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Violence Against Kosovar Albanians, Nato's
VIOLENCE AGAINST KOSOVAR ALBANIANS, NATO’S INTERVENTION 1998-1999 MSF SPEAKS OUT MSF Speaks Out In the same collection, “MSF Speaking Out”: - “Salvadoran refugee camps in Honduras 1988” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - December 2013] - “Genocide of Rwandan Tutsis 1994” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Rwandan refugee camps Zaire and Tanzania 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “The violence of the new Rwandan regime 1994-1995” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2003 - April 2004 - April 2014] - “Hunting and killings of Rwandan Refugee in Zaire-Congo 1996-1997” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [August 2004 - April 2014] - ‘’Famine and forced relocations in Ethiopia 1984-1986” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2005 - November 2013] - “MSF and North Korea 1995-1998” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [January 2008 - 2014] - “War Crimes and Politics of Terror in Chechnya 1994-2004” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [June 2010 -2014] -”Somalia 1991-1993: Civil war, famine alert and UN ‘military-humanitarian’ intervention” Laurence Binet - Médecins Sans Frontières [October 2013] Editorial Committee: Laurence Binet, Françoise Bouchet-Saulnier, Marine Buissonnière, Katharine Derderian, Rebecca Golden, Michiel Hofman, Theo Kreuzen, Jacqui Tong - Director of Studies (project coordination-research-interviews-editing): Laurence Binet - Assistant: Berengere Cescau - Transcription of interviews: Laurence Binet, Christelle Cabioch, Bérengère Cescau, Jonathan Hull, Mary Sexton - Typing: Cristelle Cabioch - Translation into English: Aaron Bull, Leah Brummer, Nina Friedman, Imogen Forst, Malcom Leader, Caroline Lopez-Serraf, Roger Leverdier, Jan Todd, Karen Tucker - Proof reading: Rebecca Golden, Jacqui Tong - Design/lay out: - Video edit- ing: Sara Mac Leod - Video research: Céline Zigo - Website designer and webmaster: Sean Brokenshire. -
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order Online
UNDER ORDERS: War Crimes in Kosovo Order online Table of Contents Acknowledgments Introduction Glossary 1. Executive Summary The 1999 Offensive The Chain of Command The War Crimes Tribunal Abuses by the KLA Role of the International Community 2. Background Introduction Brief History of the Kosovo Conflict Kosovo in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Kosovo in the 1990s The 1998 Armed Conflict Conclusion 3. Forces of the Conflict Forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Yugoslav Army Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs Paramilitaries Chain of Command and Superior Responsibility Stucture and Strategy of the KLA Appendix: Post-War Promotions of Serbian Police and Yugoslav Army Members 4. march–june 1999: An Overview The Geography of Abuses The Killings Death Toll,the Missing and Body Removal Targeted Killings Rape and Sexual Assault Forced Expulsions Arbitrary Arrests and Detentions Destruction of Civilian Property and Mosques Contamination of Water Wells Robbery and Extortion Detentions and Compulsory Labor 1 Human Shields Landmines 5. Drenica Region Izbica Rezala Poklek Staro Cikatovo The April 30 Offensive Vrbovac Stutica Baks The Cirez Mosque The Shavarina Mine Detention and Interrogation in Glogovac Detention and Compusory Labor Glogovac Town Killing of Civilians Detention and Abuse Forced Expulsion 6. Djakovica Municipality Djakovica City Phase One—March 24 to April 2 Phase Two—March 7 to March 13 The Withdrawal Meja Motives: Five Policeman Killed Perpetrators Korenica 7. Istok Municipality Dubrava Prison The Prison The NATO Bombing The Massacre The Exhumations Perpetrators 8. Lipljan Municipality Slovinje Perpetrators 9. Orahovac Municipality Pusto Selo 10. Pec Municipality Pec City The “Cleansing” Looting and Burning A Final Killing Rape Cuska Background The Killings The Attacks in Pavljan and Zahac The Perpetrators Ljubenic 11. -
A Diplomatic History of the 1998–99 Kosovo Conflict
FROM DAYTON TO ALLIED FORCE: A DIPLOMATIC HISTORY OF THE 1998–99 KOSOVO CONFLICT by Christian Novak A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Sydney 2017 ii I declare that the research presented here is my own original work and has not been submitted to any other institution for the award of a degree iii Abstract This thesis reconstructs the diplomatic response of the international community to the Kosovo conflict of 1998–99. It outlines the process which resulted in the failure of negotiations involving outside agencies and individuals as well as the recourse to air strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using primary sourced material from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, personal interviews and other carefully selected primary sources, this thesis explores why international attempts to find a negotiated solution failed. iv Acknowledgements Numerous people have assisted in the completion of this thesis. I would firstly like to acknowledge my research supervisor, Professor Glenda Sluga, for her guidance over the years. My gratitude is also extended to John Drewienkiewicz, Josef Janning, Richard Miles, Klaus Naumann, and Lord David Owen, all of whom took out time from their busy schedules to answer my questions. In particular, I wish to thank Wolfgang Petritsch. His accessibility and willingness to explain the events of 1998–99 considerably enhanced my own understanding of the crisis. Special thanks is reserved for my parents, Anne and David, who have gone above and beyond to support me. -
