Evaluation of Iran's Foreign Policy in Iraq Author:1 Amir
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The Bush Doctrine and the Use of Force: Reflections on Rule Construction and Application, 9 Loy
Loyola University Chicago International Law Review Volume 9 Article 5 Issue 1 Fall/Winter 2011 2011 The uB sh Doctrine and the Use of Force: Reflections on Rule Construction and Application Paul F. Diehl University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Shyam Kulkarni University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Adam Irish University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Follow this and additional works at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Paul F. Diehl , Shyam Kulkarni & Adam Irish The Bush Doctrine and the Use of Force: Reflections on Rule Construction and Application, 9 Loy. U. Chi. Int'l L. Rev. 71 (2011). Available at: http://lawecommons.luc.edu/lucilr/vol9/iss1/5 This Feature Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago International Law Review by an authorized administrator of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE BUSH DOCTRINE AND THE USE OF FORCE: REFLECTIONS ON RULE CONSTRUCTION AND APPLICATION Paul F. Diehl, Shyam Kulkarni, and Adam Irisht Abstract. .................................................. 71 I. Introduction. ......................................... 72 II. The Basic Elements of the Bush Doctrine .................... 73 III. Normative System v. Operating System Rules ................. 76 IV. Key Elements of a Prospective Bush Doctrine ................. 78 A. Authorization ..................................... 78 1. What is the Threat Threshold That Triggers the Doctrine? . 78 2. Who is Allowed to Authorize Action? . 83 3. Must This Be a Last Resort Option? . 89 B. Execution. ........................................ 91 1. Must the Act Be Exercised Multilaterally or Is Unilateral Action Permitted? . .. 91 2. -
International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War
Mercer Law Review Volume 43 Number 2 Lead Articles I - The Legal Article 1 Implications of a Nation at War 3-1992 International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War Francis A. Boyle Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.mercer.edu/jour_mlr Part of the International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Boyle, Francis A. (1992) "International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran- Iraq War," Mercer Law Review: Vol. 43 : No. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.mercer.edu/jour_mlr/vol43/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Mercer Law School Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Mercer Law Review by an authorized editor of Mercer Law School Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LEAD ARTICLES International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War by Francis A. Boyle* Prescript This Article was written in 1986 and submitted to the University of New Orleans Symposium on Neutrality. The Article reflects the author's analysis regarding the United States military intervensionism into the Middle East with a special focus on the Persian Gulf region. The author analyzes the United States' policies to divide-and-conquer the Arab oil * Professor of International Law, University of Illinois College of Law, Champaign, Illi- nois. University of Chicago (A.B., 1971); Harvard Law School (J.D., magna cum laude, 1976); Harvard University (A.M., 1978 and Ph.D. -
U. S. Foreign Policy1 by Charles Hess
H UMAN R IGHTS & H UMAN W ELFARE U. S. Foreign Policy1 by Charles Hess They hate our freedoms--our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other (George W. Bush, Address to a Joint Session of Congress and the American People, September 20, 2001). These values of freedom are right and true for every person, in every society—and the duty of protecting these values against their enemies is the common calling of freedom-loving people across the globe and across the ages (National Security Strategy, September 2002 http://www. whitehouse. gov/nsc/nss. html). The historical connection between U.S. foreign policy and human rights has been strong on occasion. The War on Terror has not diminished but rather intensified that relationship if public statements from President Bush and his administration are to be believed. Some argue that just as in the Cold War, the American way of life as a free and liberal people is at stake. They argue that the enemy now is not communism but the disgruntled few who would seek to impose fundamentalist values on societies the world over and destroy those who do not conform. Proposed approaches to neutralizing the problem of terrorism vary. While most would agree that protecting human rights in the face of terror is of elevated importance, concern for human rights holds a peculiar place in this debate. It is ostensibly what the U.S. is trying to protect, yet it is arguably one of the first ideals compromised in the fight. -
Presidential Foreign Policy Doctrines
20 July 2015 Presidential Doctrines, the Use of Force and International Order Did the US’ military and legal reactions to the 9/11 attacks fundamentally transform its foreign and security policies? Joseph Siracusa doesn’t think so. He argues that the so-called Bush and Obama Doctrines have had more in common with previous presidential approaches than most people realize. By Joseph Siracusa for ISN In the ever-changing landscape of international relations, the extent to which the actions of the United States contribute to justice and order remains a source of contentious debate. Indeed, it is difficult to find a point in recent history when the United States and its foreign policy have been subject to such polarised and acrimonious reflection, both domestically and internationally. Notwithstanding recent ‘decline’ debates and the rise of emerging powers, the United States continues to hold a formidable advantage over its chief rivals in terms of formal power assets more than twenty-five years after the end of the Cold War. Few anticipated this situation; on the contrary, many assumed that, after a brief moment of unipolarity following the collapse of the Soviet Union, international affairs would soon regain a certain symmetry. Instead, US hegemony is still par for the course. In this context, because the foreign policy ‘doctrines’ of American presidents remain an important driver of the outlook of the United States, these doctrines continue to play a significant role in shaping international order. Though they have veered from isolationist to interventionist to expansionist over the years, these doctrines in fact exhibit a remarkable continuity – even in the post 9/11 era. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda. -
