Chapter 15 – the Representation of Religious Faiths
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Lords Reform White Paper and Draft Bill
GS Misc 1004 GENERAL SYNOD House of Lords Reform A Submission from the Archbishops of Canterbury and York to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on the Government’s Draft Bill and White Paper. General principles 1. More than a decade ago, the then Archbishops‟ submission to the Royal Commission on House of Lords Reform said that the test of reform was whether it would enable Parliament as a whole to serve the people better. That has remained the consistent position of Church of England submissions since. 2. As with any constitutional change, it is important, therefore, that there is clarity over the problems that reform is intended to address and a reasonable measure of assurance that the proposed solutions will work and avoid unintended consequences. Fundamental changes to how we are governed should also command a wide measure of consent within the country as well as in Parliament. 3. In his initial response of May 2011 to the White Paper and Draft Bill the Lords Spiritual Convenor, the Bishop of Leicester, said: “Some reform of the Lords is overdue, not least to resolve the problem of its ever-increasing membership. But getting the balance of reform right, so that we retain what is good in our current arrangements, whilst freeing up the House to operate more effectively and efficiently, is crucial.”1 In particular, the proposal to reduce the overall size of the House is welcome. But it is far less clear that wholesale reform of the House of Lords along the lines now envisaged gets the balance right. 4. For so long as the majority of the House of Lords consisted of the hereditary peerage there was manifestly a compelling case for reform. -
The Sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit Era
Island Studies Journal, 15(1), 2020, 151-168 The sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories in the Brexit era Maria Mut Bosque School of Law, Universitat Internacional de Catalunya, Spain MINECO DER 2017-86138, Ministry of Economic Affairs & Digital Transformation, Spain Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London, UK [email protected] (corresponding author) Abstract: This paper focuses on an analysis of the sovereignty of two territorial entities that have unique relations with the United Kingdom: the Crown Dependencies and the British Overseas Territories (BOTs). Each of these entities includes very different territories, with different legal statuses and varying forms of self-administration and constitutional linkages with the UK. However, they also share similarities and challenges that enable an analysis of these territories as a complete set. The incomplete sovereignty of the Crown Dependencies and BOTs has entailed that all these territories (except Gibraltar) have not been allowed to participate in the 2016 Brexit referendum or in the withdrawal negotiations with the EU. Moreover, it is reasonable to assume that Brexit is not an exceptional situation. In the future there will be more and more relevant international issues for these territories which will remain outside of their direct control, but will have a direct impact on them. Thus, if no adjustments are made to their statuses, these territories will have to keep trusting that the UK will be able to represent their interests at the same level as its own interests. Keywords: Brexit, British Overseas Territories (BOTs), constitutional status, Crown Dependencies, sovereignty https://doi.org/10.24043/isj.114 • Received June 2019, accepted March 2020 © 2020—Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada. -
British Overseas Territories Law
British Overseas Territories Law Second Edition Ian Hendry and Susan Dickson HART PUBLISHING Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Kemp House , Chawley Park, Cumnor Hill, Oxford , OX2 9PH , UK HART PUBLISHING, the Hart/Stag logo, BLOOMSBURY and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2018 First edition published in 2011 Copyright © Ian Hendry and Susan Dickson , 2018 Ian Hendry and Susan Dickson have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 to be identifi ed as Authors of this work. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. While every care has been taken to ensure the accuracy of this work, no responsibility for loss or damage occasioned to any person acting or refraining from action as a result of any statement in it can be accepted by the authors, editors or publishers. All UK Government legislation and other public sector information used in the work is Crown Copyright © . All House of Lords and House of Commons information used in the work is Parliamentary Copyright © . This information is reused under the terms of the Open Government Licence v3.0 ( http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/ open-government-licence/version/3 ) except where otherwise stated. All Eur-lex material used in the work is © European Union, http://eur-lex.europa.eu/ , 1998–2018. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. -
Reflections on Representation and Reform in the House of Lords
