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The Development and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Isdap Electoral Breakthrough
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1976 The evelopmeD nt and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Nsdap Electoral Breakthrough. Thomas Wiles Arafe Jr Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Arafe, Thomas Wiles Jr, "The eD velopment and Character of the Nazi Political Machine, 1928-1930, and the Nsdap Electoral Breakthrough." (1976). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 2909. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/2909 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. « The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing pega(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. -
Jürgen Habermas and the Third Reich Max Schiller Claremont Mckenna College
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2012 Jürgen Habermas and the Third Reich Max Schiller Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Schiller, Max, "Jürgen Habermas and the Third Reich" (2012). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 358. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/358 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Introduction The formation and subsequent actions of the Nazi government left a devastating and indelible impact on Europe and the world. In the midst of general technological and social progress that has occurred in Europe since the Enlightenment, the Nazis represent one of the greatest social regressions that has occurred in the modern world. Despite the development of a generally more humanitarian and socially progressive conditions in the western world over the past several hundred years, the Nazis instigated one of the most diabolic and genocidal programs known to man. And they did so using modern technologies in an expression of what historian Jeffrey Herf calls “reactionary modernism.” The idea, according to Herf is that, “Before and after the Nazi seizure of power, an important current within conservative and subsequently Nazi ideology was a reconciliation between the antimodernist, romantic, and irrantionalist ideas present in German nationalism and the most obvious manifestation of means ...modern technology.” 1 Nazi crimes were so extreme and barbaric precisely because they incorporated modern technologies into a process that violated modern ethical standards. Nazi crimes in the context of contemporary notions of ethics are almost inconceivable. -
Copyright Notice
Copyright Notice This Digital Copy should not be downloaded or printed by anyone other than a student enrolled on the named course or the course tutor(s). Staff and students of this University are reminded that copyright subsists in this extract and the work from which it was taken. This Digital Copy has been made under the terms of a CLA licence which allows you to: • access and download a copy; • print out a copy; This Digital Copy and any digital or printed copy supplied to or made by you under the terms of this Licence are for use in connection with this Course of Study. You may retain such copies after the end of the course, but strictly for your own personal use. All copies (including electronic copies) shall include this Copyright Notice and shall be destroyed and/or deleted if and when required by the University. Except as provided for by copyright law, no further copying, storage or distribution (including by e-mail) is permitted without the consent of the copyright holder. The author (which term includes artists and other visual creators) has moral rights in the work and neither staff nor students may cause, or permit, the distortion, mutilation or other modification of the work, or any other derogatory treatment of it, which would be prejudicial to the honour or reputation of the author. Course Code: GE433 Course of Study: Germany & the Holocaust: Interpretations & Debates Name of Designated Person authorising scanning: Christine Shipman Title: Aspects of the Third Reich Name of Author: Broszat, M. Name of Publisher: Macmillan Name of Visual Creator (as appropriate): 13. -
Was World War II the Result of Hitler's Master Plan?