Kosovo Monthly Review Comprehensive Information on Complex Crises May 2012
CIVIL - MILITARY FUSION CEN TRE The Mediterranean Team Presents Kosovo Monthly Review Comprehensive Information on Complex Crises May 2012 INSIDE THIS ISSUE This document provides an overview of developments in Kosovo from 01—31 May with hyperlinks to source material highlighted and underlined in the text. For more information on the topics below or other Governance issues pertaining to the region, please contact the members of the Mediterranean Basin Team, or visit our Security website at www.cimicweb.org. Economic Development Humanitarian Affairs Governance Socio-Cultural Development Serbian Elections ABOUT THE CFC Tomislav Nikolic, the leader of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and former ultranationalist, won the runoff presidential election held 20 May with 50.21% of the vote over incumbent Presi- The Civil-Military Fusion Centre (CFC) is an information and dent Boris Tadic’s 46.77%, reports EurActive. SNS also won the most seats in the parliamentary knowledge management election on 06 May with 24%, or 73 of 250 seats, whereas Tadic’s Democratic Party won 67 organisation focused on improving seats and the Socialist Party of Serbia’s (SPS) won 44 seats. The 06 May election led to a contin- civil-military interaction, facilitating uance of the coalition between the Democratic Party and SPS, Southeast European Times information sharing and enhancing (SETimes) writes. SPS increased its representation by nearly 16%, becoming an important bloc situational awareness through the in the creation of a new and stable pro-EU government, in which Nikolic is committed to select- CimicWeb portal and our weekly ing Tadic as prime minister, as Tadic’s Democratic Party and party allies have managed to domi- and monthly publications. -
Violence in Kosovo
VIOLENCE IN KOSOVO: Who's Killing Whom? Amended version ICG Balkans Report N°78 Prishtinë/Pristina - London - Washington, 2 November 1999 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION................................................................................................... 1 II. RADICALISED KOSOVO ALBANIANS................................................................ 3 III. THE KLA TARGETING MINORITIES ................................................................... 5 IV. SERB PARAMILITARIES ..................................................................................... 8 V. CRIMINALS FROM ALBANIA ............................................................................ 10 VI. POLITICAL RIVALS............................................................................................ 12 A. Bujar Bukoshi and the LDK......................................................................................12 B. The KLA and its Political Adherents......................................................................... 13 VII. THE SECURITY SHORTFALL............................................................................ 14 VIII. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................... 15 IX. RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................................................... 17 A. Internal Security.......................................................................................................17 B. Deradicalising the Albanian Majority ....................................................................... -
Annex 4: Mechanisms in Europe
ANNEX 4: MECHANISMS IN EUROPE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA Conflict Background and Political Context The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) emerged from World War II as a communist country under the rule of President Josip Broz Tito. The new state brought Serbs, Croats, Bosnian Muslims, Albanians, Macedonians, Montenegrins, and Slovenes into a federation of six separate republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Serbia) and two autonomous provinces of Serbia (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Ten years after Tito’s death in 1980, the country was in economic crisis and the mechanisms he had designed to both repress and balance ethnic demands in the SFRY were under severe strain. Slobodan Milošević had harnessed the power of nationalism to consolidate his power as president of Serbia. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia dissolved in January 1990, and the first multiparty elections were held in all Yugoslav republics, carrying nationalist parties to power in Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia.1763 Meanwhile, Milošević and his political allies asserted control in Kosovo, Vojvodina, and Montenegro, giving Serbia’s president de facto control over four of the eight votes in the federal state’s collective presidency. This and the consolidation of Serbian control over the Yugoslav People’s Army (YPA) heightened fears and played into ascendant nationalist feelings in other parts of the country. Declarations of independence by Croatia and Slovenia on June 25, 1991, brought matters to a head. Largely homogenous Slovenia succeeded in defending itself through a 10-day conflict that year against the Serb-dominated federal army, but Milošević was more determined to contest the independence of republics with sizeable ethnic Serb populations. -