Our House: Reflections on Representation and Reform in the House of Lords Edited by Caroline Julian About ResPublica ResPublica is an independent, non-partisan UK think tank founded by Phillip Blond in November 2009. In July 2011, the ResPublica Trust was established as a not-for-profit entity which oversees all of ResPublica’s domestic work. We focus on developing practical solutions to enduring socio-economic and cultural problems of our time, such as poverty, asset inequality, family and social breakdown, and environmental degradation. ResPublica Essay Collections ResPublica’s work draws together some of the most exciting thinkers in the UK and internationally to explore the new polices and approaches that will create and deliver a new political settlement. Our network of contributors who advise on and inform our work include leaders from politics, business, civil society and academia. Through our publications, compendiums and website we encourage other thinkers, politicians and members of the public to join the debate and contribute to the development of forward-thinking and innovative ideas. We intend our essay collections to stimulate balanced debate around issues that are fundamental to our core principles. Contents Foreword by Professor John Milbank and Professor Simon Lee, Trustees, 1 The ResPublica Trust 1. Introduction 4 Caroline Julian, ResPublica 2. A Statement from the Government 9 Mark Harper MP, Minister for Political and Constitutional Reform A Social Purpose 3. A Truly Representative House of Lords 13 The Rt Hon Frank Field, MP for Birkenhead 4. Association and Civic Participation 16 Dr Adrian Pabst, University of Kent 5. Bicameralism & Representative Democracy: An International Perspective 23 Rafal Heydel-Mankoo 6. -
Accountability Mechanisms of the Bank of England and of The
STUDY Requested by the ECON committee Monetary Dialogue Papers, September 2020 Accountability Mechanisms of the Bank of England and of the European Central Bank Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies Directorate-General for Internal Policies Author: Rosa M. LASTRA EN PE 652.744 - September 2020 Accountability Mechanisms of the Bank of England and of the European Central Bank Monetary Dialogue Papers September 2020 Abstract This paper analyses the accountability mechanisms of the European Central Bank and of the Bank of England and focuses on parliamentary accountability for the monetary policy functions. The paper suggests ways to improve the Monetary Dialogue between the ECB and the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (European Parliament). This document was provided by Policy Department A at the request of the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON). This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. AUTHORS Rosa M. LASTRA, CCLS, Queen Mary University of London ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE Drazen RAKIC EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Janetta CUJKOVA LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT THE EDITOR Policy departments provide in-house and external expertise to support EP committees and other parliamentary bodies in shaping legislation and exercising democratic scrutiny over EU internal policies. To contact the Policy Department or to subscribe for updates, please write to: Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies European Parliament L-2929 - Luxembourg Email: [email protected] Manuscript completed: September 2020 Date of publication: September 2020 © European Union, 2020 This document is available on the internet at: https://www.europarl.europa.eu/committees/en/econ/econ-policies/monetary-dialogue DISCLAIMER AND COPYRIGHT The opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. -
The Strange Revival of Bicameralism
The Strange Revival of Bicameralism Coakley, J. (2014). The Strange Revival of Bicameralism. Journal of Legislative Studies, 20(4), 542-572. https://doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2014.926168 Published in: Journal of Legislative Studies Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights © 2014 Taylor & Francis. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:01. Oct. 2021 Published in Journal of Legislative Studies , 20 (4) 2014, pp. 542-572; doi: 10.1080/13572334.2014.926168 THE STRANGE REVIVAL OF BICAMERALISM John Coakley School of Politics and International Relations University College Dublin School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy Queen’s University Belfast [email protected] [email protected] ABSTRACT The turn of the twenty-first century witnessed a surprising reversal of the long-observed trend towards the disappearance of second chambers in unitary states, with 25 countries— all but one of them unitary—adopting the bicameral system. -
Draft Vagrancy Act Repeal Bill
