Iconographic Interpretations of Theological Themes in Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and in St. Gregory Palamas and the Reception of These Themes by Meister Eckhart
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Angels in the Christian Tradition
Christian Angelology Angels in the Christian Tradition Apostolic Fathers to Early Church (70 – 150AD Epistle of Barnabas (c.75 - 135) Barnabas’ comments on angels are in relation to an evil angel who deceived Israel, (9:4) and reflect the Apostolic Fathers' general mild-dualism worldview between light and darkness. (18:1) 1 Clement (c.95) Angels are mentioned a few times in his argument for Church order. He cites the holy angels for an example of obedience to God’s order, (34:5) while pointing out that some angels chose differently and were condemned. (39:4) One interesting note is his quotation of Deuteronomy 32:8 where he, not surprisingly, follows the LXX reading of “number of the angels”. (29:2) Fragments of Papias (c.100 - 125) Only in one small fragment do we have anything of Papias on angels. The quotation directly relates to the idea of an original angelic rulership of God’s creation. Papias thus speaks, word for word: To some of them [angels] He gave dominion over the arrangement of the world, and He commissioned them to exercise their dominion well. And he says, immediately after this: but it happened that their arrangement came to nothing. (7:1) Letters of Ignatius (c.110) Refers to them as both “angels” and “rulers”. ( Smyrnaeans 6:1) He also holds that there are places and hierarchies of them, but does not elaborate. ( Trallians 5:2) Ignatius states that he knows very little about these due to him still being a learner. Whether this means others may know, or that no one truly knows, is a bit unclear. -
Mysticism and Greek Monasticism
Mysticism and Greek Monasticism By JOHANNES RINNE There is reason to assert that Christian mysticism is as old as Christianity itself. In the Pauline epistles, e.g., there are obvious signs of this fact. The later Christian mysticism has, in a high degree, been inspired by these ele- ments and likewise by various corresponding thoughts in the Johannine writings, which traditionally are interpreted from this angle and which have played a central role especially for the Orthodox Church.' In the light of the above-mentioned circumstances, it seems fully natural that there exists, from the very beginning, a clear connection also between mysticism and Christian monasticism. It has been pointed out by certain authors that the role of mystical visions is of essential and decisive significance also as regards the development from the stage of the hermits of the deserts to that form of life which, in the proper sense of the word, is characterised as monastic. There is, generally speaking, no possibility to understand correctly the intentions and the thoughts of the great pioneers of monasticism, unless one takes into account the mystically visionary factors. To this end it is neces- sary, furthermore, to penetrate in an inner, spiritual way, into the holy sym- bolism of the monastic tradition and into the sacred legends of its history.2 In other words, it is necessary to keep constantly in mind the visionary factor and to remember that the pioneers of monastic life, as a rule, are men of which it may be said that they have their conversation in heaven: on the mystical level of vision they converse with the angels as the representatives of the heavenly world and as those organs, by means of which the principles of monastic life are transmitted and given to the men of mystical visions.' The things mentioned above are not merely history. -
Marguerite Porete and the Annihilation of an Identity in Medieval and Modern Representations – a Reassessment
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Sydney eScholarship “The World on the End of a Reed”: Marguerite Porete and the annihilation of an identity in medieval and modern representations – a reassessment. Francesca Caroline Bussey A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of Doctor of Philosophy December 2007 School of Philosophical and Historical Inquiry Department of History University of Sydney Abstract This thesis presents a new assessment of the identity and historical significance of Marguerite Porete, burned for heresy in Paris in 1310, and reconnects her to a vigorous, lay, discourse community that threatened the authority of the later medieval church. The thesis argues that a bilateral annihilation of Porete as an historical subject has been brought about by medieval and modern representations, and that this has served to obscure the presence of a subaltern religious discourse in the period. The historiography of Porete has followed distinctive stages of development that reflect, and are affected by, concurrent advances in the study of medieval female religious participation. This interplay has led to the development of a particularly influential hermeneutics that serves to exclude Porete from her contemporaries. Analysis of documentation issuing from Porete‟s condemnation has similarly been influenced by hermeneutic issues that manipulate the ways in which Porete is perceived as an identity. This thesis challenges dominant representations of Porete in the scholarship and argues that Porete‟s identity and discourse reflect a particularly vigorous, fluid and cross-discoursed lay engagement with religiosity that has roots in the precocious socio-religious environment of the Southern Low Countries. -
