasr el-Zayyan inscription provides three etymologies for the name Hibis. It is simultaneously the “temple of the Ram” (Hb < hy.t b), the place where Isis “sought the Ba” of Osiris (Hb < ÌÌí b), and where the corpses of gods were “hidden” (Hb < Ìp)119. A similar example occurs in a monography from Kom Ombo, where three different ety- mologies are provided for the name Ombos (Nbí.t)120: it is the place where Shu and Tefnut “fashioned” (nbí) their son Osiris (cols. 12-13), where Re “blazed” (nbí) against his ene- mies (col. 15), and where Re “fashioned” (nbí) his own body (col. 20). At Qasr el-Zayyan, the first etymology belongs to solar theology, where Re in his form of the Ram of Mendes reigns as king of Egypt and takes pleasure in traveling to Hibis. The second explanation places Hibis within the Osirian cycle; just as Horus and Amonnakht travel to Dakhleh Oasis to hunt down Seth and his band of rebels, so does Isis journey to Hibis to find the pieces of Osiris. Both etymologies involve Egyptian divinities traveling (zb-ss, ÌÌí) to Khargeh Oasis, possible references to festival processions between the Nile Valley and Hibis121.
117 J. de Morgan et al., Catalogue des monuments et inscriptions de l’Égypte antique. Première série. Haute Égypte. II. Kom Ombos, I, 1895, no 62, 6; cf. A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux, p. 255-256, n. k, citing numerous similar examples. 118 PM II2, p. 462 (10g) = K. Sethe, Amun und die acht Urgötter von Hermopolis: eine Untersuchung über Ursprung und Wesen des ägyptischen Götterkönigs, 1929, §252 (collated in visu); the same inscription was partially reproduced by M. Gabolde, “L’inondation sous les pieds d’Amon”, BIFAO 95 (1995), p. 250, n. 58. 119 Such phonetic and visual word association is quite frequent in texts of the Graeco-Roman Period; cf. A. Gutbub, “Jeux de signes dans quelques inscriptions des grands temples de Dendérah et d’Edfou”, BIFAO 52 (1953), p. 57–101; S. Sauneron, L’écriture figurative dans les textes d’Esna, 1982; B. Watterson, “The Use of Alliteration in Ptolemaic”, in J. Ruffle et al. (eds.), Glimpses of Ancient Egypt: Studies in honour of H.W. Fairman, 1979, p. 167–169; Chr. Leitz, Die Außenwand des Sanktuars in Dendara: Untersuchungen zur Dekorationssystematik (MÄS 50), 2001, p. 153-157; R. Jas- now – K.-Th. Zauzich, The ancient Egyptian Book of Thoth: a Demotic discourse on knowledge and pendant to the clas- sical Hermetica, 2005, p. 114-117. 120 A. Gutbub, Kôm Ombo I. Les inscriptions du naos (sanctuaires, salle de l'ennéade, salle des offrandes, couloir mys- térieux), 1995, no 292; cf. idem, Textes fondamentaux, p. 2-3, 10, n. af; similarly J. de Morgan, op. cit., no 90; A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux, p. 250-1, n. a. 121 For the theological and administrative connections between Khargeh Oasis and temples in the Nile Valley (e.g. Assiut, Thinis, Abydos, Thebes, Edfu), cf. already M. Valloggia, “This sur la route des Oasis”, BIFAO 81 Supplement (1981), p. 185-190; J. Osing, GM 92 (1986), p. 79-81; I. Guermeur, Cultes d’Amon, p. 441-442; F. Ismail, op. cit. For the general phenomenon of Egyptian deities traveling to provincial areas via desert roads, see J. Vercoutter, “Upper Egyptian Settlers in Middle Kingdom Nubia”, Kush 5 (1957), p. 61-69; J. Jacquet, “Observations sur l’évolution architecturale des temples rupestres”, CHE 10 (1967), p. 91; E. Kormysheva, “Local Gods of Egypt in Cush and Problems of Egyptian Set- tlers”, in D. Apelt (ed.), Studia in honorem Fritz Hintze (Meroitica 12), 1990, p. 195-223; T. Dobbin-Bennett, “Egyptian Deities at the Nubian Termini of Desert Roads” (forthcoming).
