Japan-China Relations: Treading Troubled Waters
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1 May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report by Sheila Smith
May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report By Sheila Smith June 2016 Introduction The Forum on Asia-Pacific Security (FAPS) of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) hosted a one-and-a-half day Track 1.5 meeting in New York City on May 24-25, 2016, with participants from the United States, Japan and China. The participant list for the trilateral meeting appears in the appendix. This report is not so much an effort to summarize the rich discussion at the trilateral meetings, as it is an effort to analyze the complex and fragile nature of trilateral relations today and to offer suggestions to all three sides for improvement in their ties with each other. In contrast to our November 2015 report, which focused on the interactions between and among the bilateral relationships that comprise this trilateral, this meeting focused on the changing regional security balance and the tension between national strategies and regional institutions which might impede cooperation in resolving the growing tensions in the Asia-Pacific. I. Context Japan, China, and the United States once again found common purpose in the wake of North Korean nuclear and missile tests in early 2016. Pyongyang’s continued insistence on developing a nuclear arsenal resulted in a new United Nations Security Council resolution and stronger sanctions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). China took some time to agree, prompting concerns yet again in Tokyo and Washington that Beijing was reluctant to punish Kim Jong Un for his belligerence. After Special Representative for Korean Peninsula Affairs Wu Dawei visited Pyongyang in early February,1 Beijing’s position solidified, however, and China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Washington, DC three weeks later to meet U.S. -
History and the State in Postwar Japan
Volume 16 | Issue 9 | Number 1 | Article ID 5140 | May 01, 2018 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus History and the State in Postwar Japan Hatano Sumio, translated by Christopher W. A. Szpilman and with an introduction by Sven Saaler and Christopher W. A. Szpilman Introduction The Handbook is divided into four sections, “Nation, Empire and Borders,” “Ideologies and The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese the Political System,” “Economy and Society,” 1 History, a concise introduction to Japanese and “Historical Legacies and Memory.” The history between the middle of the nineteenth first three address the history of the political century and the end of the twentieth, was system, international relations, society, published in late 2017. In preparing the work, economy, environment, race and gender. The the editors were fortunate to obtain the final section consists of three chapters that cooperation of 30 historians from Japan, address the important and, given the current Europe, Australia and the U.S., who provided situation in East Asia, highly relevant issues of succinct yet comprehensive overviews of their historical memory, war responsibility, historical field of expertise. revisionism and Japan’s not always successful efforts to come to terms with its own past. This article is by Hatano Sumio, professor emeritus at the University of Tsukuba. Professor Hatano is Director-General of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records (JACAR); he chaired the Editorial Committee of the Nihon gaikō bunsho (Diplomatic Documents of Japan) series published by the Japanese The Routledge Handbook of Modern Japanese History Ministry of Foreign Affairs; and between 2008 and 2011 he was a member of the Japan-China Joint History Research Committee. -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations US-China Relations: Friction and Cooperation in Run-up to Hu’s US Visit Bonnie Glaser, CSIS/Pacific Forum CSIS Brittany Billingsley, CSIS In the final quarter of 2010, China-US relations were marked by the now familiar pattern of friction and cooperation. Tensions spiked over North Korea, but common ground was eventually reached and a crisis was averted. President Obama‟s 10-day Asia tour, Secretary of State Clinton‟s two-week Asia trip, and US-ROK military exercises in the Yellow Sea further intensified Chinese concerns that the administration‟s “return to Asia” strategy is aimed at least at counterbalancing China, if not containing China‟s rise. In preparation for President Hu Jintao‟s state visit to the US in January 2011, Secretary Clinton stopped on Hainan Island for consultations with Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo and Deputy Secretary of State Steinberg visited Beijing. Progress toward resumption of the military-to-military relationship was made with the convening of a plenary session under the US-China Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (MMCA) and the 11th meeting of the Defense Consultative Talks. Differences over human rights were accentuated by the awarding of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. Gaping differences over North Korea North Korea‟s provocative moves this quarter posed a challenge to the US-China bilateral relationship and Northeast Asian stability. The news that North Korea had built a sophisticated uranium enrichment plant took Washington and Beijing by surprise. As the two countries prepared to consider how to respond to the apparent North Korea violation of UN Security Council resolutions, Pyongyang shelled South Korea‟s Yeonpyeong Island, killing two civilians and two marines deployed on the island. -
Taiwan's Struggle