ISSUE 18 Was World War II the Result of Hitler's Master Plan? Yl!S: Andreas Hillgruber, from Germany and the Two World Wars, trans. WUliam C. Kirby (Harvard University Press, 1981) NO: Ian Kershaw, from The Nazi DictatoTShip: Problems and Per spectives ofInterpretation, 3Id ed. (Edward Arnold, 1993) ISSUE SUMMARY YES: German scholar and history professor Andreas Hlllgruber states that Hitler systematically pursued his foreign policy goals once he came to power In Germany and that World War II was the Inevitable result. NO: Ian Kershaw, a professor ofhistory at the University of Sheffield, argues that Hitler was responsible for the execution of German for eign policy that Jed to World War JI but was not free from forces both within and outside Germany that Influenced his decisions. Adolf Hitler and World War II have become inseparable In the minds of most people; any discussion of one ultimately leads to the other- Due to the diabo1-. ical nature of Hitler's actions and the resulting horrors, historical analyses of the war were slow to surface after the war; World War II was simply viewed as Hitler's war, and all responsibility for It began and ended with him. Th.is all changed In 1961 with the publication of A.]. P. Tuylor's The Ori gins of the Second World War (Atheneum, 1985). Taylor extended the scope of World War II beyond Hitler and found British and French actions culpable. Fur thermore, he stated that Hitler was more of an opportunist than an idealogue and that war was the result of misconceptions and blunders on both sides. -
Everyday Antisemitism in Pre-War Nazi Germany: the Popular Bases by Michael H
Everyday Antisemitism in Pre-War Nazi Germany: The Popular Bases By Michael H. Kater The thesis that manifestations of "Antisemitism" in the Third Reich were largely a result of manipulations by Nazi politicians rather than the reflection of true sentiments among the German people appears firmly established nowadays. This thesis treats the course of German history as being devoid of a specific antisemitic tradition and regards what authentic symptoms of Antisemitism there were, before and during Hitler's rise to power, as merely incidental.1 One might well agree with Hajo Holborn's suggestion that Hitler, the supreme propagandist of his Nazi Party (NSDAP) and of the Third Reich, conjured up Antisemitism by arousing hatred within the Germans, in order to further the regime's ultimate goals. But then one cannot, like Eva Reichmann, altogether discount pre-existing notions of Judeo-phobia among the German people and, by implication, absolve them of their complicity in the Holocaust.2 Since the appearance of Reichmann's and Holborn's writings, 1 The first view has been succinctly stated by Thomas Nipperdey, “1933 und Kontinuitaet der deutschen Geschichte,” Historische Zeitschrift 227, 1978: 98. An example of the second view is in William Sheridan Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town 1930–1935 , Chicago, 1965, p. 77, who writes that the inhabitants of the small North German town of Northeim (“Thalburg”) were drawn to anti-Semitism because they were drawn to Nazism, not the other way around ' . 2 Hajo Holborn, “Origins and Political Character of Nazi Ideology,” Political Science Quarterly 79, 1964: 546; Eva G. -
Totalitarianism 1 Totalitarianism
Totalitarianism 1 Totalitarianism Totalitarianism (or totalitarian rule) is a political system where the state holds total authority over the society and seeks to control all aspects of public and private life wherever necessary.[1] The concept of totalitarianism was first developed in a positive sense in the 1920's by the Italian fascists. The concept became prominent in Western anti-communist political discourse during the Cold War era in order to highlight perceived similarities between Nazi Germany and other fascist regimes on the one hand, and Soviet communism on the other.[2][3][4][5][6] Aside from fascist and Stalinist movements, there have been other movements that are totalitarian. The leader of the historic Spanish reactionary conservative movement called the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right declared his intention to "give Spain a true unity, a new spirit, a totalitarian polity..." and went on to say "Democracy is not an end but a means to the conquest of the new state. Moloch of Totalitarianism – memorial of victims of repressions exercised by totalitarian regimes, When the time comes, either parliament submits or we will eliminate at Levashovo, Saint Petersburg. it."[7] Etymology The notion of "totalitarianism" a "total" political power by state was formulated in 1923 by Giovanni Amendola who described Italian Fascism as a system fundamentally different from conventional dictatorships.[8] The term was later assigned a positive meaning in the writings of Giovanni Gentile, Italy’s most prominent philosopher and leading theorist of fascism. He used the term “totalitario” to refer to the structure and goals of the new state. -
The Clean Wehrmacht: Myths About German War Crimes Then and Now
Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern University Honors Program Theses 2020 The Clean Wehrmacht: Myths about German War Crimes Then and Now Narayan J. Saviskas Jr. Georgia Southern University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses Part of the European History Commons, Military History Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Saviskas, Narayan J. Jr., "The Clean Wehrmacht: Myths about German War Crimes Then and Now" (2020). University Honors Program Theses. 474. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses/474 This thesis (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Program Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Clean Wehrmacht: Myths about German War Crimes Then and Now An Honors Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in the Department of History. By Narayan Saviskas Under the mentorship of Dr. Brian Feltman. ABSTRACT On October 1st, 1946, the Nuremberg high command trails ended. The executions and life sentences of representatives of the German military and political elite were carried out by the Allied powers. At the time, the Soviet Union posed a greater threat than the Germans tried at Nuremberg. Years later, on October 9th, 1950, former officers of the German military gathered in Himmerod Abbey. Together they wrote the Himmerod Memorandum, which laid the foundation of the German rearmament and called for the release of German soldiers (Wehrmacht) and Schutzstaffel (SS) members convicted of war crimes. -
Martin Broszat
Martin Broszat (August 14, 1926 – October 14, 1989) was a Germanhistorian specializing in modern German social history whose work has been described by The Encyclopedia of Historians as indispensable for any serious study of Nazi Germany.[1] Broszat was born in Leipzig, Germany and studied history at the University of Leipzig (1944–1949) and at the University of Cologne (1949–1952).[1] He married Alice Welter in 1953 and had three children.[1] He served as a professor at the University of Cologne (1954–1955), at the Institute of Contemporary History in Munich (1955–1989) and was a Professor Emeritus at the University of Konstanz (1969–1980).[1] He was head of the Institut für Zeitgeschichte (Institute of Contemporary History) between 1972 and 1989.[1] Work[edit] Early Work[edit] In 1944, as a university student, Broszat joined the Nazi Party.[2] Broszat's protégé Ian Kershaw wrote about the relationship between Broszat's party membership and his later historical work: "Broszat's driving incentive was to help an understanding of how Germany could sink into barbarity. That he himself had succumbed to the elan of the Nazi Movement was central to his motivation to elucidate for later generations how it could have happened. And that the later murder of the Jews arose from Nazism's anti-Jewish policies, but that these played so little part in the idealism of millions who had been drawn into support for the Nazi Movement (or in his own enthusiasm for the Hitler Youth), posed questions he always sought to answer. It amounted to a search for the pathological causes of the collapse of civilization in German society. -
An Organizational Analysis of the Nazi Concentration Camps
Chaos, Coercion, and Organized Resistance; An Organizational Analysis of the Nazi Concentration Camps DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Thomas Vernon Maher Graduate Program in Sociology The Ohio State University 2013 Dissertation Committee: Dr. J. Craig Jenkins, Co-Advisor Dr. Vincent Roscigno, Co-Advisor Dr. Andrew W. Martin Copyright by Thomas V. Maher 2013 Abstract Research on organizations and bureaucracy has focused extensively on issues of efficiency and economic production, but has had surprisingly little to say about power and chaos (see Perrow 1985; Clegg, Courpasson, and Phillips 2006), particularly in regard to decoupling, bureaucracy, or organized resistance. This dissertation adds to our understanding of power and resistance in coercive organizations by conducting an analysis of the Nazi concentration camp system and nineteen concentration camps within it. The concentration camps were highly repressive organizations, but, the fact that they behaved in familiar bureaucratic ways (Bauman 1989; Hilberg 2001) raises several questions; what were the bureaucratic rules and regulations of the camps, and why did they descend into chaos? How did power and coercion vary across camps? Finally, how did varying organizational, cultural and demographic factors link together to enable or deter resistance in the camps? In order address these questions, I draw on data collected from several sources including the Nuremberg trials, published and unpublished prisoner diaries, memoirs, and testimonies, as well as secondary material on the structure of the camp system, individual camp histories, and the resistance organizations within them. My primary sources of data are 249 Holocaust testimonies collected from three archives and content coded based on eight broad categories [arrival, labor, structure, guards, rules, abuse, culture, and resistance]. -
CRITICAL SOCIAL HISTORY AS a TRANSATLANTIC ENTERPRISE, 1945-1989 Philipp Stelzel a Dissertatio