Structure of Turkey-USA Bilateral Relations and Analysis of Factors Affecting Bilateral Relations
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School October 2019 Structure of Turkey-USA Bilateral Relations and Analysis of Factors Affecting Bilateral Relations Hanifi Ozkarakaya University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Scholar Commons Citation Ozkarakaya, Hanifi, "Structure of Turkey-USA Bilateral Relations and Analysis of Factors Affecting Bilateral Relations" (2019). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/8675 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Structure of Turkey-USA Bilateral Relations and Analysis of Factors Affecting Bilateral Relations by Hanifi Ozkarakaya A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts School of Interdisciplinary Global Studies College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: Nicolas Thompson, Ph.D. Bernd Reiter, Ph.D. Steven Roach, Ph.D. Date of Approval October 16, 2019 Keywords: The American Foreign Policy, Turkey-USA Bilateral Relations Copyright © 2019, Hanifi Ozkarakaya TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures ............................................................................................................................... -
A Content Analysis of the News Coverage of George W. Bush's Spee
“Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists” A content analysis of the news coverage of George W. Bush’s speeches on the War on Terror in the context of American nationalism By Annabel van Gestel Erasmus University Rotterdam Erasmus School of History, Culture and Communication 24-07-2018 366765 – [email protected] Dr. M. Lak Prof.dr. D. Douwes Contents 1. Introduction 3 2. Timeline War on Terror 9 3. Public perception of the War on Terror 12 4. Literature Review 16 4.1 Nationalism 16 4.2 American Nationalism 20 4.3 The Bush Doctrine 26 5. Framing the News 31 6. Methodology 34 6.1 Data collection 34 6.2 Operationalization 36 7. Results 42 7.1 Exceptionalism 42 7.2 Vindicationism 44 7.3 Othering 45 7.4 Nationalism 47 7.5 Criticism 49 7.6 Difference Afghanistan and Iraq 51 8. Conclusion 55 9. Suggestions for future research 63 10. Bibliography 64 2 1. Introduction “Every nation in every region now has a decision to make: either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.” This phrase was part of a speech that US President George W. Bush delivered 9 days after the September 11th, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.1 Bush addressed the American Congress and the American people in what some have called the most important speech of his presidency.2 In this address, he appealed to the Americans’ grief about the attacks, set an ultimatum to the Taliban, but also made this blunt statement to nations across the world. -
Soore Mehr Publishing Co
Soore Mehr Publishing Co. Visit us Hall5.0/B132 16-20 Oct 2019 Soore Mehr Publishing Co. is one of the Best and huge Publishing group in Iran, and established 1998, we selected 7 years as the best Publisher in Iran and get the prize with cultural ministry Of Iran. we published about 10000 title books up to now, and we publish about 300 new title( 1st edition) every year, we have fiction, Non-fiction, Poem, War story and Memory for Adults. In addition we have a special Department for Children›s and Young Adults that name is «Mehrak Publication», and we have about 1000 books for children›s and young Adult it›s included Poem, Story, comic story, poem story. we register Mehrak publication Brand last year. Mehrak Puplication Children's Department www.mehrak.ir Title: The Twenty-three Ones Author: Ahmad Yousefzadeh Subject: Non-Fiction (Memory) Year of Publishing: 2017 / 58th Edition No. of Pages: 408/Paperback Size: 14 × 21 ISBN: 9786001755842 Awards: The book was honored by the supreme leader of Iran. about book The age of Ahmad (the author of the book) is sixteen. His name, after military training, is finally listed on the list of expeditions to the warfront. He participates in Operation Baytol-Moghaddass . But after a while, he has taken as a prisoner of war. There, during his captivity in the Iraqi POW camp, he is called a «minor child» due to his young age and his small body. He is being taken to the city of Basra along with 150 other prisoners of the war. -
The Bush Doctrine Is Selective Engagement In
THE BUSH DOCTRINE: SELECTIVE ENGAGEMENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST By Kenneth W. Stein* This article’s thesis is that the Bush Doctrine is part of a broader bipartisan American foreign policy, “Selective Engagement,” emerging since the Cold War’s end. U.S. willingness to be involved abroad are based on whether such an effort is in the national interest, can be shared with a coalition, costs acceptable amounts of money and potential casualties, and will leave the region better off. It discusses the Bush administration’s Middle East policy in this context, especially regarding the move toward higher degrees of apparent involvement in coping with the Israel-Palestinian conflict. During the 2000 American presidential cooperation...that he had appointed a host of election campaign, George W. Bush gave one officials who reject multilateralism.” It foreign policy address. Not unexpectedly, concluded, however, that even without a domestic priorities prevailed at his common Soviet enemy, Europe and America Administration’s outset: education reform, the had “common values and a common interest in environment, private school vouchers, faith- upholding them.”