The Artesh: Iran's Marginalized Regular Military
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Iranian Strategy in Syria
*SBOJBO4USBUFHZJO4ZSJB #:8JMM'VMUPO KPTFQIIPMMJEBZ 4BN8ZFS BKPJOUSFQPSUCZ"&*ŦT$SJUJDBM5ISFBUT1SPKFDUJ/45*565&'035)&456%:0'8"3 .BZ All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ©2013 by Institute for the Study of War and AEI’s Critical Threats Project Cover Image: Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad, and Hezbollah’s Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah appear together on a poster in Damascus, Syria. Credit: Inter Press Service News Agency Iranian strategy in syria Will Fulton, Joseph Holliday, & Sam wyer May 2013 A joint Report by AEI’s critical threats project & Institute for the Study of War ABOUT US About the Authors Will Fulton is an Analyst and the IRGC Project Team Lead at the Critical Threats Project at the American Enterprise Institute. Joseph Holliday is a Fellow at the Institute for the Study of War. Sam Wyer served as an Iraq Analyst at ISW from September 2012 until February 2013. The authors would like to thank Kim and Fred Kagan, Jessica Lewis, and Aaron Reese for their useful insights throughout the writing and editorial process, and Maggie Rackl for her expert work on formatting and producing this report. We would also like to thank our technology partners Praescient Analytics and Palantir Technologies for providing us with the means and support to do much of the research and analysis used in our work. About the Institute for the Study of War The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) is a non-partisan, non-profit, public policy research organization. ISW advances an informed understanding of military affairs through reliable research, trusted analysis, and innovative education. -
The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward
THE BIDEN ADMINISTRATION AND THE MIDDLE EAST: POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A SUSTAINABLE WAY FORWARD THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MARCH 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU 2 The Biden Administration and the Middle East: Policy Recommendations for a Sustainable Way Forward The Middle East Institute March 2021 3 CONTENTS FOREWORD Iraq 21 Strategic Considerations for Middle East Policy 6 Randa Slim, Senior Fellow and Director of Conflict Paul Salem, President Resolution and Track II Dialogues Program Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Ross Harrison, Senior Fellow and Director of Research Israel 23 Eran Etzion, Non-Resident Scholar POLICY BRIEFS Jordan 26 Dima Toukan, Non-Resident Scholar Countries/Regions Paul Salem, President US General Middle East Interests & Policy Priorities 12 Paul Salem, President Lebanon 28 Christophe Abi-Nassif, Director of Lebanon Program Afghanistan 14 Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Libya 30 Pakistan Program Jonathan M. Winer, Non-Resident Scholar Algeria 15 Morocco 32 Robert Ford, Senior Fellow William Lawrence, Contributor Egypt 16 Pakistan 34 Mirette F. Mabrouk, Senior Fellow and Director of Marvin G. Weinbaum, Director of Afghanistan and Egypt Program Pakistan Program Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) 18 Palestine & the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process 35 Gerald Feierstein, Senior Vice President Nathan Stock, Non-Resident Scholar Khaled Elgindy, Senior Fellow and Director of Program Horn of Africa & Red Sea Basin 19 on Palestine and Palestinian-Israeli Affairs David Shinn, Non-Resident Scholar Saudi Arabia 37 Iran -
John Calabrese Cal [email protected] [email protected]
John Calabrese [email protected] [email protected] American University The Middle East Institute Tel: (202) 895-4913 Tel: (202) 785-1141 ext. 208 EDUCATION B.A., Government/English 1975 Georgetown University Diploma [Distinction] 1987 The London School of Economics Compar./Int’l. Politics Ph.D., International Relations 1991 The London School of Economics PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE 1978-86 Secondary School Teacher Emerson Preparatory School, Washington, DC 1988-89 Graduate Teaching Assistant, International Relations Department The London School of Economics, London, UK 1989-90 Lecturer, Department of Politics Richmond College, Richmond, Surrey, UK 1990-91 Visiting Assistant Professor, Political Science Department University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS 1991-94 Visiting Assistant Professor, Government Department Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME 1994-96 Associate Dean of Students; Lecturer, Government Department Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME 1996- Scholar-in-Residence The Middle East Institute, Washington, DC Assistant Professor, School of International Service (WSP) The American University, Washington, DC 1999- Book Review Editor The Middle East Journal PUBLICATIONS 1990. “Japan in the Middle East: Paradox of Power,” The Pacific Review, 3:100-14. 1990. “From Flyswatters to Silkworms: The Evolution of China’s Role in West Asia,” Asian Survey, 30: 862-76. 1990. “The Syrian-Iranian Axis: What Basis and What Future?” The World Today, 46: 188-90. 1991. China’s Changing Relations with the Middle East. London: Pinter, 1991. 1992. “China and the Gulf: Peaceful or Dangerous Collaborators?” Pacific Affairs, 65: 471-85. 1994. Revolutionary Horizons: Regional Foreign Policy in Post-Khomeini Iran. London: Macmillan. 1994. “Iran and Her Northern Neighbors: At the Crossroads,” Central Asia Monitor, 5/6: 1-11, 13- 18. -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Afghanistan's Unending Wars
