Public Accounts of Canada, 1987
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La Belle Province: Same Ugly Story
LA BELLE PROVINCE: SAME UGLY STORY A 12-Year Quantitative Analysis of Canada Economic Development for the Regions of Quebec June 2002 News Release -- French English CTF OTTAWA Suite 512 130 Albert Street Ottawa, ON K1P 5G4 Phone: 613-234-6554 Fax: 613-234-7748 Web: www.taxpayer.com ABOUT THE CTF The Canadian Taxpayers Federation (CTF) is a federally incorporated, non-profit, non-partisan, education and advocacy organization founded in Saskatchewan in 1990. It has grown to become Canada’s foremost taxpayer advocacy organization with more than 61,000 supporters nation-wide. The CTF’s three-fold mission statement is: • To act as a watchdog on government spending and to inform taxpayers of governments’ impact on their economic well-being; • To promote responsible fiscal and democratic reforms and to advocate the common interests of taxpayers; and • To mobilize taxpayers to exercise their democratic rights and responsibilities. The CTF maintains a federal and Ontario office in Ottawa and offices in the four provincial capitals of B.C., Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba. In addition, the CTF recently opened its Centre for Aboriginal Policy Change in Victoria. Provincial offices conduct research and advocacy activities specific to their provinces in addition to acting as regional organizers of Canada-wide initiatives. The CTF’s official publication, The Taxpayer magazine, is published six times a year. CTF offices also send out weekly Let’s Talk Taxes commentaries to over 800 media outlets as well as providing media comment on current events. CTF staff and Board members are prohibited from holding memberships in any political party. -
Canada and the Middle East Today: Electoral Politics and Foreign Policy
CANADA AND THE MIDDLE EAST TODAY: ELECTORAL POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Donald Barry Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper came to power in 2006 with little experience in foreign affairs but with a well developed plan to transform his minority Conservative administration into a majority government replacing the Liberals as Canada’s “natural governing party.”1 Because his party’s core of Anglo-Protestant supporters was not large enough to achieve this goal, Harper appealed to non- traditional Conservatives, including Jews, on the basis of shared social values. His efforts were matched by those of Jewish leaders and the government of Israel to win the backing of the government and its followers in the face of declining domestic support for Israel and the rise of militant Islamic fundamentalism. These factors accelerated a change in Canada’s Middle East policy that began under Prime Minister Paul Martin, from a carefully balanced stance to one that overwhelm- ingly favors Israel. Harper’s “pro-Israel politics,” Michelle Collins observes, has “won the respect—and support—of a large segment of Canada’s organized Jewish community.”2 However, it has isolated Canada from significant shifts in Middle East diplomacy and marginalized its ability to play a constructive role in the region. Harper and the Jewish Vote When he became leader of the Canadian Alliance party, which merged with the Progressive Conservatives to form the Conservative Party of Canada in 2004, Tom Flanagan says that Harper realized “The traditional Conservative base of Anglophone Protestants [was] too narrow to win modern Canadian elections.”3 In a speech to the conservative organization Civitas, in 2003, Harper argued that the only way to achieve power was to focus not on the tired wish list of economic conservatives or “neo-cons,” as they’d become known, but on what he called “theo-cons”—those social conservatives who care passionately about hot-button issues that turn on family, crime, and defense. -
2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT
Date: 20131223 Docket: T-447-09 Citation: 2013 FC 1283 Ottawa, Ontario, December 23, 2013 PRESENT: The Honourable Mr. Justice Zinn BETWEEN: 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) CANADIAN ARAB FEDERATION (CAF) Applicant and THE MINISTER OF CITIZENSHIP AND IMMIGRATION Respondent REASONS FOR JUDGMENT AND JUDGMENT [1] This is an application for judicial review by the Canadian Arab Federation [CAF] of a decision by The Minister of Citizenship and Immigration, then Jason Kenney [the Minister], not to enter into a funding agreement under the Language Instruction for Newcomers to Canada [LINC] program for the year 2009-2010. This decision was made by the Minister despite the fact that Citizenship and Immigration Canada [CIC] had previously entered into similar funding arrangements with CAF for many years; the most recent of which expired March 30, 2009, just days after the decision under review was made. Page: 2 [2] The reasons for the Minister’s decision are set out in a letter to CAF dated March 18, 2009, from the Associate Assistant Deputy Minister of CIC to Khaled Mouammar, President of CAF at that time: As you are also aware, serious concerns have arisen with respect to certain public statements that have been made by yourself or other officials of the CAF. These statements have included the promotion of hatred, anti-semitism [sic] and support for the banned terrorist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah. 2013 FC 1283 (CanLII) The objectionable nature of these public statements – in that they appear to reflect the CAF’s evident support for terrorist organizations and positions on its part which are arguably anti-Semitic – raises serious questions about the integrity of your organization and has undermined the Government’s confidence in the CAF as an appropriate partner for the delivery of settlement services to newcomers. -