Vagrancy Act (Repeal) Bill A B I L L TO Make provision to repeal the Vagrancy Act 1824; to make provision about the exercise of certain powers under the Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014 in relation to persons begging or sleeping in public places; and for connected purposes. BE IT ENACTED by the Queen’s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows: – 1 Repeal of Vagrancy Act 1824 (1) The Vagrancy Act 1824 is repealed. (2) The consequential repeals set out in the Schedule have effect. 2 Interpretation In this Act— “the 2014 Act” means the Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014; “begging” means asking for money on streets or in other public places; and “sleeping rough” refers to homeless people sleeping on streets or in other public places. 3 Enforcement principles The following principles are to be applied in the exercise of powers under the 2014 Act— (a) begging or sleeping rough does not in itself amount to action causing alarm or distress (in the absence of other factors); (b) policing and other enforcement action should balance protection of the community with sensitivity to the problems that cause people to engage in begging or sleeping rough; and (c) powers under the 2014 Act should not in general be used in relation to people sleeping rough, and should be used in relation to people begging only where no other approach is reasonably available. -
Time for Reflection
All-Party Parliamentary Humanist Group TIME FOR REFLECTION A REPORT OF THE ALL-PARTY PARLIAMENTARY HUMANIST GROUP ON RELIGION OR BELIEF IN THE UK PARLIAMENT The All-Party Parliamentary Humanist Group acts to bring together non-religious MPs and peers to discuss matters of shared interests. More details of the group can be found at https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm/cmallparty/190508/humanist.htm. This report was written by Cordelia Tucker O’Sullivan with assistance from Richy Thompson and David Pollock, both of Humanists UK. Layout and design by Laura Reid. This is not an official publication of the House of Commons or the House of Lords. It has not been approved by either House or its committees. All-Party Groups are informal groups of Members of both Houses with a common interest in particular issues. The views expressed in this report are those of the Group. © All-Party Parliamentary Humanist Group, 2019-20. TIME FOR REFLECTION CONTENTS FOREWORD 4 INTRODUCTION 6 Recommendations 7 THE CHAPLAIN TO THE SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS 8 BISHOPS IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS 10 Cost of the Lords Spiritual 12 Retired Lords Spiritual 12 Other religious leaders in the Lords 12 Influence of the bishops on the outcome of votes 13 Arguments made for retaining the Lords Spiritual 14 Arguments against retaining the Lords Spiritual 15 House of Lords reform proposals 15 PRAYERS IN PARLIAMENT 18 PARLIAMENT’S ROLE IN GOVERNING THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND 20 Parliamentary oversight of the Church Commissioners 21 ANNEX 1: FORMER LORDS SPIRITUAL IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS 22 ANNEX 2: THE INFLUENCE OF LORDS SPIRITUAL ON THE OUTCOME OF VOTES IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS 24 Votes decided by the Lords Spiritual 24 Votes decided by current and former bishops 28 3 All-Party Parliamentary Humanist Group FOREWORD The UK is more diverse than ever before. -
Notes on Parliaments Visited
3 Notes on parliaments visited Parliaments studied 3.1 This chapter provides a brief overview of the parliaments studied during the program in order to provide a context for the observations in Chapter 2. The notes are from the perspective of the committee’s interests and do not attempt to provide an overview of the parliaments themselves. There is obviously much more that could be said about each of the parliaments visited, but such comments would not reflect the experience provided by the study program. 3.2 As noted in paragraph 1.6 above, the committee was able to visit, observe and have discussions at the House of Commons and House of Lords in London, the Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh, the Tynwald in Douglas, (Isle of Man), the National Assembly for Wales in Cardiff and the French National Assembly in Paris. The notes on these assemblies reflect information provided during discussions as well as documents provided by our hosts. 3.3 Three main factors influenced the decision to visit the four parliaments in the United Kingdom and one in France: a desire to compare practices and procedures with other parliaments sharing Westminster origins (The House of Commons, House of Lords, Scottish Parliament and National Assembly for Wales); an interest in learning how quite different parliamentary traditions address issues relevant to all legislatures, including scrutinising the Executive, use of parliamentary committees, communicating with the 34 STUDY PROGRAM 2006 public, procedures for conducting formal votes, how parliaments adapt themselves to societal changes (the Tynwald and the French National Assembly in addition to the parliaments in Britain); and time constraints imposed by the need to slot the visit into part of the Easter break (returning in time for the Budget sittings) and the sitting patterns of other parliaments. -
Tax and Financial Transparency Bill
