The Salvadoran Civil War in US Popular Film
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Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2007 "This Ain't Gringoland": The Salvadoran Civil War in U.S. Popular Film Jonathan Herbert Grandage Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] The Florida State University College of Arts and Sciences “This ain’t gringoland;”* The Salvadoran Civil War in U.S. Popular Film By Jonathan Herbert Grandage A Thesis submitted to the Department of History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Degree Awarded: Spring Semester, 2007 The members of the Committee approve the thesis of Jonathan Herbert Grandage on April 2, 2007 _________________________ Robinson Herrera Professor Directing Thesis _________________________ Matthew Childs Committee Member _________________________ Max Friedman Committee Member The Office of Graduate Studies has verified and approved the above named committee members. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am grateful for this opportunity to thank some of the people who have supported me throughout my studies and the writing of this thesis. First and foremost, I owe my greatest intellectual debts to my major professor, Robinson Herrera. Robinson’s class on Latin American through film first inspired me to study Latin American history as well as helped to spark my interest in the topic of El Salvador that would eventually become this master’s thesis. I would also like to thank Rodney Anderson, Matt Childs, and Max Friedman. These professors offered great courses that delved deep into the study of Latin American history as well as the history of U.S. foreign relations with Latin America. I would especially like to thank Rodney Anderson for providing me with employment at the Guadalajara Census Project. Through my experience at the GCP, my understanding of Latin American Urban history and historical methods in research has greatly expanded. I would also like to thank the Department of History for supporting my research. Last, but not least, I would like to thank my parents, my colleagues, and my friends for providing the critical elements of love and friendship. Without the support of all these people, this thesis never would have been completed. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………..v CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………...1 CHAPTER 2 INSIDERS AND OUTSIDERS: HISTORICAL MEMORY AND THE PORTRAYAL OF THE SALVADORAN CIVIL WAR IN U.S. POPULAR FILM……………………………………………………………………….18 CHAPTER 3 SALVADOR: CHARACTERIZATIONS OF THE COLD WAR………………………………………………………………..37 CHAPTER 4 STATE AGAINST CHURCH: PORTRAYALS OF SOCIAL CONFLICT IN ROMERO …………………………………..67 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………….87 BIBLIOGRAPHY……………………………………………………………….100 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH…………………………………………………….108 iv ABSTRACT This thesis examines the portrayal of the Salvadoran Civil War in two popular U.S. films, Salvador (1986) and Romero (1989). Using a variety of sources as well as the films, this thesis is a cultural study of the images and words used by the filmmakers to render El Salvador recognizable to American audiences. The study focuses on both the ideology of the filmmakers as well as the development of historical characterizations in the films. The findings of this study demonstrate the role of individual bias in representing foreign others as well as the ways in which perpetual stereotypes of Latin America are employed in American cinema. This study, in addition to demonstrating the historicity of the films herein discussed, also situates the portrayal of historical events within the larger context of the Cold War and the Salvadoran Civil War. v CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION El Salvador and the Cold War Between 1979 and 1984, roughly 40,000 Salvadorans lost their lives as a result of “political killings.”1 Americans confronted this Central American Civil War in a variety of ways. Conservatives in the Reagan administration demonized movements for national liberation, insisting that the revolutionaries in El Salvador were under unilateral direction from Moscow and represented the totality of the international communist conspiracy to threaten the sovereignty of the United States.2 According to Ronald Reagan, “We are interested of course in the Caribbean, this is why we’ve been helping [El] Salvador, because we believe that revolution has been exported to that area and with design…we continue our interest in preserving the Americas from this kind of exported revolution, this expansionist policy that is coming by way of, I think, the Soviets and the Cubans.”3 This statement was indicative of the dominant beliefs held by ultra- conservative elements within the Reagan administration: Salvadorans were incapable of indigenous revolution; they served only as agents of the Soviet Union advancing the interests of the Kremlin. Paternalist ideas negating the possibility of self-determination for Central Americans—El Salvador tellingly mislabeled by Reagan as in the Caribbean—did not arise in *Richard Boyle, responding to a scene of brutal violence, comments on the differences between El Salvador and the United States in Salvador 1 For a table on the number and nature of “government initiated” versus “insurgent initiated” killings in the period between 1972-1987, see Aldo Lauria-Stantiago, “The Culture and Politics of State Terror in El Salvador,” in When States Kill: Latin America, the U.S., and Technologies of Terror (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005), p. 96. 