Normative Political Theology As Intensified Critique
PENULTIMATE DRAFT : THE DEFINITIVE VERSION WAS PUBLISHED IN Political Theology https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/./ X.." Normative Political Theology as Intensified Critique David Newheiser The success of political theology as a field of study depends upon a basic ambivalence. For some, political theology consists in normative theological reflection upon politics, while for others it involves descriptive analysis of the way in which political and theological concepts influence each other.1 This methodological tension is a source of intellectual vitality, and it has allowed political theology to flourish in many corners of the university. However, those who are happy with descriptive analysis are often wary of normative theology. This is one dimension of the question that titles this symposium, “How theological is political theology?” If political theology really is theological, then some will conclude that it does not belong in departments of philosophy, politics, and religious studies. Some theorists are suspicious of normative political theology because they believe it undermines critical rationality. Stathis Gourgouris claims that religious faith constitutes an assertion of certainty that excludes critique. 2 Mark Lilla argues that theology subordinates rational inquiry to divine authority, and so it should be excluded from the public sphere.3 According to Giorgio Agamben, theological reflection on divine glory reinforces mundane government by neutralizing resistance. 4 In my view, however, these theorists neglect theological traditions that resist dogmatism through intensified critique. Because dogmatism is a genuine danger—and not only for religion—normative political theology offers an important contribution to the politics of pluralist societies. 1 Of course, the division between normative and descriptive modes of analysis is unstable: description depends upon normative judgements, while norms rely upon an account of the way things are. -
Jean Paul Sartre: the Mystical Atheist
JEAN PAUL SARTRE: THE MYSTICAL ATHEIST JEROME GELLMAN Ben-Gurion University of the Negev Abstract: Within Jean Paul Sartre’s atheistic program, he objected to Christian mysticism as a delusory desire for substantive being. I suggest that a Christian mystic might reply to Sartre’s attack by claiming that Sartre indeed grasps something right about the human condition but falls short of fully understanding what he grasps. Then I argue that the true basis of Sartre’s atheism is neither philosophical nor existentialist, but rather mystical. Sartre had an early mystical atheistic intuition that later developed into atheistic mystical experience. Sartre experienced the non-existence of God. Jean Paul Sartre called himself a “material” atheist, one who not only believes that God does not exist but is profoundly aware of God’s absence. This is to be compared to a group of people who meet regularly at a coffee house in Paris. One evening Pierre does not come. The entire evening, those present feel Pierre’s absence, his absence is tangible, part of the scene, like the tables and the chairs. Pierre is missing. Just so, for Sartre, God’s absence is to be felt everywhere. God is missing. And since God is missing we are to feel the obligation to create ourselves in freedom. Within his program of material atheism, Sartre enunciated a critique of Christian mysticism. In his book on Jean Genet, Sartre defined “mysti- cism,” in general, as follows: “The quest for a state in which subject and object, consciousness and being, the eternal and the particular, merge in an absolute undifferentiation.”1 Elsewhere in the same book, Sartre characterizes Christian mysticism in particular as follows: “It is God who will attain himself in the mystical ecstasy, which is a fusion of the Subject and the Object. -
Ignatian and Hesychast Spirituality: Praying Together
St Vladimir’s Th eological Quarterly 59:1 (2015) 43–53 Ignatian and Hesychast Spirituality: Praying Together Tim Noble Some time aft er his work with St Makarios of Corinth (1731–1805) on the compilation of the Philokalia,1 St Nikodimos of the Holy Mountain (1748–1809) worked on a translation of an expanded version of the Spiritual Exercises of St Ignatius Loyola.2 Metropolitan Kallistos Ware has plausibly suggested that the translation may have been motivated by Nikodimos’ intuition that there was something else needed to complement the hesychast tradition, even if only for those whose spiritual mastery was insuffi cient to deal with its demands.3 My interest in this article is to look at the encounters between the hesychast and Ignatian traditions. Clearly, when Nikodimos read Pinamonti’s version of Ignatius’ Spiritual Exercises, he found in it something that was reconcilable with his own hesychast practice. What are these elements of agreement and how can two apparently quite distinct traditions be placed side by side? I begin my response with a brief introduction to the two traditions. I will also suggest that spiritual traditions off er the chance for experience to meet experience. Moreover, this experience is in principle available to all, though in practice the benefi ciaries will always be relatively few in number. I then look in more detail at some features of the hesychast 1 See Kallistos Ware, “St Nikodimos and the Philokalia,” in Brock Bingaman & Bradley Nassif (eds.), Th e Philokalia: A Classic Text of Orthodox Spirituality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 9–35, at 15. -