AFGHANISTAN’S UNENDING WARS MARVIN G. WEINBAUM AND AHMAD KHALID MAJIDYAR FEBRUARY 2019 POLICY PAPER 2019-3 CONTENTS * SUMMARY * 1 INTRODUCTION * 3 PHASES OF CONFLICT * 3 HISTORICAL CONTEXT * 6 PRESENT DAY CONFLICT * 7 DIMENSIONS OF THE CONFLICT * 10 EFFORTS FOR PEACE * 13 ALTERNATIVE SCENARIOS * 15 CONCLUSION © The Middle East Institute The Middle East Institute 1319 18th Street NW Washington, D.C. 20036 SUMMARY The current conflict in Afghanistan, the latest in a series of perpetual wars and episodes of civil strife over the past 40 years, is strategically stalemated. With the Taliban and other militant groups gradually gaining a grip on large areas of the countryside, the Kabul government and its international allies have recently redoubled their efforts to seek a negotiated peace agreement with insurgents to end the protracted conflict. While the Taliban are willing to negotiate with the U.S. about the withdrawal of foreign troops from the country, they continue to reject direct talks with the Afghan government for a political settlement. Even with inclusive peace talks, there is reason to question whether the Taliban’s vision of a future Afghan state and society can be reconciled with a liberal, democratic constitutional order. An alternative political pathway to a peaceful outcome is through executing better security and governance reforms. With continued support of the international community, the Afghan government may be able to provide the incentives needed to reintegrate insurgent commanders and combatants back into the sociopolitical system. All other scenarios for Afghanistan are dark, especially the prospect of a disintegration of the existing political system that could trigger a wider, more bloody civil war. -
International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War
Mercer Law Review Volume 43 Number 2 Lead Articles I - The Legal Article 1 Implications of a Nation at War 3-1992 International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War Francis A. Boyle Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.mercer.edu/jour_mlr Part of the International Law Commons, and the Military, War, and Peace Commons Recommended Citation Boyle, Francis A. (1992) "International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran- Iraq War," Mercer Law Review: Vol. 43 : No. 2 , Article 1. Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.mercer.edu/jour_mlr/vol43/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Mercer Law School Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Mercer Law Review by an authorized editor of Mercer Law School Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LEAD ARTICLES International Crisis and Neutrality: United States Foreign Policy Toward the Iran-Iraq War by Francis A. Boyle* Prescript This Article was written in 1986 and submitted to the University of New Orleans Symposium on Neutrality. The Article reflects the author's analysis regarding the United States military intervensionism into the Middle East with a special focus on the Persian Gulf region. The author analyzes the United States' policies to divide-and-conquer the Arab oil * Professor of International Law, University of Illinois College of Law, Champaign, Illi- nois. University of Chicago (A.B., 1971); Harvard Law School (J.D., magna cum laude, 1976); Harvard University (A.M., 1978 and Ph.D. -
POLICY BRIEF--US Challenges and Choices in the Gulf: Energy Security
Policy Brief #3 The Atlantic Council of the United States, The Middle East Institute, The Middle East Policy Council, and The Stanley Foundation U.S. Challenges and Choices in the Gulf: Energy Security This policy brief is based on the discussion at the fifth in a jointly sponsored series of congressional staff briefings on “U.S. Challenges and Choices in the Gulf.” To receive information on future briefings, contact Jennifer Davies at [email protected]. With approximately 70 percent of the world’s known oil reserves, Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Iran and Iraq, are the world’s leading petroleum exporters. Gulf oil exports (and, therefore, world oil prices) are largely governed by the political and economic dynamics of the Gulf region – suggesting that U.S. leaders have a substantial stake in understanding these dynamics generally and, specifically, how they impact U.S. energy security concerns. Oil plays a key role in U.S. energy security, providing approximately 40 percent of the total annual energy use of the United States (measured in trillion Btu). Indeed, the United States is the world’s number one consumer of oil, using 20 million barrels of oil per day, or one-fifth of the world total. Of these 20 million barrels, the United States imports 9 million, as its domestic production is insufficient to satisfy the country’s needs. This brief addresses four fundamental questions regarding the current and likely future energy needs of the United States. 1. Is the United States “dependent” on Arab/Gulf oil? This often-asked, but misleading question begs several responses. -
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 26 September 2009 Kuwait Looks towards the East: Relations with China By Khizar Niazi His Highness Shaykh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jabir Al Sabah, Amir of Kuwait, led a high-level delegation to China from May 10-12, 2009, with a private stop-over at Hong Kong. Earlier in July 2004, his trip as Prime Minister to important Far Eastern countries had taken him to China, Japan, Singapore and South Korea. Subsequently, he visited Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Thailand in June 2006. Kuwait is explor- ing the possibilities of further boosting mutually beneficial ties with the growing economies of the East. With this in mind, the author had written a research paper on Kuwait’s relations with Japan, which was published by Gulf Research Centre, Dubai in November 2006. Second in the series, this Policy Brief explores Kuwait’s relations with China. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Kuwait Looks towards the East: Relations with China There is a growing tendency among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states to benefit from the favorable conditions in the rapidly growing economies of the East. As was amply demonstrated at a symposium organized by the Centre for Gulf and Ara- bian Peninsula Studies at Kuwait University in May 2009 on the “Reality of GCC-Asian Relationship — opportunities and challenges,” Kuwait exemplifies this trend. -