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 35
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 35
The third etymology appears to identify Hibis as a place for hiding the corpses of the gods. Each city and temple of Egypt contained an associated “mound (í.t)” in which the local ancestor deities were buried122. A frieze text from the Small Temple of Medinet Habu provides an etymology for the name of the mound of Djeme (í.t-†m.t) which is quite sim- ilar to the conclusion of the Qasr el-Zayyan inscription123: í.t pw n ít n†ry ms n†r nb m zp tpy †m=sn ̨.w=sn ím=f ∂d.tw í.t-†m.t m rn n í.t tn It is the mound of the divine father who bore every god in the initial moment, in which124 their bodies were covered (†m). One says “the Mound of Djeme” (†m.t) as the name of this mound. An earlier inscription states that Ramesses III built Medinet Habu “in order to conceal (sÌp) the divine images of the Ennead of Upper Egypt.”125 Similarly a dedication text from the reign of Achoris claims that he renovated the Small Temple of Medinet Habu as “the sacred place of the western horizon, in order to conceal (Ìp) its Lord (sc. Amun).”126 The decoration of Hibis Temple, particularly Hypostyle Hall M, shows close connec- tions with the Small Temple of Medinet Habu127. In particular, the relationship between Amun and the Ogdoad expressed in the hymns and decoration of Hibis mirrors the theol- ogy of Djeme. In a certain sense Hibis Temple, or Khargeh Oasis in general, could be considered an extension of Medinet Habu, the original western necropolis of the Theban
122 W. Waitkus, “Zur Deutung von zwei Besuchsfesten der Göttlichen Stätte (ít-n†rjt) von Edfu”, in R. Gundlach – M. Rochholz (eds.), 4. Ägyptologische Tempeltagung. Feste im Tempel (ÄAT 33,2), 1998, p. 155-74; G. Lecuyot – M. Gabolde, “A ‘mysterious dwt’ dating from the Roman times at the Deir er-Rumi”, in Chr.J. Eyre (ed.), Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Egyptologists, Cambridge (OLA 82), 1998), p. 661-667; J.C. Darnell, The Enigmatic Netherworld Books of the Solar-Osirian Unity: Cryptographic Compositions in the Tombs of Tutankhamun, Ramesses VI, and Ramesses IX (OBO 198), 2004, p. 291, n. e; the mounds of each nome are listed in the geographic lists of the Graeco- Roman period; cf. J. Osing, The Carlsberg Papyri 2: Hieratische Papyri aus Tebtunis I (CNI publications 17), 1998), p. 154-156, 250-254. 123 Bark Sanctuary, north wall: PM II2, p. 470; J. Dümichen, Historische Inschriften altägyptischer Denkmäler, II, 1869, pl. 36e, lines 3-4 = K. Sethe, Notizbuch, 16, 82; cited in part by K. Sethe, Amun und die Acht Urgötter von Her- mopolis. Eine Untersuchung über Ursprung und Wesen des Ägyptischen Götterkönigs (APAW 4), 1929, p. 54, n. 1. A similar text from Medamud claims the temple is: “the [place] of covering the corpses of the blessed dead ([s.t] Ìbs Ì.wt Ìtpty.w)” (É. Drioton, Rapport sur les fouilles de Médamoud…, no 103; for the “blessed dead” (Ìtpty.w), cf. A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux, p. 274-275, note n; Fr.-R. Herbin, Le Livre de parcourir l’éternité (OLA 58), 1994, p. 106-7; J. Osing, op. cit/, p. 287, n. a. 124 The masculine resumptive (ím=f) seems to refer back to zp tpy. “initial moment” or to the “divine father”, but not to the mound itself since that word is feminine (í.t). 125 The Epigraphic Survey, Medinet Habu V, pl. 355-356E; see J.C. Darnell, in B.M. Bryan – D. Lorton (eds.), Essays in Egyptology in Honor of Hans Goedicke, 1994, p. 39, 46, n. e. 126 Cl. Traunecker et al., La Chapelle d’Achôris à Karnak, II. Texte, 1981, p. 109-110, text 1. 127 D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 10-11; for a different interpretation, cf. H. Sternberg el-Hotabi, “Der Raum ‘M’ im Hibistempel von el-Chargeh: Dekorationsprogramm und Vorlagen”, in G. Moers et al. (eds.), jn.t-∂r.w. Festschrift für Friedrich Junge, II, 2006, p. 597-623.