“Anselm of Canterbury,” Pp. 138-151 in Jorge JE Gracia and Timothy B
Jasper Hopkins, “Anselm of Canterbury,” pp. 138-151 in Jorge J. E. Gracia and Timothy B. Noone, editors, A Companion to Philosophy in the Middle Ages. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell, 2003. Reprinted here by permission of the pub- lisher (Blackwell Publishing, Oxford, England). The short bibliography on pp. 150-151 is here excluded. Anselm of Canterbury JASPER HOPKINS Anselm (b. 1033; d. 1109) flourished during the period of the Norman Conquest of England (1066), the call by Pope Urban II to the First Crusade (1095), and the strident Investiture Controversy. This latter dispute pitted Popes Gregory VII, Urban II, and Paschal II against the monarchs of Europe in regard to just who had the right—whether kings or bishops—to invest bishops and archbishops with their ecclesiastical offices. It is not surprising that R. W. Southern, Anselm’s present-day biographer, speaks of Anselm’s life as covering “one of the most momentous periods of change in European history, comparable to the centuries of the Reformation or the Industrial Revolution” (1990, p. 4). Yet it is ironic that Anselm, who began as a simple monk shunning all desire for fame, should nonetheless today have become one of the most famous intellectual figures of the Middle Ages. And it is even more ironic that this judgment holds true in spite of the fact that he wrote only eleven treatises or dia- logues (not to mention his three meditations, nineteen prayers, and 374 letters). Anselm was born in Aosta, today a part of Italy but in Anselm’s time a part of the Kingdom of Burgundy. -
Platonic Mysticism
CHAPTER ONE Platonic Mysticism n the introduction, we began with the etymology of the word I“mysticism,” which derives from mystes (μύστης), an initiate into the ancient Mysteries. Literally, it refers to “one who remains silent,” or to “that which is concealed,” referring one’s direct inner experi- ence of transcendence that cannot be fully expressed discursively, only alluded to. Of course, it is not clear what the Mysteries revealed; the Mystery revelations, as Walter Burkert suggested, may have been to a significant degree cosmological and magical.1 But it is clear that there is a related Platonic tradition that, while it begins with Plato’s dialogues, is most clearly expressed in Plotinus and is conveyed in condensed form into Christianity by Dionysius the Areopagite. Here, we will introduce the Platonic nature of mysticism. That we focus on this current of mysticism originating with Plato and Platonism and feeding into Christianity should not be understood as suggesting that there is no mysticism in other tradi- tions. Rather, by focusing on Christian mysticism, we will see much more clearly what is meant by the term “mysticism,” and because we are concentrating on a particular tradition, we will be able to recog- nize whether and to what extent similar currents are to be found in other religious traditions. At the same time, to understand Christian mysticism, we must begin with Platonism, because the Platonic tra- dition provides the metaphysical context for understanding its latest expression in Christian mysticism. Plato himself is, of course, a sophisticated author of fiction who puts nearly all of what he wrote into the form of literary dialogues 9 © 2017 Arthur Versluis 10 / Platonic Mysticism between various characters. -
Preaching Christ in a Pagan Culture (Part 4) Acts 17
Series: Code Red: The Coming Storm Message 9 - Preaching Christ in a Pagan Culture (Part 4) Acts 17: 15-34 INTRODUCTION: We are gleaning principles that will guide us through the storm giving us a strategy for living in a culture that is antagonistic and hostile to Christianity. We are “watching” Paul as he models the behavior of a believer in a non- Christian environment. Acts 17: 15-34 ESV 15 Those who conducted Paul brought him as far as Athens, and after receiving a command for Silas and Timothy to come to him as soon as possible, they departed. 16 Now while Paul was waiting for them at Athens, his spirit was provoked within him as he saw that the city was full of idols. 17 So he reasoned in the synagogue with the Jews and the devout persons, and in the marketplace every day with those who happened to be there. 18 Some of the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers also conversed with him. And some said, “What does this babbler wish to say?” Others said, “He seems to be a preacher of foreign divinities”—because he was preaching Jesus and the resurrection. 19 And they took him and brought him to the Areopagus, saying, “May we know what this new teaching is that you are presenting? 20 For you bring some strange things to our ears. We wish to know therefore what these things mean.” 21 Now all the Athenians and the foreigners who lived there would spend their time in nothing except telling or hearing something new. -
Bogdan Gabriel Bucur, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Theology Duquesne University, Department of Theology