The International History Review ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rinh20 Resisting Bandung? Taiwan’s Struggle for ‘Representational Legitimacy’ in the Rise of the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League, 1954-57 Hao Chen To cite this article: Hao Chen (2021) Resisting Bandung? Taiwan’s Struggle for ‘Representational Legitimacy’ in the Rise of the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League, 1954-57, The International History Review, 43:2, 244-263, DOI: 10.1080/07075332.2020.1762239 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2020.1762239 Published online: 06 May 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 282 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rinh20 THE INTERNATIONAL HISTORY REVIEW 2021, VOL. 43, NO. 2, 244–263 https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2020.1762239 Resisting Bandung? Taiwan’s Struggle for ‘Representational Legitimacy’ in the Rise of the Asian Peoples’ Anti-Communist League, 1954-57 Hao Chen Faculty of History, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland ABSTRACT KEYWORDS In April 1955, representatives of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Anti-Communism; attended the Bandung Conference in Indonesia. The conference epito- Neutralism; mized the peak of Asian-African Internationalism, which sought to pur- Decolonization; Legitimacy sue independent and neutralist foreign policies that forged a path in- between the United States and the Soviet Union. This Conference helped the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) gain new ground in the ongoing struggle for ‘representational legitimacy’ against its rival the Kuomintang (KMT, Chinese Nationalist Party) in the Third World. -
NIDS China Security Report
NIDS China Security Report National Institute for Defense Studies, Japan NIDS China Security Report Published by: The National Institute for Defense Studies 2-2-1 Nakameguro, Meguro-ku, Tokyo 153-8648, Japan Phone: +81-3-5721-7005 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.nids.go.jp Copyright © 2011 by the National Institute for Defense Studies, Japan All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form without written, prior permission from the publisher. This publication is a translation of the Japanese version originally published in March 2011. ISBN 978-4-939034-80-0 Printed in Japan Contents Preface ............................................................................................................................. i Introduction .................................................................................................................... 1 China’s Efforts to Enhance Military Capabilities ......................................................................2 Multidimensional Features of Emerging China ........................................................................3 China’s International Strategy ...................................................................................... 5 China’s World View...................................................................................................................6 Cooperation and Competition ..................................................................................................7 Expanding Mission of the PLA .................................................................................................9 -
Shen Yueyue, Vice-Chairwoman of the National People's Congress
Zhang Baowen, vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress standing committee, meets with Vaira Vike-Freiberga, president of the World Leardership Alliance, before the opening ceremony Shen Yueyue, vice-chairwoman of the National People’s Congress standing committee, poses with delegates to the reception for celebrating the 25th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the Baltic states Contents Express News FOCUS 04 President Li Xiaolin Meets with Lord Powell, Member of the House of Lords of the UK Parliament / Wang Fan 04 Vice President Xie Yuan Meets with Delegation of Colombian Governors / Lin Zhichang 05 The Opening Ceremony of a Large-Scale Relics Touring Exhibition of Chinese Characters / Yu Xiaodong 05 Vice-President Lin Yi Meets with Premier of the British Virgin Islands / Wang Fan 10 06 Vice President Song Jingwu Meets with Mr. Kawamura Takeo / Fu Bo 06 Secretary-General Li Xikui Leads a Delegation to Jiangxi / Sun Yutian 07 China-Latin America and Caribbean 2016 Year of Culture Exchange / Wang Lijuan 07 The Chinese Culture Tour for Cultural Officials of Relevant Embassies in China 14 and Foreign Experts in Changsha / Gao Hui 08 Enjoy the Global “Music Journey” on the Doorstep / Chengdu Friendship Association 08 “Panda Chengdu”Shines in Ljubljana / Chengdu Friendship Association Global Vision 3020 09 G20 Hangzhou Summit Points the Way for the World Economy / He Yafei 2016 Imperial Springs International Forum 12 2016 Imperial Springs International Forum / Department of American & Oceanian Affairs -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Korea Relations: Embracing the ROK Economically and the DPRK Politically Scott Snyder Asia Foundation/Pacific Forum CSIS See-won Byun, Asia Foundation The last quarter of 2009 raised hopes for developments in China’s relations with both Koreas. Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping received head-of-state treatment during his mid-December visit to South Korea. In Seoul, Xi presented a series of proposals to further the China-ROK strategic cooperative partnership, including pressing for a free trade agreement. President Lee Myung-bak and Premier Wen Jiabao held bilateral talks on Oct. 10 in Beijing on the sidelines of the China-ROK-Japan trilateral summit, which Lee used to promote his “grand bargain” on North Korean denuclearization. There were also several exchanges between China and the DPRK. In early October, Premier Wen led a large delegation to Pyongyang and proposed a comprehensive set of deals with North Korea. As the first Chinese premier to visit Pyongyang in 18 years, Wen was warmly hosted by Kim Jong-il. Following Wen’s visit, the director of the United Front Department of the Workers’ Party of Korea (WPK) and Pyongyang’s official in charge of inter-Korean relations, Kim Yang- gon, made a five-day trip to China. President Hu Jintao reportedly extended a formal invitation to Kim Jong-il to visit China “at a convenient time” at his meeting with Choe Thae-bok, secretary of the WPK Central Committee and one of Kim’s closest aides, who led a WPK delegation to Beijing in late October. -
Sino-American Preventive Diplomacy During the Cold War by Bertrand G