Albania's Foreign Policy an Outlook for the Future.Pdf
1 2 INTRODUCTION TO THE PUBLICATION: “Albania´s bilateral relations: foreign policy challenges and opportunities” outheast Europe and especially its part of the so-called “Western Balkans” is in public opinion generally regarded as a key geostrategic region, but still also perceived as some area of remain- ing open or hidden local tensions and neighbor- hood-conflicts due to the continuity of diverse political or religious identities, ideologies and in- terests. Such obvious political or mental factors, mainly caused Sby partial still existing intolerant mind-set, misperception and prejudice-pattern, could lead to some further stagnation or delay of some necessary reconciliation and cooperation pro- cess and could over this provoke the danger of maintenance or recurrence of populism or nationalism. In consequence such a possible scenario would have decisive influence on regional stability of the “Western Balkans”. Basic precondition for development and peace in that frag- ile region are communication and cooperation between all relevant Western-Balkan-6 neighbor-states (WB-6), such as Albania, Serbia, North-Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina, as it is manifested and proclaimed in the “Berlin-Process” agenda. Such an interactive approach obvi- 3 ously corresponds to the renewed “Enlargement-Strategy” of the European Commission from February 2018, to guarantee the “EU-Thessaloniki-promises form 2003”, if the Western Bal- kan States are really ready to solve their problems in a cooper- ative consensus also by themselves in “Regional Ownership”. According to the processes of political decision-making there should not be any doubt about the fact, that construc- tive neighborhood-relations and regional cooperation of the WB-6-states need as basic pillars mutual understanding and widely common interests. -
Behgjet Pacolli - Mgr Ceo Ma Bet Ex Group EXECUTIVE OFFICE of the SECRETARY-GENERAL
behgjet pacolli - mgr ceo ma bet ex group EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ACTON Secretary General Kofi Annan (MAJlpS Executive Office of the Secretary General UN Headquarters #3-3800 New York, NY 10017 USA Lugano, the 21st of February '05 BP/sb Your Excellency, As you know on 28 October 2004JhjreeJUN employees assigned to the UN Mission in Afghanistan^ onejgfthem JfTCSso^ 30 "Octob'ef," after having received Jess than satisfactHry"el^laHaTi67islfom representatives of the United Nations Mission in Kosovo, I was contacted by the family of one of the hostages. I subsequently went to Kabul arriyjng there_on 6 November. I immediately^asked for a meeting with your representatives believing thaFan exchange of information was important. Between 6 and 12 November, when I finally met briefly with representatives from the UN „ y^TTJr^ ,-u.-Tf-_ - ^ -rrjjij j^-j ^n.^.tj.-.-.^.^.rr-^vM.j^n.i.v-Tr- • iv-ti' jrvii i^TOWmn*—«LHT*-LVL^-i>J0«-Bt-**"*'*':il*>—"""~'^*~~"'^"''^'^™'1^*-"'^"*~^*'0&n-«^i.cW7^i>JM^ws^ *»«i«*<« «»wra-u. Mission,_l_sp_oke_witfj f h six AfghanJWimstriesg , had aj]^^i£ncej/v[th^ The^Khig^and^jreceiveM ftr d considerable supporTfronTWe local W"Statiori and numerous other pTivatelndividualsrbne of _—— —•-*-«*ft. «. - ...—ij*^^,^»..«r^^ .-»9t -^-^-^-"-^-««*'««™'»"^^^ "••*•.."«.•. IJ...H ™—-—.y»*—• ^«^«^^^^-<-~ .- t »««-*w:*»'je^ iw'.*. who3 m walB sJ w able to >rforganizb i e a meeting in Peshawar with representativeT T Wt s ofr the hostage takers. The meeting that I h^dh/vithjfour representatives on IgJJQvernbejLwasi both brjef and less than_.s.ubstantive. TrTeNTwere a Mr. Kabir. and a^ Mr. Manuel. Mr. -
882329.En Pe 476.499