Report on Public Forum
Anti-Terrorism and the Security Agenda: Impacts on Rights, Freedoms and Democracy Report and Recommendations for Policy Direction of a Public Forum organized by the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group Ottawa, February 17, 2004 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................................................2 ABOUT THE ICLMG .............................................................................................................2 BACKGROUND .....................................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .....................................................................................................4 RECOMMENDATIONS FOR POLICY DIRECTION ..........................................................14 PROCEEDINGS......................................................................................................................16 CONCLUDING REMARKS...................................................................................................84 ANNEXES...............................................................................................................................87 ANNEXE I: Membership of the ICLMG ANNEXE II: Program of the Public Forum ANNEXE III: List of Participants/Panelists Anti-Terrorism and the Security Agenda: Impacts on Rights Freedoms and Democracy 2 __________________________________________________________________________________ ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Forum session reporting -
Address to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’S Session
OSCE Conference on Combating Discrimination and Promoting Mutual Respect and Understanding - PC.NGO/27/07 Follow-up to the Cordoba Conference on Anti-Semitism and Other Forms of Intolerance 14 June 2007 Romania, Bucharest, 7 - 8 June 2007 Plenary Session 2 ENGLISH only Address to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe’s Session on Islamophobia Mohamed Boudjenane Executive Director Canadian Arab Federation Dear Mr. Chairman, I am sorry to be the last one to speak in this session tonight, but I will try to be quick. I am now wearing my hat as the representative of the Canadian Arab Federation (CAF), and also the board member of the Steering Committee of the National Anti-racism Coalition of Canada. I have to say that I am very shocked after hearing the minister speak earlier today, that he completely ignored the challenges faced by the Arab and the Muslim community in Canada. This is more shocking coming from a government who just recently had to apologize on behalf of the Canadian population to Maher Arar and his family, for the ordeal they were put through. The government recognizes the Canadian Security Agency’s responsibility in sending Maher Arar for one year to Syria, where he was imprisoned and tortured. This is again surprising from the government who just launched another public inquiry in the cases of three other Arab Muslim men who went through the same injustices as Maher Arar. Arabs and Muslims are currently one of the most targeted groups by Racism, Intolerance, and Islamophobia. A recent pool conducted by a major media outlet revealed that Arabs are the most hated ethnic group in Canada. -
Northern Greenhouses: an Alternative Local Food Provisioning Strategy for Nunavik
Northern Greenhouses: An Alternative Local Food Provisioning Strategy for Nunavik Thèse Ellen Avard Doctorat en sciences géographiques Philosophiae doctor (Ph.D.) Québec, Canada © Ellen Avard, 2015 Résumé Les serres nordiques: Une approche alternative à la sécurité alimentaire au Nunavik Les communautés inuites font face à des changements socioculturels et environnementaux rapides ainsi qu’à plusieurs défis concernant la sécurité alimentaire. Récemment, plusieurs projets innovateurs ont pris forme pour pallier aux coûts élevés et la qualité discutable des aliments frais dans le Nord. Cette recherche s’est déroulée au Nunavik (la région inuite de la province de Québec, Canada) et a été élaborée en utilisant une approche de recherche participative. L’objectif de ce travail était de documenter et de participer au développement d’un projet pilote de serre dans le village de Kuujjuaq dans le but de développer un modèle de sécurité alimentaire alternative pour le Nord. Plusieurs personnes ont, de prime abord, remis en question la viabilité à long terme d’un projet de serre dans une communauté inuite. Pourtant, les résultats de cette recherche démontrent qu’il y a de l’intérêt et du soutien de tous les secteurs pour ce type d’initiative. Les résultats démontrent également qu’une stratégie d’approvisionnement local basée sur la serriculture est techniquement faisable et socialement acceptable. La conclusion générale de cette recherche est que les serres nordiques ont le potentiel de devenir des éléments clés dans une nouvelle stratégie alimentaire nordique, une stratégie qui sera plus résiliente que celle que nous connaissons aujourd'hui, et qui va contribuer de manière durable à l’essor de la capacité communautaire et au développement socioéconomique des villages nordiques. -
