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Perhaps One Framework That Could Have Been Explored As a Possible Theme of the Book Was the Differences in Strategy Employed by Various National-Based IWW Unions
REVIEWS (BOOKS) 167 Perhaps one framework that could have been explored as a possible theme of the book was the differences in strategy employed by various national-based IWW unions. For example, a major contrast existed between the US IWW, with its ‘dual unionist’ strategy (meaning it set up a new militant industrial union in opposition to conservative, craft-based unions), and the IWW in Australasia, where, as Verity Burgmann details in her chapter about the Australian IWW, Wobblies aimed to ‘bore from within’ existing unions and union federations, such as the ‘Red Feds’ (the first Federation of Labour in Aotearoa New Zealand), and actually had some success. Further, in seeking to overcome the IWW’s marginalization by historians globally – including in this country – the book sometimes veers towards over-inflating the IWW’s influence. For example, the editors’ claim that ‘the IWW reached almost every corner of the globe’ (p.8) seems exaggerated given the IWW’s negligible presence in Africa and Asia, and its sporadic influence in Europe and South America (apart from perhaps Chile and Argentina, which are not covered in the book). Wobblies of the World is a welcome addition to studies of the IWW and syndicalism globally and in Aotearoa New Zealand. It covers a broad range of countries, uses multi-lingual sources innovatively, and attempts to overcome the academic–activist divide. Yet overall these innovations are unfortunately let down by its narrative- based chapters that overall lack in-depth critical analysis. Very good, and sometimes excellent, chapters about the French influence over the IWW, and the IWW influence in Australasia, Mexico, Sweden and South Africa (among others) sit uneasily alongside chapters which are little more than fragmentary snippets and biographical vignettes. -
A Governor-General's Perspective
THE ARCHITECTURE OF ELECTIONS IN NEW ZEALAND: A GOVERNOR-GENERAL’S PERSPECTIVE BY RT HON SIR ANAND SATYANAND, GNZM, QSO* I. INTRODUCTION I begin by greeting everyone in the languages of the realm of New Zealand, in English, Mäori, Cook Island Mäori, Niuean, Tokelauan and New Zealand Sign Language. Greetings, Kia Ora, Kia Orana, Fakalofa Lahi Atu, Taloha Ni and as it is the morning (Sign). I then specifically greet you: Rt Hon Jim Bolger, Chancellor of the University of Waikato; Professor Roy Crawford, Vice-Chancellor; Professor Bradford Morse, Dean of Te Piringa – Fac- ulty of Law; Distinguished Guests otherwise; Ladies and Gentlemen. Thank you for the invitation to give this public lecture for the Faculty of Law. Before beginning, I want to welcome you, Professor Morse, in your new role as Dean of Uni- versity of Waikato’s Faculty of Law. With your previous experience at the University of Ottawa in Canada and your considerable scholarship in indigenous law in Canada, you bring to New Zea- land a valuable perspective on our country, on particular issues relating to Mäoridom.1 I wish you well in your role. You join the University at a time when it has come of age – and is celebrating the 20th anniver- sary of the establishment of the Faculty. You will find that the University and this Faculty has a strong and rewarding connection with the Waikato-Tainui iwi. I understand the Faculty’s Mäori name, Te Piringa, was provided by the late Arikinui Dame Te Atairangikaahu, the then Mäori Queen. Translated as “the coming together of people”, it links the Faculty to the manawhenua of Waikato-Tainui. -
Perspectives on a Pacific Partnership
The United States and New Zealand: Perspectives on a Pacific Partnership Prepared by Bruce Robert Vaughn, PhD With funding from the sponsors of the Ian Axford (New Zealand) Fellowships in Public Policy August 2012 Established by the Level 8, 120 Featherston Street Telephone +64 4 472 2065 New Zealand government in 1995 PO Box 3465 Facsimile +64 4 499 5364 to facilitate public policy dialogue Wellington 6140 E-mail [email protected] between New Zealand and New Zealand www.fulbright.org.nz the United States of America © Bruce Robert Vaughn 2012 Published by Fulbright New Zealand, August 2012 The opinions and views expressed in this paper are the personal views of the author and do not represent in whole or part the opinions of Fulbright New Zealand or any New Zealand government agency. Nor do they represent the views of the Congressional Research Service or any US government agency. ISBN 978-1-877502-38-5 (print) ISBN 978-1-877502-39-2 (PDF) Ian Axford (New Zealand) Fellowships in Public Policy Established by the New Zealand Government in 1995 to reinforce links between New Zealand and the US, Ian Axford (New Zealand) Fellowships in Public Policy provide the opportunity for outstanding mid-career professionals from the United States of America to gain firsthand knowledge of public policy in New Zealand, including economic, social and political reforms and management of the government sector. The Ian Axford (New Zealand) Fellowships in Public Policy were named in honour of Sir Ian Axford, an eminent New Zealand astrophysicist and space scientist who served as patron of the fellowship programme until his death in March 2010. -
Fundamental Rights in the Realm of New Zealand: Theory and Practice