Question for written answer E-010256/2011 to the Commission Rule 117 Pino Arlacchi (S&D), Guido Milana (S&D), Vincent Peillon (S&D), Victor Boştinaru (S&D), Evgeni Kirilov (S&D), Fiorello Provera (EFD) and Mario Mauro (PPE) Subject: VP/HR - EULEX witness protection program In the answer to question E–004539/2011 of 10 May 2011 (by Pino Arlacchi) about the protection of witnesses and judges in Kosovo, the Vice-President/High Representative stated: ‘EULEX has developed a highly professional witness security unit, able to offer protection to witnesses and where appropriate seek relocation out of Kosovo. Experience has shown that the mission is capable of handling high-level and sensitive cases involving protected witnesses’. Agim Zogaj, a key witness in the war crimes trial against Fatmir Limaj, a top former commander of the Kosovo Liberation Army (now one of the most powerful politicians in the country), was found dead last week in the German city of Duisburg. Fatmir Limaj has been under house arrest since last September, awaiting trial on charges of killing and torturing Serbian and Albanian prisoners during the Kosovo war. Mr Zogaj was under witness protection from the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX). The inability of EULEX to protect Mr Zogaj is an appalling failure that has cast strong doubts over international efforts to establish the rule of law in the region. EULEX has declined to comment on the death and issued only a short statement saying that ‘witness protection and security are extremely sensitive issues and we will not confirm nor deny any operational details’. -
Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) From jus in bello to jus post bellum: when do non-international armed conflicts end? Bartels, R. Publication date 2014 Document Version Submitted manuscript Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Bartels, R. (2014). From jus in bello to jus post bellum: when do non-international armed conflicts end? (Amsterdam Law School Legal Studies Research Paper Series; No. 2014-12). Amsterdam Center for International Law, University of Amsterdam. http://ssrn.com/abstract=2391785 General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:26 Sep 2021 FROM JUS IN BELLO TO JUS POST BELLUM: WHEN DO NON-INTERNATIONAL ARMED CONFLICTS END? Rogier Bartels Amsterdam Law School Legal Studies Research Paper No. -
Violence in Kosovo
VIOLENCE IN KOSOVO: Who's Killing Whom? ICG Balkans Report N°78 Prishtinë/Pristina - London - Washington, 2 November 1999 Table of Contents I. INTRODUCTION................................................................................................... 1 II. RADICALISED KOSOVO ALBANIANS................................................................ 3 III. THE KLA TARGETING MINORITIES ................................................................... 5 IV. SERB PARAMILITARIES ..................................................................................... 8 V. CRIMINALS FROM ALBANIA ............................................................................ 10 VI. POLITICAL RIVALS............................................................................................ 12 A. Bujar Bukoshi and the LDK......................................................................................12 B. The KLA and its Political Adherents......................................................................... 13 VII. THE SECURITY SHORTFALL............................................................................ 14 VIII. CONCLUSION .................................................................................................... 16 IX. RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................................................... 18 A. Internal Security.......................................................................................................18 B. Deradicalising the Albanian Majority ....................................................................... -
Kosovo » Atifete Jahjaga
» Biografías Líderes Políticos » Europa » Kosovo » Atifete Jahjaga Atifete Jahjaga © Unión Europea (2016) Kosovo Acttualliizaciión:: 26 abrriill 2021 Presidenta de la República (2011-2016) Mandatto:: 7 abrriill 2011 -- 7 abrriill 2016 Naciimiientto:: Rashkoc,, diisttrriitto de Gjjakova ((Dakoviica)),, 20 abrriill 1975 Parttiido pollííttiico:: siin ffiilliiaciión Proffesiión:: Polliicíía Editado por: Roberto Ortiz de Zárate Presentación El 7 de abril de 2011, en una elección exprés celebrada al día siguiente de su nominación, la Asamblea de Kosovo invistió presidenta de la República a Atifete Jahjaga, vicedirectora de la Policía kosovar con el rango de general y no perteneciente a ningún partido. La candidatura de esta uniformada de 36 años con un brillante currículum fue consensuada por las principales fuerzas políticas para zanjar la crisis instalada en el último medio año en la institución ejecutiva, dos veces vacante por las dimisiones sucesivas de Fatmir Sejdiu y el efímero Behgjet Pacolli, desautorizados ambos por el Tribunal Constitucional. De acuerdo con el pacto de estabilidad que vincula al PDK del primer ministro Hashim Thaçi a su aliado en el Gobierno, la Alianza por un Nuevo Kosovo (AKR), y al principal partido de la oposición, la Liga Democrática de Kosovo (LDK), Jahjaga tendrá un mandato transitorio, hasta que se elabore una reforma constitucional que introducirá la elección presidencial directa, probablemente en un año. La flamante presidenta ha indicado que en su breve ejercicio trabajará para conseguir los ingresos de Kosovo en la Unión Europea y la ONU, objetivo harto complicado por cuanto el reconocimiento de la independencia nacional no es unánime en la primera instancia y se halla bloqueado en la segunda, donde el antagonismo de Serbia halla eco en la postura de 116 miembros de la Asamblea General.