The Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement in the Republic of Ireland: A
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The Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement in the Republic of Ireland: A Social Movement Perspective. A thesis submitted by Niall Moran In fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The National University of Ireland, Maynooth Department of Sociology, 2011. Head of Department: Dr. Jane Gray. Supervisor: Prof. Seán Ó’Riain. Table of Contents: Summary of Contents v Acknowledgements vi List of Tables and Charts vii Acronyms viii Introduction 1 Chapter One: Literature Review 1.1 Introduction 18 1.2 Key Directions in Social Movement Theorising 20 1.3 Touraine and Historicity 25 1.4 Collective Identity 30 1.5 The Subject as Social Movement 39 1.6 Touraine’s Sociology: A Critical Assessment 46 1.7 Racism and Anti-Racism 52 1.8 The Movement Through Different Lenses 64 1.8.1 RMT and the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement 65 1.8.2 CBT and the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement 67 1.8.3 NSM and the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement 70 1.9 Conclusion 73 Chapter Two – Social Research Methods 2.1 Introduction 76 2.2 Key Questions 77 2.3 In an Ideal World: Touraine’s Sociological Intervention 79 2.4 The Real World: A Qualitative Research Process 82 2.5 Methods and Practice 86 2.6 Locating the Research(er) in the Research 96 2.7 Generalisability and Qualitative Social Research 102 2.8 Constructing a Narrative of the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement 110 2.8 Origins and Descriptions of the Sample 117 2.9 Conclusion 122 Chapter Three: A Narrative of the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement 3.1 Introduction 125 3.2 The Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement in Context 127 3.3 The Beginning of the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement: Radical Anti- Racism 136 3.4 The Emergence and Rise of the Multicultural Support Group 151 3.5 The Anti-Deportation Group 158 3.6 The Case of Harmony 161 ii 3.7 Why the “Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement?” 163 3.8 Conclusion 166 Chapter Five: The Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement, Historicity and Ideology 5.1 Introduction 169 5.2 Touraine’s Concept of Historicity and the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement 170 5.3 Radical Anti-Racism and Formal Ideology 176 5.3.1 The State, Radical Anti-Racism and the Asylum-Seeker and Ideological Work 179 5.3.2 Structuring an Encounter through Ideology 189 5.4 The Case of Multicultural Support Groups and Ideology 192 5.4.1 The Irish State and Multiculturalism 195 5.4.2 Multiculturalism and the Multicultural Support Group 198 5.4.3 The Implementation of Multiculturalism: Unfulfilled Reciprocity and Disintegration 204 5.5 The Anti-Deportation Group: A Case Apart? 216 5.6 Conclusion 225 Chapter Six: Collective Identity and Change in the Grassroots Pro- Asylum Seeker Movement iii 6.1 Introduction 227 6.2 Radical Anti-Racism, Formal Ideology and Collective Identity Construction 229 6.3 The Role of Collective Identity in the Demise of ARC and IS 238 6.4 The Multicultural Support Group, Ideology and Collective Identity 247 6.5 Conclusion 252 Chapter Seven: The Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement and the Subject as Social Movement 7.1 Introduction 258 7.2 The Case of ASC and CADIC 260 7.3 The Subject as Social Movement and the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement 270 7.4 Conclusion 280 Conclusion 283 Bibliography 295 iv Summary of Contents: This thesis is an in-depth analysis of the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement in the Republic of Ireland between 1994 and 2004. It seeks to understand and analyse this development of the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement in Ireland from a social movement perspective. The movement itself contains three key phases of mobilisation: 1) Radical Anti-Racism; 2) The Multicultural Support Group and; 3) The Anti-Deportation Group. Each of these phases is described in detail in the narrative of the movement. Using the concept historicity I argue that each phase of the movement constructs a specific relationship between itself, the asylum-seeker and the Irish state. The nature and significance of each of these relationships is analysed by focussing upon the role that formal ideology plays in the construction of these relationships. This analysis is then complemented by an examination of the process of collective identity construction. I argue that this is crucial to the process of change within the movement and that there are formal and informal levels of action in the movement. Collective identity plays a key role in how the informal level of action operates. I will show that this leads to the creation of alternative systems of meaning and action that facilitate change at a group level. Lastly, I theoretically situate the final phase of mobilisation as being significantly different from the first two. I argue that this phase of the movement is indicative of a shift towards a “politics of the subject” on the behalf of the movement. I then illustrate how the movement at many points concerns itself with the larger process of desubjectivation in Irish society or how increasingly our subjective and objective worlds are growing further apart. v Acknowledgements: I wish to extend my deepest thanks and respect to Prof. Seán Ó’Riain. His encouragement, dedication, comments etc. were truly ‘above and beyond the call of duty.’ The same can be said for Dr. Laurence Cox. He simply excelled as the second reader and made sense out of a tatty draft. I also wish to extend my thanks to Dr. Colin Coulter, Dr. Emre Isik, Dr. Becky King Ó’Riain, Dr. Jane Grey and Dr. Eamonn Slater who all contributed, knowingly or otherwise, to this research. I owe a massive depth of gratitude to Prof. Michel Peillon. This work would simply not be without his encouragement. To all of the Sociology and Anthropology postgraduate students I encountered, thank you. Jo, Michael, Muriel, Morgan and Tony – thank you for your friendship and support. The strong support of the Royal Irish Academy and their Third Sector Research Project was a huge factor in allowing this research to come to fruition. I am very grateful for their support and understanding. Similarly, the participants in my research are owed a huge debt of gratitude. Thank you for your patience, participation and invaluable input. To my Mam and Dad, ‘finally’ is here and thank you for supporting me all of these years. To my wife, Lisa: thank you for putting up with my moodiness and generally stressed self. Your support is immeasurable, your patience beyond belief. To my daughter Aoife: little do you realise that your being here gave me the motivation and courage to finish. vi List of Tables and Charts: Table 1.1 - Republic of Ireland’s Population classified by nationality 2006 1 Table 1.2 Components of the Annual Population Change, 1987-2007 2 Table 2.1 Primary Research Sample 120 Table 2.2 Secondary Research Sample 121 Chart 3.1 The Three Phases of Mobilisation 125 Chart 3.2 Key Groups I and their Attendant Phases 126 Chart 3.3 Key Groups II 126 Table 3.1. Number of Asylum Applications per year from 1993-2007 128 Table 3.2 Work Permits Issued per year 1999-2007 129 Table 3.3 Asylum Applications Recognition Rates in the First Instance 1999-2007 130 Chart 3.4 Key Legislative Timeline 131 Table 3.4 Average Duration of Stay in Direct Provision 2004 133 Chart 3.5 The Emergence of Multicultural Support Groups 152 Table 5.1 Historicity and the Grassroots Pro-Asylum Seeker Movement. 175 vii Acronyms: ADC – Anti-Deportation Campaign. ARC – Anti-Racism Campaign. CADIC – Coalition Against the Deportation of Irish Children. CBT – Collective Behaviour Theory. II – Integrating Ireland. IRSP – Irish Republican Socialist Party. IS – Immigrant Solidarity. LNAR – Limerick Network Against Racism. MWAR – Mid-West Against Racism. NCCRI – National Consultative Committee on Racism and Interculturalism. NSM – New Social Movement. POT – Political Opportunity Theory. PPT – Political Process Theory. RAR – Residents Against Racism. RAT – Rational Actor Theory. RIA – Reception and Integration Agency. RMT – Resource Mobilisation Theory. SF – Sinn Féin. viii SP – Socialist Party. SWP – Socialist Workers Party. WSM – Worker’s Solidarity Movement. ix Introduction: The 1990’s, dubbed by many commentators the Celtic Tiger years, were a period of intense social change across all sections of Irish society. Of central concern to us here is the shift in the migratory patterns of the Republic of Ireland from a country of out- migration to one characterised by a sustained pattern of in-migration. This shift in migration patterns resulted in a changed demography. In 2002, there were 224,261 non-Irish nationals residing in the State. By 2006, there were 419,733 non-Irish nationals residing in the State (see www.cso.ie). In contrast, in 1990 net-migration was minus 22,900. Table 1.1 below outlines the nationalities of people resident in the State in 2006. Table 1.1: - Republic of Ireland’s Population classified by nationality 2006 Irish Non- UK Rest of Rest of Africa Asia America Other Not Total Irish E.U. Europe Nationalities- Stated s 3,706 4,172, ,683 419,733 112,548 112,548 24,425 35,326 46,952 21,124 16,131 45,597 013 http://www.cso.ie/statistics/popnclassbyreligionandnationality2006.htm Table 1.2 below illustrates that between 1986 and 1991 net migration into Ireland was an estimated negative 27000 people per year. Between 1991 and 1996 net migration was an estimated plus 2000 people per year. Between 1996 and 2002 it was plus 2600 per year and finally, between 2002 and 2006 it was plus 48000 per year (CSO Commentary No Year).