Ottawa (Ontario), June 13, 2017 /Press Release
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE MP Romeo Saganash, Ryan McMahon, & over forty presentations taking place at the University of Ottawa June 15-17 during the national conference on "The Future of First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Broadcasting" OTTAWA (ONTARIO), JUNE 13, 2017 /PRESS RELEASE/ – According to its Three-Year Plan 2017-2020, the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission (CRTC) will review the Native Broadcasting Policy (CRTC 1990-89) next year. The gatherings entitled "The Future of First Nations, Inuit and Métis Broadcasting" aim to bring practitioners, policy makers and academics together as allies to prepare a context for respectful and meaningful consultation. The national event in Ottawa will continue the conversation by sharing the outcomes from five regional events, over forty presentations, and keynote speeches by MP Romeo Saganash (Abitibi-Baie James-Nunavik-Eeyou) and Ryan McMahon (Makoons Media Group). Discussion Topics: The CRTC Process & CRTC Policy 1. How would you like the CRTC consultation process to be conducted? 2. How should the review process itself be changed? 3. What should the policy entail? 4. What are the elements to include or exclude? 5. What changes could be required to the 1991 Broadcasting Act to ensure the policy is upheld? See Native Radio Policy - CRTC Public Notice 1990-89 (http://crtc.gc.ca/eng/archive/1990/PB90-89.htm) The national event will take place in Ottawa, Ontario, from June 15-17, 2017, in the Alex Trebek Alumni Building (University of Ottawa, 157 Séraphin-Marion Private). Participants are invited to register online at www.IndigenousRadio.ca. Presenters in Ottawa will include: [in order of appearance] The Hon. -
CAF, Jason Kenney, and Principles of Government Funding
Factsheet: CAF, Jason Kenney, and principles of government funding Factsheet Series No. 55, Created: March, 2009, Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East What is the Canadian Arab Federation and what does it stand for? The Canadian Arab Federation (CAF) is composed of over 40 member organizations and strives to raise awareness of issues impacting the Canadian Arab community. Its activities and projects include integration programs and language programs for new immigrants (of all origins), publications and education, public awareness, media relations and non-partisan government relations. CAF focuses on issues of interest to Canadian Arabs, both domestically and internationally. The CAF website states that the federation’s core values are: 1. The protection of civil liberties and the equality of human rights; 2. Combating racism and hate in all of its forms; 3. Working with all politicians and all levels of government on issues of importance to Canadian Arabs to promote community empowerment through civic participation; 4. Assuring the accurate representation of Arabs in the media, and in all areas of civil society; 5. A strong, vibrant multicultural Canada. CAF has long been critical of Canada’s support of Israel despite Israel’s longstanding record of human and humanitarian rights violations. CAF’s President, Khaled Mouammar, has referred to the state of Israel as the “Israeli Apartheid Regime,” and CAF has repeatedly supported boycott and divestment campaigns directed 1 2 at Israel. CAF receives $447,000 in funding from the government to run settlement programs in Toronto for new immigrants. None of this money funds any of CAF’s political activities. -
Solidarity and the Silencing of Palestinian Narratives I I
1'"' Outside the Mi.ilticultural: Solidarity and the Silencing of Palestinian Narratives I I RAFEEF ZIADAH ·I A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO : THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL°FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO October, 2013 © Rafeef Ziadah, 2013 Abstract This dissertation examines a series of efforts by the Canadian state to silence and censor the Palestine Solidarity Movement (PSM), particularly activism engaged in the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign, in the years following the second Palestinian uprising (Intifada) of 2000. Following a delineation of the broad contours of Canada's official multicultural policy, the dissertation seeks to interrogate multicultural policy's inability to·accommodate Palestinian narratives relating to the struggle for Palestinian self-det~rmination. The analysis explores the central contradiction between the multicultural st*e's self-construction as accommodating and even celebrating cultural difference, and Canada's adoption and deployment of the discourse of clash of civilizations and the War on Terror. Rooted in a critique of liberal theories of the state and an understanding of Canada as a racial state embedded in neoliberal global hierarchies as a second tier imperialist state, this study reveals the ways in which notions of "tolerance" may be used to establish boundaries and markers of belonging. Moments of erasure and silencing are analyzed as racializing moments, whereby the state reveals its class and racial character in both domestic and international spheres. Specifically, the manifestations of anti-Arab, anti Muslim racism in Canada are interrogated. The silencing campaign against the Palestine Solidarity Movement demonstrates the role official multicultural policy has played in obfuscating this racism. -