85 Fundamental Rights in the Realm of New Zealand: theory and practice Alex Frame* I INTRODUCTION As may be known to the distinguished participants at this Symposium, the "Realm of New Zealand” is a constitutional concept encompassing the three autonomous legal systems of New Zealand, the Cook Islands, and Niue. The Cook Islands and Niue are States associated with New Zealand, sharing the Queen in right of New Zealand as Head of State, but enjoying exclusive and exhaustive legislative competence in matters both internal and external.1 My purpose in this paper will be to consider the treatment of "fundamental rights" in each of the three jurisdictions. By "fundamental rights" I will mean rights which a particular jurisdiction regards as sufficiently important to make their displacement by ordinary legislative processes difficult or impossible. The techniques for achieving this result can range from creating presumptions of statutory interpretation in favour of certain rights, to empowering courts to strike down legislative measures which offend them. In preparation for examining the approaches to the fundamental rights question in each of the three jurisdictions, three preliminary questions will be considered. First, the opposition between the conceptions of law as an instrument of the State on the one hand, and as a check on State power on the other, must be addressed. Secondly, the disconcertingly haphazard manner in which fundamental rights have been strewn about the common law world since World War II calls for attention. Thirdly, and of particular Barrister and Solicitor of the High Court of New Zealand. Alex Frame has been a teacher of, and adviser on, public law for over 20 years. -
The New Zealand Model of Free Association: What Does It Mean for New Zealand?
607 THE NEW ZEALAND MODEL OF FREE ASSOCIATION: WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR NEW ZEALAND? Alison Quentin-Baxter* Using Professor Angelo's work in Tokelau as a starting point, Alison Quentin-Baxter examines the model of "free association" relationship that New Zealand has with the Cook Islands and with Niue, and was also to be the basis of Tokelauan self-government. She looks at both the legal and practical obligations that such relationships place on both parties, but particularly on New Zealand. The form of the model means the basis for New Zealand's obligations to an associated state are quite different from its provision of aid to other states. I INTRODUCTION It is an honour and a pleasure to contribute to this Special Issue of the VUW Law Review celebrating Professor Tony Angelo's 40 years as a leading member of the teaching staff of the Law Faculty. For the whole of that period he and I have been colleagues and friends. Reflecting our shared interests, my topic is New Zealand's role as a partner in the relationships of free association with the self-governing States of the Cook Islands and of Niue, and potentially a self-governing State of Tokelau, if it, too, should decide to move to a similar status and relationship with New Zealand. The free association with the Cook Islands has been in place since 1965, and that with Niue since 1974. Twice in the last three years, the people of Tokelau have hesitated on the brink of a similar relationship. Now, as they pause to catch their breath, it seems a good time to look at the New Zealand model of free association from the standpoint of this country's own constitutional law, as distinct from international law or the constitutional law of the associated State. -
Our Responsibility to Protect and Promote Pacific Islands Languages in New Zealand As Part of a National Languages Policy
‘Mind your language’ Our responsibility to protect and promote Pacific Islands languages in New Zealand as part of a National Languages Policy A paper prepared by Komiti Pasifika 1 Background This paper has arisen from the issue of the demise of Pacific Islands languages among Pasifika populations in New Zealand, which was raised at the Auckland/ Counties Manukau Pacific Island Teachers Seminar in 2008 and at the PPTA Pasifika ‘Niu Generation’ Conference in 2009. Since then, ongoing discussion on the issue has been forthcoming in the form of a further Pacific Islands Teachers Seminar (December 2009), which created the Pacific Languages Network (PLN). The PLN meets regularly to strategise on ways forward and report on the progress that is being made in this area. 2 Introduction The Treaty of Waitangi commitment to the provision of Te Reo in New Zealand schools has led to te reo Māori being recognised as an official language in New Zealand law. This is respected within this proposal, and nothing in this paper deters from the mana of te reo Māori within Aotearoa. What is being advocated by the Human Rights Commission, and other proponents, is that New Zealand recognise legal and international obligations to the indigenous languages of nations with which it has a constitutional relationship as part of the New Zealand realm: Vagahau Niue, Gagana Tokelau and Cook Islands Maori. These languages would be afforded special protected status by New Zealand. There is also a second tier of languages that have a special relationship with New Zealand. Samoa was under New Zealand colonial rule from World War One until 1962. -
Uncharted Waters: Has the Cook Islands Become Eligible for Membership in the United Nations?