Sino-American Preventive Diplomacy During the Cold War by Bertrand G. Ramcharan Introduction rom the advent to power of the Chinese Communist Party on October 1, 1949 Fto the historic visits of Henry Kissinger and President Nixon in 1971-72, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the United States of America (USA) were bitter enemies during the Cold War. China and the U.S. fought a war in Korea from 1950 to 1953, and the two countries nearly came to war again on five different occasions: over Vietnam in 1954 and 1965, and over Taiwan in 1954-55, 1958-59 and 1962. However, the two sides were wary to come to blows again and each side engaged in efforts to help avoid this. However, the dangers of miscalculations, recklessness, or accidents were ever present. During the Korean War there was much talk in American circles about using nuclear weapons. A concerned British Prime Minister, Clement Atlee, after consulting his French counterpart, went to see President Truman to help reduce the risks of this happening. The full records on this have never been published, but there is an authoritative account on the outcome from a senior American official.1 In 1959, President Eisenhower, concerned about the danger of continuing PRC provocations over Taiwan, sent a message to Chairman to Premier Mao via Premier Khruschev. The minutes of Premier Khruschev’s discussion with Chairman Mao make for fascinating reading.2 Another situation involving the use of preventive diplomacy occurred during the Polish crisis of 1956 when the CCP made strong representations to the CPSU against the escalation of military forces against the Polish demonstrators. -
Anti-Japanese Sentiment Among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Barbari SIT Graduate Institute
SIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Capstone Collection SIT Graduate Institute Winter 12-15-2017 Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Barbari SIT Graduate Institute Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones Part of the Curriculum and Instruction Commons, Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons, Early Childhood Education Commons, Educational Methods Commons, Elementary Education Commons, International and Comparative Education Commons, Japanese Studies Commons, Korean Studies Commons, and the Secondary Education Commons Recommended Citation Barbari, Jamal, "Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools" (2017). Capstone Collection. 3064. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones/3064 This Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Graduate Institute at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 Anti-Japanese Sentiment among Graduates of South Korean Public Schools Jamal Esteven Barbari PIM 75 A capstone paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts in International Education at SIT Graduate Institute in Brattleboro, Vermont, USA December 11, 2017 Adviser: Karla Giuliano Sarr 2 I hereby grant permission for World Learning to publish my capstone on its websites and in any of its digital/electronic collections, and to reproduce and transmit my CAPSTONE ELECTRONICALLY. I understand that World Learning’s websites and digital collections are publicly available via the Internet. I agree that World Learning is NOT responsible for any unauthorized use of my capstone by any third party who might access it on the Internet or otherwise. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Japan-China Relations: Another New Start James J. Przystup Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Noda Yoshiko succeeded Kan Naoto as prime minister of Japan in early September and met President Hu Jintao at the G20 Summit in Cannes and the APEC meeting in Honolulu. On both occasions, they agreed to take steps to strengthen the mutually beneficial strategic relationship. They reiterated that commitment during Noda’s visit to China at the end of December. Meanwhile, maritime safety and security issues in the East China Sea and the South China Sea continued as a source of friction. In both areas, Tokyo worked to create a maritime crisis management mechanism while Chinese ships continued to intrude into the Japan’s EEZ extending from the Senkaku Islands, keeping alive contentious sovereignty issues. Tokyo and Beijing were able to resolve a November incident involving a Chinese fishing boat operating in Japanese waters. Repeated high-level efforts by Tokyo to resume negotiations on joint development in the East China Sea failed to yield any progress. Prime Minister Noda: another new beginning On Aug. 29, Noda Yoshihiko was elected president of the Democratic Party of Japan and on Sept. 2 succeeded Kan Naoto as prime minister. China’s media welcomed him with articles focusing on his earlier comments on history – that Japan’s wartime leaders, convicted of war crimes and enshrined in the Yasukuni Shrine, should no longer be considered war criminals – and his concerns with China’s military buildup, as well as its mixing of “economic growth and nationalism.” The Global Times characterized Noda as a “Hawk.” Early in his tenure, Noda telephoned Premier Wen Jiabao; they agreed to deepen the mutually beneficial strategic relationship and, looking to the 40th anniversary of normalization of relations in 2012, to improve sentiments among people in both countries. -
Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. -
Comrades-In-Arms: the Chinese Communist Party's Relations With
Cold War History ISSN: 1468-2745 (Print) 1743-7962 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/fcwh20 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman To cite this article: Joshua Eisenman (2018): Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76, Cold War History To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Published online: 20 Mar 2018. Submit your article to this journal View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=fcwh20 COLD WAR HISTORY, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1440549 Comrades-in-arms: the Chinese Communist Party’s relations with African political organisations in the Mao era, 1949–76 Joshua Eisenman LBJ School of Public Affairs, the University of Texas at Austin, Austin, United States ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This study examines the evolution of the Chinese Communist China; Africa; Communism; Party’s (CCP) motives, objectives, and methods vis-à-vis its African Mao; Soviet Union counterparts during the Mao era, 1949–76. Beginning in the mid- 1950s, to oppose colonialism and US imperialism, the CCP created front groups to administer its political outreach in Africa. In the 1960s and 1970s, this strategy evolved to combat Soviet hegemony. Although these policy shifts are distinguished by changes in CCP methods and objectives towards Africa, they were motivated primarily by life-or- death intraparty struggles among rival political factions in Beijing and the party’s pursuit of external sources of regime legitimacy.