Tax and Financial Transparency Bill CONTENTS 1 Duties of the Secretary of State 2 Duties of financial institutions 3 Financial transparency: companies and trusts 4Penalties 5 Short title, commencement and extent Bill 101 54/5 Tax and Financial Transparency Bill 1 A BILL TO Require the Secretary of State to take steps to obtain tax information from British Overseas Territories and Crown Dependencies; to require banks, corporations and trusts to provide tax information; and for connected purposes. E IT ENACTED by the Queen’s most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present BParliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:— 1 Duties of the Secretary of State (1) The Secretary of State must take steps to secure Tax Information Exchange Agreements, if such Agreements have not already been made, with governments of— (a) all British Overseas Territories; and 5 (b) all British Crown Dependencies. (2) The Secretary of State must, within 6 months of the passing of this Act and every 12 months after that, lay a report before both Houses of Parliament setting out— (a) the steps taken under subsection (1); 10 (b) the progress made in securing Agreements; (c) the prospects for further progress during the following year. (3) In this section— “British Overseas Territories” has the same meaning as in the British Overseas Territories Act 2002; and 15 “British Crown Dependencies” means Jersey, Guernsey and the Isle of Man. 2 Duties of financial institutions (1) Any financial institution operating in the United Kingdom must report any breach of the obligations arising from a Tax Information Exchange Agreement 20 to Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs. -
Committee for Justice Report on the Legislative Consent Motion: the Modern Slavery Bill
Northern Ireland Assembly Committee for Justice Report on the Legislative Consent Motion: The Modern Slavery Bill Session: 2014/2015 Date: 26 November 2014 Introduction Powers 1. The Committee for Justice is a Statutory Departmental Committee established in accordance with paragraphs 8 and 9 of the Belfast Agreement, section 29 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 and under Standing Order 46. The Committee has power to: • Consider and advise on Departmental budgets and annual plans in the context of the overall budget allocation; • Consider relevant secondary legislation and take the Committee stage of primary legislation; • Call for persons and papers; • Initiate inquiries and make reports; and • Consider and advise on any matters brought to the Committee by the Minister for Justice Background to the Bill 2. The intention to introduce a Modern Slavery Bill was announced by the Home Secretary on the 25 August 2013 and is part of the “4P approach” in the UK Government’s Serious and Organised Crime Strategy which aims to: track down those responsible for modern slavery and bring them to justice through an improved law enforcement response, supported with better information sharing and intelligence (Pursue); stop people becoming involved in the perpetration of modern slavery through effective deterrent measures (Prevent); strengthen protection against modern slavery by raising awareness and increasing resilience and effectiveness against this crime (Protect); and reduce the impact of modern slavery through improved support for victims, both in the UK and those returning home (Prepare). The Home Secretary published the draft Modern Slavery Bill on 16 December 2013. 3. The Bill is in seven Parts: Part 1- consolidates the current offences of slavery, servitude and forced or compulsory labour and of human trafficking in England and Wales and makes provision in respect of penalties and sentencing. -
Labour's Last Fling on Constitutional Reform
| THE CONSTITUTION UNIT NEWSLETTER | ISSUE 43 | SEPTEMBER 2009 | MONITOR LABOUR’S LAST FLING ON CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN THIS ISSUE Gordon Brown’s bold plans for constitutional constitutional settlement …We will work with the reform continue to be dogged by bad luck and bad British people to deliver a radical programme of PARLIAMENT 2 - 3 judgement. The bad luck came in May, when the democratic and constitutional reform”. MPs’ expenses scandal engulfed Parliament and government and dominated the headlines for a Such rhetoric also defies political reality. There is EXECUTIVE 3 month. The bad judgement came in over-reacting a strict limit on what the government can deliver to the scandal, promising wide ranging reforms before the next election. The 2009-10 legislative which have nothing to do with the original mischief, session will be at most six months long. There PARTIES AND ELECTIONS 3-4 and which have limited hope of being delivered in is a risk that even the modest proposals in the the remainder of this Parliament. Constitutional Reform and Governance Bill will not pass. It was not introduced until 20 July, DEVOLUTION 4-5 The MPs’ expenses scandal broke on 8 May. As the day before the House rose for the summer the Daily Telegraph published fresh disclosures recess. After a year’s delay, the only significant day after day for the next 25 days public anger additions are Part 3 of the bill, with the next small HUMAN RIGHTS 5 mounted. It was not enough that the whole steps on Lords reform (see page 2); and Part 7, to issue of MPs’ allowances was already being strengthen the governance of the National Audit investigated by the Committee on Standards in Office.