169 UNCHARTED WATERS: HAS THE COOK ISLANDS BECOME ELIGIBLE FOR MEMBERSHIP IN THE UNITED NATIONS? Stephen Eliot Smith* The paper gives in depth considerationto whether the Cook Islands could become a member of the United Nations. The authorconcludes that a Cook Islands applicationfor UN membership would be successful, and undoubtedly UN membership would provide advantagesfor the Cook Islands and its residents. Whether it will become a reality is a political decision that is one aspect of what it means for a State and its people to exercise the treasured right to self-determination. As such, it is a decision that rests solely with the government andpeople ofthe Cook Islands. I Introduction Jonah, my eight-year-old son, is interested in geography. On the wall of his bedroom we have hung a large and detailed political map of the world. Recently, he had been examining the area of the South Pacific, and we had a conversation that went something like this: Jonah: "Dad, are the Cook Islands part of New Zealand?" Me: "No, not really... " Jonah: "On the map under 'Cook Islands' it says 'NZ' in tiny red letters." Me: "Yes, New Zealand and the Cook Islands are good friends, and we share a lot of the same things Jonah: "So New Zealand owns the Cook Islands, right?" Me: "No, we don't own it, but we've agreed to be partners, and..." Jonah: "Did we conquer them in battle?" Me: "No, but... " And so it went, with me providing unsatisfying answers that ultimately were summed up in the classic parental escape-hatch: "it's complicated". -
Kälin and Kochenov's
Kälin and Kochenov’s An Objective Ranking of the Nationalities of the World Kälin and Kochenov’s Quality of Nationality Index (QNI) is designed to rank the objective value of world nationalities, as legal statuses of attachment to states, approached from the perspec- tive of empowering mobile individuals interested in taking control of their lives. The QNI looks beyond simple visa-free tourist or business travel and takes a number of other crucial factors into account: those that make one nationality a better legal status through which to develop your talents and business than another. This edition provides the state of the quality of nationalities in the world as of the fall of 2018. Edited by Dimitry Kochenov and Justin Lindeboom 41 Twenty-Four Shades of Sovereignty and Nationalities in the Pacific Region • 171 41 Twenty-Four Shades of Sovereignty and Nationalities in the Pacifi c Region By Gerard Prinsen Introduction Determining which countries and territories are part of the Pacifi c region can be a matter of debate, because it is arguably the world’s largest region in terms of surface area — occupying about half the globe and encompassing 11 time zones — with rather fl uid, or surprising, boundar- ies. European countries such as France and the UK, at fi rst glance, do not seem to be part of the region, yet the UK is present in the Pacifi c in the form of the Pitcairn Islands, a British Overseas Territory whose Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of 836,000 square kilometers is larger than that of the UK proper. -
Sovereignty, Self-Determination and the South-West Pacific a Comparison of the Status of Pacific Island Territorial Entities in International Law
http://researchcommons.waikato.ac.nz/ Research Commons at the University of Waikato Copyright Statement: The digital copy of this thesis is protected by the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand). The thesis may be consulted by you, provided you comply with the provisions of the Act and the following conditions of use: Any use you make of these documents or images must be for research or private study purposes only, and you may not make them available to any other person. Authors control the copyright of their thesis. You will recognise the author’s right to be identified as the author of the thesis, and due acknowledgement will be made to the author where appropriate. You will obtain the author’s permission before publishing any material from the thesis. Sovereignty, Self-Determination and the South-West Pacific A comparison of the status of Pacific Island territorial entities in international law A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Laws at The University of Waikato by Charles Andrew Gillard The University of Waikato 2012 iii ABSTRACT This paper compares the constitutional arrangements of various territorial entities in the South-West Pacific, leading to a discussion of those entities‟ status in international law. In particular, it examines the Cook Islands, Niue, Tokelau, Norfolk Island, French Polynesia, New Caledonia and American Samoa – all of which are perceived as „Territories‟ in the international community – as a way of critically examining the concept of „Statehood‟ in international law. The study finds that many of these „Territories‟ do not necessarily fit the classification that they have been given. -
Our Development Cooperation with Cook Islands