RETHINKING MODERN GERMAN HISTORY: CRITICAL SOCIAL HISTORY AS A TRANSATLANTIC ENTERPRISE, 1945-1989 Philipp Stelzel A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of the Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History Chapel Hill 2010 Approved by: Adviser: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Reader: Dr. Dirk Bönker Reader: Dr. Christopher Browning Reader: Dr. Karen Hagemann Reader: Dr. Donald Reid © 2010 Philipp Stelzel ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT PHILIPP STELZEL: Rethinking Modern German History: Critical Social History as a Transatlantic Enterprise, 1945-1989 (under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) My dissertation “Rethinking Modern German History: Critical Social History as a Transatlantic Enterprise, 1945-1989” analyzes the intellectual exchange between German and American historians from the end of World War II to the 1980s. Several factors fostered the development of this scholarly community: growing American interest in Germany (a result of both National Socialism and the Cold War); a small but increasingly influential cohort of émigré historians researching and teaching in the United States; and the appeal of American academia to West German historians of different generations, but primarily to those born between 1930 and 1940. Within this transatlantic intellectual community, I am particularly concerned with a group of West German social historians known as the “Bielefeld School” who proposed to re-conceptualize history as Historical Social Science (Historische Sozialwissenschaft). Adherents of Historical Social Science in the 1960s and early 1970s also strove for a critical analysis of the roots of National Socialism. Their challenge of the West German historical profession was therefore both interpretive and methodological. -
A Past That Refuses to Go Away«: on Recent Historiographical Debates in the Federal Republic of Germany About National-Socialism and the Final Solution
105 Saul Friedländer »A Past That Refuses to go Away«: On Recent Historiographical Debates in the Federal Republic of Germany About National-Socialism and the Final Solution Seit der Niederlage im Jahre 1945 befinden sich viele Deutsche in einer schwer zu handhabenden Zwangslage: einerseits ist die Nazi-Vergangenheit zu gewichtig, um einfach vergessen zu werden, andererseits ist sie zu abstoßend, um in das normale Erinnern aufgenommen werden zu können. Heute ist »die Vergangen- heit, die nicht vergehen will«, häufiger denn je im Gespräch, doch scheint sich das Erinnern der Deutschen an die Nazi-Zeit in einem bedeutsamen und zunehmend raschen Veränderungsprozeß zu befinden, wie sich an der von Jürgen Habermas ausgelösten Debatte führender Intellektueller zeigt. In diesem Aufsatz wird der Versuch gemacht, einige grundsätzliche Elemente dieser Debatte sowie ihre allge- meinere Bedeutung für die Entwicklung und Wechselwirkung des Erinnerns zu analysieren. Over the last few years, a series of symbolic dates, such as 1983 and 1985, seem to have brought to the fore all the dilemmas of remembering and forgetting the Nazi era, for Germany and its victims, for the victorious Allies and the vanquished enemy, for those who lived through the war and those born after 1945: the second generation and, by now, the third. For Germans and Jews, more than anybody else. Since the defeat of 1945, not a few Germans seem to have been caught in an intractable predicament: the Nazi past was too massive to be forgotten, and too repellent to be integrated into the normal narrative of memory. Although this predicament is still apparent, although »the past that refuses to go away« is mentioned more than ever, German memory of the Nazi era seems nonetheless to be undergoing a significant and increas- ingly rapid transformation. -
Images of the German Soldier (1985-2008)
Soldiering On: Images of the German Soldier (1985-2008) DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Kevin Alan Richards Graduate Program in Germanic Languages and Literatures The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Professor John E. Davidson, Advisor Professor Anna Grotans Professor Katra Byram Copyright by Kevin Alan Richards 2012 Abstract The criminal legacy of National Socialism cast a shadow of perpetration and collaboration upon the post-war image of the German soldier. These negative associations impeded Helmut Kohl’s policy to normalize the state use of the military in the mid-eighties, which prompted a politically driven public relations campaign to revise the image of the German soldier. This influx of new narratives produced a dynamic interplay between political rhetoric and literature that informed and challenged the intuitive representations of the German soldier that anchor positions of German national identity in public culture. This study traces that interplay via the positioning of those representations in relation to prototypes of villains, victims, and heroes in varying rescue narrative accounts in three genre of written culture in Germany since 1985: that is, since the overt attempts to change the function of the Bundeswehr in the context of (West) German normalization began to succeed. These genre are (1) security publications (and their political and academic legitimizations), (2) popular fantasy literature, and (3) texts in the tradition of the Vergangenheitsbewältigung. I find that the accounts presented in the government’s White Papers and by Kohl, Nolte, and Hillgruber in the mid-1980s gathered momentum over the course of three decades and dislodged the dominant association of the German soldier with the villainy of National Socialism.