(1) based initiatives, energy sources and The aftermath of the September 11, 2001, production, creation of prescription drug assault on America changed the benefits, tax relief, an economic stimulus administration’s agenda. Europeans voiced package, health care, values, ethics, and their strong support for the United States to a propounding a philosophy of “compassion in far greater extent than they had backed the 1990 government.” coalition to counter Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. Domestic issues which contained foreign The military attack on the Taliban and al-Qaeda policy components--such as illegal drugs, trade in Afghanistan was endorsed by 40 countries questions, terrorism prevention, immigration compared to 28 in the earlier case. -
The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity
The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Abdallat, Saleh Ayman. 2020. The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37365053 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity Saleh Ayman Abdallat A Thesis in the Field of Middle Eastern Studies for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University May 2020 Copyright 2020 Saleh Ayman Abdallat Abstract In this thesis, I examine the roots that aggravated the Iraqi national identity to devolve into sectarianism. The thesis covers 603 years of historical events that coincided during the time the Ottoman ruled Mesopotamia, until the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003. The thesis is divided into four chapters, in which I address the factors that aggravated to deteriorate the Iraqi national unity. The historical events include the Ottoman-Persian rivalry that lasted for more than three centuries, and the outcomes that precipitated the Iraqi national identity to devolve into sectarianism. Furthermore, the thesis covers the modern history of Iraq during the period that Britain invaded Iraq and appointed the Hashemite to act on their behalf. -
United States Foreign Policy in the Middle East and North Africa: Ideology, Hegemony, and Grand Strategy Under the Presidencies of George W
United States Foreign Policy in the Middle East and North Africa: Ideology, Hegemony, and Grand Strategy under the Presidencies of George W. Bush and Barack Obama Julian Velasquez Master’s Candidate CIFE- Mediterranean Branch 2015-2016 Thesis Supervisor: Matthias Waechter 1 The United States of America has been the world’s preeminent superpower for the majority of contemporary living memory. As the sole possessors of the world’s most formidable military power, the U.S.’s international presence has been highly visible through countless military interventions and armed intrusions the world over. Both criticized and lauded for this expansive presence around the globe, the U. S.’s reach goes far beyond military capacity- American economics, politics, culture, and traditions traverse across international boundaries and permeate even the most remote of societies. This study focuses the majority of its analysis on the last two leaders of the U.S., Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, who have guided American foreign policy from the commencement of the 21st century until present day. Personified by their differences and similarities within the ideological justification and means of U.S. manifestations, including waging the two major wars of the post-September 11th era and beyond, each President’s administration can be analyzed for their specific beliefs concerning the role of American hegemony, the U.S.’s role within international affairs, and the methods for going about achieving these different objectives. Especially relevant concerning the current state of international affairs in the Middle East and North Africa today, the United States’ prominent position in world politics cannot be dismissed or disregarded in the study of the past, present, and future outlooks for one of the most influential and significant regions in the world. -
Chinese Attitudes on Preventive War and the “Preemption Doctrine”
CHINESE ATTITUDES ON PREVENTIVE WAR AND THE “PREEMPTION DOCTRINE” Scott A. Silverstone 2009 INSS RESEARCH PAPER US AIR FORCE INSTITUTE FOR NATIONAL SECURITY STUDIES USAF ACADEMY, COLORADO Chinese Attitudes on Preventive War and the “Preemption Doctrine” by Scott A. Silverstone* July 2009 With the release of President Bush‘s first National Security Strategy (NSS) in September 2002, the administration articulated a bold claim about the use of military force that had been crystallizing in American strategic circles over the previous decade. According to a central element in the emerging ―Bush Doctrine‖, launching attacks against so-called rogue states suspected of pursuing weapons of mass destruction was a normatively legitimate strategically necessary response to the changing threat environment. This paper examines the attitudes on preventive war in the case of the Peoples Republic of China. Specifically it asks how Chinese elites – government officials and academics – view preventive war in the wake of American efforts to recast the preventive war norm and the invasion so Iraq. How do Chinese elites react to the logic and normative claims at the heart of the Bush administration‘s ―preemption doctrine‖? Do Chinese elites reject it in normative terms reminiscent of the anti- preventive war attitudes prevalent in the United States during the decades after World War II? Or have Chinese elites accepted America‘s position on this issue as a precedent that the Chinese government itself might mobilize politically in potential conflicts on its periphery? With the release of President Bush‘s first National Security Strategy (NSS) in September 2002, the administration articulated a bold claim about the use of military force that had been crystallizing in American strategic circles over the previous decade.