2 On the propaganda efforts against El Salvador see, Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon, 1988). Of particular use here is Chomsky and Herman’s concept of the “unworthy victims” of El Salvador and their marginalization in the U.S. media, see especially chapter 2. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents, Administration of Ronald Reagan, 10 November 1981. 1 response to the 1980s, but followed from the legacy of U.S. hegemony over the Americas since the nineteenth century. Many others who encountered the Salvadoran Civil War expressed solidarity with the people of El Salvador. Support came in the form of missionaries, relief workers, and in various forms of media.4 This study focuses on two popular U.S. films produced during the 1980s which protested American intervention in El Salvador and expressed solidarity for the cause of the oppressed civil society. Although similarly protesting U.S. foreign policy in the context of post- Vietnam trauma, these two films construct the Salvadoran Civil War quite differently. In the opening scenes of Salvador (1986), the character Richard Boyle explains to the character Dr. Rock, “Why not [Central America?] [sic] No Cops, no laws. Sun. Cheap. Great Marijuana,” all sufficient reasons, he believes, to leave behind broken dreams in the states and head south.5 They embark from San Francisco, California through Mexico and on to Guatemala—whose own concurrent civil war remains unexplored in their uneventful trek through the country. The ex-combat journalist Boyle and his traveling companion, the rock-and- roll D.J. Dr. Rock, imagine Central America as a land of vice ripe for their exploitation: visions of lawlessness, the cheapness and availability of drugs, prostitutes, and tic-tac fuel their trip.6 After traveling through Guatemala, Rock notices a foreboding road sign ahead—“San Salvador 100 km”—complete with ominous vulture staring them down, “You didn’t say anything about El Salvador…They kill people here.”7 Thus, for all the perceived benefits of El Salvador, it remains a very foreign and dangerous land, but for these reasons attractive to the Americans.8 4 For the varied efforts in dissent to U.S. policy in Central America , especially the role of faith-based and humanitarian organizations see, Christian Smith, Resisting Reagan: The U.S.-Central American Peace Movement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). 5 Oliver Stone and Richard Boyle, Salvador, in Oliver Stone’s Platoon and Oliver Stone and Richard Boyle’s Salvador: The Complete Original Screenplays (New York: Vantage, 1987,) p. 144. 6 Tic-tac is a brand of commercially produced alcohol manufactured in El Salvador. Although in the film Salvador, tic-tac is associated with poor drunken bums, who wander the streets in search of the drink, advertisements for the beverage appear on the back cover of nearly every edition of the conservative newspaper, El Diario de Hoy in March of 1980. LAL – Periodicals, El Diario de Hoy, March 1980. 7 Boyle and Stone, Salvador, p. 144. 8 Boyle and Dr. Rock’s marathon journey to El Salvador, their constant drug use, and fascination with foreign women is reminiscent of the travels of the protagonists in Jack Kerouac’s classic beat generation novel On the Road, introduction by Ann Charters (New York: Penguin, 1991). Boyle’s often frantic, booze-fueled driving through El Salvador, in a car appropriately named the “Death Mobile,” directly evokes the use of idealized images of American mobility and Manifest Destiny—certainly, Kerouac’s protagonists conquered the expansiveness of the American 2 Near the Guatemala-El Salvador border, they encounter a scene of burning vehicles and people standing alongside the road, Boyle and Stone—traveling in the quintessential car of their generation, a red Ford Mustang with the letters “TV” taped to the windshield—are detained at a road block, stripped of their identification, and forced into a military jeep. Their introduction to the Salvadoran Civil War is fast, graphic, and severe, central themes in the depictions of El Salvador in the early 1980s. Romero (1989), on the other hand, paints a very different picture of El Salvador: a land in suffering, marked by government and leftist violence whose salvation lies in the people, the poor landless peasantry, through the figure of their spiritual leader and eventual martyr for the cause of national liberation Archbishop Oscar Romero. The spiritual journey of Archbishop Romero drives the film, from passive observer to advocate of the people in opposition to the excesses of the right and inability of the junta to contain overt violence against civilians.