Fair Trial and Detainees' Rights
Canada1 IHF FOCUS: freedom of expression and peaceful assembly; freedom of association; fair trial and detainees’ rights; intolerance, xenophobia, racial discrimination and hate speech; asylum seekers; international humanitarian law. The 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States (US) moved also the Canadian government to take anti-terrorism measures. A new Anti-Terrorism Act2 was drafted shortly after the September 11 events and adopted by parliament in December 2001. Its adoption led to legal amendments some of which were questionable in the light of basic human rights standards, and negatively affected, for example, the rights to freedom of expression and association and privacy as well as fair trial standards. In addition, the Canadian Helsinki Watch Group focused on the duty to prohibit incitement to hatred, the protection of refugees, and the failure to convict war criminals. Concerning incitement to hatred, the Group proposed a number of changes to the law to expedite proceedings. Regarding asylum issues, it gave recommendations for changes to the regulations for implementation of the US-Canada Agreement of Refugee Claims. Freedom of Expression and Assembly3 The 2001 Anti-Terrorism Act amended the Criminal Code by establishing criminal liability for a number of terrorist offences, including the financing, facilitation and instigation of terrorism. These provisions were based on a definition of “terrorist activity,” several of whose elements were vaguely worded. For example, the expressions “intimidating the public, or a segment of the public, with regard to […] its economic security” and “a serious risk to the health […] of the public or any segment of the public” were not defined in the text of the law and were therefore open to varying interpretations and potentially to arbitrary enforcement. -
The Americas: Canada
The Americas Canada National Affairs (Canada enjoyed a year of political stability and relative prosperity. The minority Conservative government, which gained power in 2006, survived in the four-party House of Commons largely because the other parties were unwilling to force another election. The economy grew, unemployment was lower than it had been in decades, and the dol- lar ascended with surprising rapidity, exceeding par with its American counterpart for the first time in 30 years. Political highlights included elec- tions in the two largest provinces, Ontario and Quebec, neither of them leading to a change of government. In preparation for the Quebec election in March, Montreal's Jews were concerned because of their strong aversion to the secessionist Parti Quebecois (PQ). While the governing Liberals had lost popularity since winning a majority in 2003, they were able to hang on to a narrow plu- rality in a National Assembly that was split among three parties, result- ing in the first minority government for the province in over a century. The fact that the PQ was relegated to third place provided a measure of satisfaction to the Jewish community. Although Lawrence Bergman and Russell Copeman, both Liberals, were reelected, Premier Jean Charest left Bergman out of his new cabinet, the first time in decades that a Liberal premier with Jews in his caucus had failed to include at least one. In No- vember, a delegation from the Canadian Jewish Congress (CJC) met with Charest and expressed the community's dissatisfaction at the lack of Jew- ish cabinet representation. The biggest story of the election was the emer- gence of Action Democratique du Quebec (ADQ) as the second largest party, and thus the official opposition. -
Nunavut, a Creation Story. the Inuit Movement in Canada's Newest Territory
Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE August 2019 Nunavut, A Creation Story. The Inuit Movement in Canada's Newest Territory Holly Ann Dobbins Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Dobbins, Holly Ann, "Nunavut, A Creation Story. The Inuit Movement in Canada's Newest Territory" (2019). Dissertations - ALL. 1097. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/1097 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract This is a qualitative study of the 30-year land claim negotiation process (1963-1993) through which the Inuit of Nunavut transformed themselves from being a marginalized population with few recognized rights in Canada to becoming the overwhelmingly dominant voice in a territorial government, with strong rights over their own lands and waters. In this study I view this negotiation process and all of the activities that supported it as part of a larger Inuit Movement and argue that it meets the criteria for a social movement. This study bridges several social sciences disciplines, including newly emerging areas of study in social movements, conflict resolution, and Indigenous studies, and offers important lessons about the conditions for a successful mobilization for Indigenous rights in other states. In this research I examine the extent to which Inuit values and worldviews directly informed movement emergence and continuity, leadership development and, to some extent, negotiation strategies.