Our Development Cooperation with Cook Islands New Zealand’s development cooperation with Cook Islands focuses on supporting the Cook Islands Government to deliver strong public services (particularly in the health, education and tourism sectors) and quality infrastructure. Our shared values and goals are set out in the Joint Centenary Declaration signed in 2001. On 1 January 2020 Cook Islands graduated from eligibility for Official Development Assistance. This decision was based on Cook Islands having exceeded the OECD’s high income threshold for three consecutive years. Cook Islands is the first Pacific Island Country or Territory to graduate since 2000. Graduation is a testament to strong economic performance and management by Cook Islands. In light of our strong commitment and Cook Islands’ status as a member of the Realm of New Zealand, New Zealand will continue to provide reliable development assistance and support to Cook Islands. Recent achievements Current development priorities New Zealand has contributed NZD$15 Support Cook Islands to maintain effective million in funding towards the Manatua Cable, self-governance for a sustainable economy which will bring reliable, high-speed internet to and improved well-being, including for Pa Cook Islands. The Manatua Cable connects Enua (outer islands). Cook Islands to Samoa and French Polynesia via a submarine cable. The cable arrived onshore in Rarotonga in early January 2020 A climate resilient and environmentally and is expected to be ready for service by May sustainable Cook Islands. 2020. New Zealand and Cook Islands have a mutually More than 3,000 Cook Islanders now access beneficial and regional relationship. specialist health services each year as a result of New Zealand’s funding to Cook Islands’ health budget. -
Smoking Prevalence Among Indigenous Peoples of the World
Smoking Prevalence Among Indigenous Peoples of the World 2021 Smoking Prevalence Among Indigenous Peoples of the World Citation: Correspondence to: Glover, M. & Selket, K. (2021). Professor Marewa Glover Smoking Prevalence Among Centre of Research Excellence: Indigenous Peoples of the World. Indigenous Sovereignty & Smoking Auckland: Centre of Research Excellence: Indigenous Sovereignty & P.O. Box 89186 Smoking. Torbay, Auckland 0742 New Zealand ISBN: 978-0-473-57125-2 Email: [email protected] www.coreiss.com 2 Contents Introduction 7 Africa 17 North America 91 Central America and the Caribbean 101 South America 129 Europe 153 Middle East 165 Asia 171 Oceania 201 4 5 Sources 245 Introduction 6 7 To progress the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goals and leave smoke the most, and which tobacco products they will favour. no-one behind in the process, it is necessary ‘to collect disaggregated data on population groups’ (UN, 2019, p.43.). The UN Declaration on the Rights of For this reason, we chose a COUNTRY FACT SHEET format. However, country Indigenous People (UNDRIP) recognises Indigenous peoples as distinct population borders are social constructs subject to change. The land or water realms groups with rights to self-determination. Necessary to that, Indigenous peoples Indigenous peoples historically belonged to or inhabited are not always replicated ‘require information about their citizens, territories, and resources just like any by the country borders of today. Imperialist expansion processes, such as war, other nation state’ (UN, 2008). Suppressing the collection or reporting of data colonisation, or alliances, have resulted in borders where previously none existed. on Indigenous peoples perpetuates invisibility that allows the neglect or abuse of Peoples and their lands or fishing areas have been divided and moved like stolen their rights to continue without international objection. -
[I]T Is Time to Begin Thinking About Possible Changes That May Be Required If New Zealand Becomes a Republic
571 THE STRANGE DEATH OF THE REALM OF NEW ZEALAND: THE IMPLICATIONS OF A NEW ZEALAND REPUBLIC FOR THE COOK ISLANDS AND NIUE Andrew Townend∗ The Cook Islands and Niue are self-governing States within the Realm of New Zealand, freely associated with New Zealand and linked by a shared Head of State: the Sovereign in right of New Zealand. If New Zealand were to become a republic, it is likely that the constitutional link would be broken. The other aspects of the relationships of free association would not necessarily be affected, though their entrenched status in Cook Islands and Niue law could render difficult the technical amendments required to accommodate a republican New Zealand. A Realm of New Zealand of which New Zealand was no longer a part could also live on, with only minor amendment to the laws of the Cook Islands and Niue. But it would be neither desirable nor appropriate for current constitutional arrangements to continue. New Zealand's becoming a republic would ultimately provoke fundamental constitutional change in the Cook Islands and Niue, mostly likely resulting in their becoming self-governing realms or republics in free association with New Zealand. I INTRODUCTION During a speech at the London School of Economics in February 2002, the Prime Minister, the Rt Hon Helen Clark, suggested that:1 ∗ This paper was submitted in fulfilment of the LLB(Hons) requirements at Victoria University in 2002. The author wishes to thank Dame Silvia Cartwright, Hima Takelesi, and Audrey Brown-Pereira for having been such willing and open interviewees; Alison Quentin-Baxter, Rebecca Kitteridge, Tony Angelo, Matthew Palmer, and Alex Frame for their generous advice and encouragement; and staff at Government House, the Cabinet Office, and the office of Keith Locke MP for making available material referred to in this paper.