Bogdan Gabriel Bucur, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Theology Duquesne University, Department of Theology E-mail: [email protected] Academia page: duq.academia.edu/BogdanGabrielBucur AREAS OF SPECIALIZATION AND RESEARCH Jewish Roots of Early Christology and Pneumatology; Biblical Exegesis and Doctrinal Developments in Early Christianity; Byzantine Theology and Hymnography. EDUCATION Ph.D. in Religious Studies, Marquette University 2002–2007 MA in Theology, Marquette University 2000–2002 Ph.D. Coursework in Patristics, University of Bucharest, Romania 1998–2000 MA in Biblical Studies, University of Bucharest, Romania 1998–1999 Studies in Orthodox Theology, University of Bucharest, Romania 1995–1998 ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT Associate Professor of Theology, Duquesne University 2012— Assistant Professor of Theology, Duquesne University 2007–2012 Teaching Fellow, Marquette University 2005–2006 Teaching Assistant, Marquette University 2000–2005 PUBLICATIONS Books Authored Scripture Re-Envisioned: Christophanic Exegesis and the Making of a Christian Bible. Leiden/ Boston: Brill, 2018. Angelomorphic Pneumatology: Clement of Alexandria and Other Early Christian Witnesses. Vigiliae Christianae Supplements 95. Leiden/ Boston: Brill, 2009. Edited Alexander Golitzin with Bogdan G. Bucur, Mystagogy: A Monastic Reading of Dionysius Areopagita. Edited by Bogdan G. Bucur. Minneapolis, MN: Cistercian Publications, 2013. Journal Articles "Condescension, Anticipation, Reciprocal Ecstasies: Theological Reflections on the Early Christian Reading of Isaiah 6 and Daniel 3," Scottish Journal of Theology 71 (2018): 425-440. "A Blind Spot in the Study of Fourth-Century Christian Theology: The Christological Exegesis of Theophanies," Journal of Theological Studies 69 (2018): 588-610. "God Never Appeared to Moses": Eusebius of Caesarea’s Peculiar Exegesis of the Burning Bush Theophany," Journal of the Bible and its Reception 5 (2018): 235-258. -
The Revival of Political Hesychasm in Greek Orthodox Thought: a Study of the Hesychast Basis of the Thought of John S
ABSTRACT The Revival of Political Hesychasm in Greek Orthodox Thought: A Study of the Hesychast Basis of the Thought of John S. Romanides and Christos Yannaras Daniel Paul Payne, B.A., M.Div. Mentor: Derek H. Davis, Ph.D. In the 1940s Russian émigré theologians rediscovered the ascetic-theology of St. Gregory Palamas. Palamas’s theology became the basis for an articulation of an Orthodox theological identity apart from Roman Catholic and Protestant influences. In particular the “Neo-Patristic Synthesis” of Fr. Georges Florovsky and the appropriation of Palamas’s theology by Vladimir Lossky set the course for future Orthodox theology in the twentieth century. Their thought had a direct influence upon the thought of Greek theologians John S. Romanides and Christos Yannaras in the late twentieth century. Each of these theologians formulated a political theology using the ascetic-theology of Palamas combined with the Roman identity of the Greek Orthodox people. Both of these thinkers called for a return to the ecclesial-communal life of the late Byzantine period as an alternative to the secular vision of the modern West. The resulting paradigm developed by their thought has led to the formation of what has been called the “Neo- Orthodox Movement.” Essentially, what the intellectual and populist thinkers of the movement have expressed in their writings is “political hesychasm.” Romanides and Yannaras desire to establish an Orthodox identity that separates the Roman aspect from the Hellenic element of Greek identity. The Roman identity of the Greek people is the Orthodox Christian element removed from the pagan Hellenism, which, as they argue, the Western powers imposed on the Greek people in the establishment of the modern nation-state of Greece in 1821. -
This Is a Draft! Please Do Not Cite. NEGATIVE THEOLOGY IN
This is a Draft! Please do not Cite. WHEN CITING ALWAYS REFER TO THE FINAL VERSION PUBLISHED IN EUROPEAN JOURNAL FOR PHILOSOPHY OF RELIGION, VOL. 10, NO. 2., PP. 149–170 WITH DOI: 10.24204/EJPR.V10I2.1796 NEGATIVE THEOLOGY IN CONTEMPORARY INTERPRETATIONS Daniel Jugrin University of Bucharest, Romania Abstract. The tradition of negative theology has very deep roots which go back to the Late Greek Antiquity and the Early Christian period. Although Dionysius is usually regarded as “the Father” of negative theology, yet he has not initiated a revolution in the religious philosophy, but rather brought together various elements of thinking regarding the knowledge of God and built a system which is a synthesis of Platonic, neo-Platonic and Christian ideas. The aim of this article is to illustrate the views of some more modern theologians on the nature, types and levels of apophaticism in the Greek Patristic tradition, trying to establish the role that negation can play in facilitating man’s attaining to the knowledge of God. DOI: 10.24204/EJPR.V10I2.1796 I. INTRODUCTION Negation can rightly be considered one of the most remarkable themes on the philosophical and theo- logical scene of Late Antiquity, Greek and Christian. The purpose of our inquiry is to discover the roots . Citable Version has Version . Citable of apophatic tradition and to identify the definitions that have been placed under the concept of negative theology starting from the Dionysian Corpus through more recent accents that the term has been given in contemporary interpretations. Our incursion also takes into account the views of some recent theolo- gians on the nature, types and levels of apophaticism in the Greek Patristic tradition, trying to establish the role that negation can play as an instrument that can facilitate man attaining to the knowledge of Please do not Cite do not Please DRAFT God.