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 36
36 D. KLOTZ
ancestor deities. The extreme western position of Khargeh Oasis might also be seen as the divine mound for all Egyptian gods. The decoration of the Sanctuary of Hibis Temple, unparalleled anywhere in the Nile Valley, depicts cult statues of over 700 divinities from all of Egypt128, suggesting that all gods were preserved within the temple itself. This role of Hibis as a late Roman dwelling for the buried ancestor gods is echoed in a passage from the Hermetic treatise Asclepius 27, preserved in both Latin and Coptic (NH VI, 75-76)129. After describing a group of beneficial gods who regulate food and the proper course of the cosmos (qui terrae dominantur; Néoeis Mpka#)130, Trismegistus is asked where these divinities currently reside. He mysteriously responds: “they are in the Great City on the Libyan mountain.”131 The “Libyan mountain” of Asclepius is synonymous with “the western mountain”, which in an Egyptian context designates the entire Western Desert as a necropolis132. A Ptolemaic text locates “the Duat of Thebes within the western mountain, in the vicinity of the Mound of Djeme” (dw.t Ws.t nt Ws.t m ∂w ímnty m-Ìw í.t-†y.w-mw.wt)133. The “western mountain” is also one of the designations of the nearby Isis temple of Deir Shelwit, parallel to its other name “the mysterious mountain” (∂w st)134. The mysterious or western mountain can refer specifically to the gebels behind Medinet Habu135, or more generally to
128 For various interpretations of the Hibis sanctuary, cf. D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 107-108 (and the references cited therein). 129 D.M. Parrott (ed.), Nag Hammadi Codices V, 2-5, and VI with Papyrus Berolinensis 8502, 1 and 4 (Nag Hammadi Studies 11), 1979, p. 438-439; J.-P. Mahé, Hermès en Haute-Égypte. Les textes hermétiques de Nag Hammadi et leurs par- allèles grecs et latins, II (Bibliothèque Copte de Nag Hammadi, Section « Textes » 3), 1978, p. 192-195, 252; B.P. Copen- haver, Hermetica: the Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius in a new English translation, with notes and into- duction, 1992, p. 83, 245-246; for this entire section, see B. van Rinsveld, “La version copte de l’Asclépius et la ville de l’âge d’or: à propos de Nag Hammadi VI, 75, 22-76, 1”, in P.W. Pestman (ed.), Textes et études de papyrologie grecque, démotique et copte (P.L. Bat. 23), 1985, p. 233-242. 130 For this role of the beneficial, deceased ancestor gods in Egyptian sources, cf. R. Preys, “Les Agathoi Daimones de Dendera”, SAK 30 (2002), p. 285-298. 131 Latin: conlocati sunt in maxima ciuitate in monte Libyco; Coptic: #N tnoö Mpolis tai et#i ptoou [N libuy]. 132 The “Libyan mountain” has traditionally been understood as an unusual reference to Alexandria (e.g. J.-P. Mahé, op. cit., II, p. 252), but this was corrected by van Rinsveld,, op. cit., p. 239-41, who noted the meaning of “the West” in an Egyptian context; for the “Western mountain”, in Egyptian religious texts, see further M. Smith, op. cit., p. 90; D. Klotz, Adoration of the Ram, p. 86, n. A. Note that Asclepius, 37, similarly locates the tomb of Imhotep-Asclepius within “the Libyan mountain” (B.P. Copenhaver, op. cit., p. 90). 133 P. Clère, op. cit., pl. 38 = Urk. VIII, 113 (1); cf. A. Gutbub, Textes fondamentaux, p. 289-290, n. e; note that the temple of Deir el-Rumi is built in the shape of a divine mound, and situated against the western gebel (∂w ímnty) of the Theban necropolis: G. Lecuyot – M. Gabolde, op. cit., p. 661-667. 134 See primarily Deir Chelouit IV, p. 8-9; note that “mysterious mountain” (∂w st) is nearly synonymous with the “hidden mountain” (∂w ímn) which appears as a variant to the “Western mountain” (∂w ímnty) already in New Kingdom solar hymns; cf. J. Assmann, Liturgische Lieder an den Sonnengott. Untersuchungen zur altägyptischen Hymnik (MÄS 19), 1969, p. 93, n. 1; idem, Sonnenhymnen in thebanischen Gräbern (Theben 1), 1983, p. 334, n. i. 135 The temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu is said to be built “on the mountain of Manu” (Ìr ∂w Mnw) (Medinet Habu V, pl. 358B), and “on the mountain of the Lord of Life” (Ìr ∂w Nb-¨nÌ) (ibid., pl. 358D).