Iran's Failed Foreign Policy
MEI Policy Paper 2015-1 Iran’s Failed Foreign Policy: Dealing from a Position of Weakness Thomas Juneau Middle East Institute April 2015 Policy Papers Series Cover photo: Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif (center) stands with members of the P5+1 to announce the framework of an agreement on the Iranian nuclear program, April 2015. © 2015 The Middle East Institute MEI Policy Paper 2015-1 Iran’s Failed Foreign Policy: Dealing from a Position of Weakness Thomas Juneau Middle East Institute Policy Papers Series Contents 1 About the Author 2 Introduction 3 Iranian Power: Less than Meets the Eye 5 Not a Major Player in Yemen 8 Troubles in the Levant 9 Partial Success in Iraq 11 The Nuclear Program: Costly Benefits 14 Darkening Clouds 19 Dealing from a Position of Weakness 20 Endnotes About the Author homas Juneau is an assistant professor at Tthe University of Ottawa’s Graduate School of Public and International Affairs. From 2003 to 2014, he was an analyst with Canada’s Department of National Defence. Iran’s Failed Foreign Policy 1 Introduction ran’s ambition is to be the dominant state in the Persian Gulf and an Iindispensable regional power in the broader Middle East. This is a plausible aspiration. Iran’s potential assets include a large population, a central geographic position, and a wealth of hydrocarbon resources. Despite facing favorable regional circumstances after 2001, however, Iran failed to fulfil this ambition. Iran’s power is brittle: its conventional military is increasingly obsolescent, its economy is strangulated by sanctions and mismanagement, and the country is more diplomatically isolated than it has been for decades. -
Soore Mehr Publishing Co
Soore Mehr Publishing Co. Visit us Hall5.0/B132 16-20 Oct 2019 Soore Mehr Publishing Co. is one of the Best and huge Publishing group in Iran, and established 1998, we selected 7 years as the best Publisher in Iran and get the prize with cultural ministry Of Iran. we published about 10000 title books up to now, and we publish about 300 new title( 1st edition) every year, we have fiction, Non-fiction, Poem, War story and Memory for Adults. In addition we have a special Department for Children›s and Young Adults that name is «Mehrak Publication», and we have about 1000 books for children›s and young Adult it›s included Poem, Story, comic story, poem story. we register Mehrak publication Brand last year. Mehrak Puplication Children's Department www.mehrak.ir Title: The Twenty-three Ones Author: Ahmad Yousefzadeh Subject: Non-Fiction (Memory) Year of Publishing: 2017 / 58th Edition No. of Pages: 408/Paperback Size: 14 × 21 ISBN: 9786001755842 Awards: The book was honored by the supreme leader of Iran. about book The age of Ahmad (the author of the book) is sixteen. His name, after military training, is finally listed on the list of expeditions to the warfront. He participates in Operation Baytol-Moghaddass . But after a while, he has taken as a prisoner of war. There, during his captivity in the Iraqi POW camp, he is called a «minor child» due to his young age and his small body. He is being taken to the city of Basra along with 150 other prisoners of the war. -
Major Power Rivalry in the Middle East
Center for Preventive Action Discussion Paper Series March 2021 Cover photo: The skyline of Dubai, United Arab Emirates, is seen from the desert. Major Power Rivalry (Franckreporter/iStockphoto/Getty Images) Council on Foreign Relations cfr.org in the Middle East 58 East 68th Street 1777 F Street, NW New York, NY 10065 Washington, DC 20006 tel 212.434.9400 tel 202.509.8400 Steven A. Cook Center for Preventive Action Discussion Paper March 2021 Major Power Rivalry in the Middle East Steven A. Cook The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, busi- ness executives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, including special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; convening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Wash- ington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal of international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to- date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org. -
The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity
The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Abdallat, Saleh Ayman. 2020. The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity. Master's thesis, Harvard Extension School. Citable link https://nrs.harvard.edu/URN-3:HUL.INSTREPOS:37365053 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Role of Tribalism and Sectarianism in Defining the Iraqi National Identity Saleh Ayman Abdallat A Thesis in the Field of Middle Eastern Studies for the Degree of Master of Liberal Arts in Extension Studies Harvard University May 2020 Copyright 2020 Saleh Ayman Abdallat Abstract In this thesis, I examine the roots that aggravated the Iraqi national identity to devolve into sectarianism. The thesis covers 603 years of historical events that coincided during the time the Ottoman ruled Mesopotamia, until the U.S. invaded Iraq in 2003. The thesis is divided into four chapters, in which I address the factors that aggravated to deteriorate the Iraqi national unity. The historical events include the Ottoman-Persian rivalry that lasted for more than three centuries, and the outcomes that precipitated the Iraqi national identity to devolve into sectarianism. Furthermore, the thesis covers the modern history of Iraq during the period that Britain invaded Iraq and appointed the Hashemite to act on their behalf.