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 37
THE CULT-TOPOGRAPHICAL TEXT OF QASR EL-ZAYYAN 37
any “falaises dominant une nécropole dont les anfractuosités étaient considerées comme des passages entre l’autre monde et le nôtre.”136 Khargeh Oasis, twice said to be “on this moun- tain” (Ìr ∂w pn) (cf. supra, text note j), was a divine mound and western mountain for all of Egypt. The temple of Qasr el-Zayyan, one of the last traditional pagan temples constructed, was a perfect final resting place for the ancestor gods of Egypt.
Résumé / Abstract
Le petit temple romain de Qasr el-Zayyan dans l’oasis de Kharga est bien connu pour sa dédi- cace grecque au dieu Amon d’Hibis (SB 8443). Il conserve toutefois deux versions d'une “mono- graphie” topographique cultuelle énumérant les divinités primaires d’Hibis. Écrite sous Antonin le Pieux, cette composition offre une nouvelle perspective sur la signification théologique de Kharga, tout comme des inscriptions similaires de Deir el-Haggar et ‘Ain Birbiya dans l’oasis de Dakhla. Avec une série de jeux sur le nom d'“Hibis,” cette courte inscription décrit l’oasis comme un lieu auquel Rê se rendait pour s’amuser, où Isis cherchait le corps d’Osiris et dans lequel les dieux se cachaient.
The small Roman Period temple of Qasr el-Zayyan in Khargeh Oasis is primarily known for its famous Greek dedication to Amun of Hibis (SB 8443). However, it also preserves two copies of a cult-topographical “monographie” listing the major divinities of Hibis. Inscribed in the reign of Antoninus Pius, this composition provides a unique perspective on the theological significance of Khargeh, comparable to similar inscriptions from Deir el-Haggar and ‘Ain Birbiya in Dakhleh Oasis. Employing a series of puns on the name Hibis, the short inscription identifies the Oasis as a place where Re traveled for enjoyment, where Isis sought the corpse of Osiris, and where the gods hid themselves.
136 D. Meeks, op. cit., p. 45, n. 20 (discussing the term ∂w st); cf. also J. Locher, Topographie und Geschichte der Religion am ersten Nilkatarakt in griechisch-römischer Zeit (AfP Beiheft 5), 1999, p. 175-157. Note also that Abu Simbel was called “the pure mountain” (∂w w¨b) (Chr. Desroches-Noblecourt – Ch. Kuentz, Le petit temple d’Abou Simbel [CDÉAÉ Mémoires 1], 1968, p. 203-204, n. 342), and cf. the common designation of Egyptian desert and quarries as the “sacred rock” (ïerà pétra) in Greek votive inscriptions (e.g. A. Bataille, “Quelques graffites grecs de la montagne thébaine”, BIFAO 38 [1939], p. 145).
RdE 60 (2009) 92794_RdE_60_02_Klotz 17-06-2010 14:44 Pagina 39
REVUE D'ÉGYPTOLOGIE t. 60 (2009) PL. III
Qasr el-Zayyan monography – parallel texts of version A and version B.
D. Klotz, The Cult-Topographical text of Qasr El-Zayyan.