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Crime and Justice: Community Impact of Public Processions

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Crime and Justice: Community Impact of Public Processions Community Impact of Public Processions Crime and Justice COMMUNITY IMPACT OF PUBLIC PROCESSIONS Niall Hamilton-Smith Margaret Malloch Stephen Ashe Alasdair Rutherford University of Stirling Ben Bradford University of Oxford Scottish Government Social Research 2015 ii This report is available on the Scottish Government Publications Website (http://www.gov.scot/Publications/Recent). The views expressed in this report are those of the researcher and do not necessarily represent those of the Scottish Government or Scottish Ministers. © Crown copyright 2015 You may re-use this information (not including logos) free of charge in any format or medium, under the terms of the Open Government Licence. To view this licence, visit http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/doc/open-government-licence/ or write to the Information Policy Team, The National Archives, Kew, London TW9 4DU, or e-mail: [email protected] CONTENTS Acknowledgements iv Executive Summary v Recommendations x 1 Introduction 1 2 Methodology 11 3 Procession Notifications: Local Authority Data 20 4 Community Impact: Planning and Management 26 5 Community Impact: View of Residents and By-Standers 40 6 Community Impact: Live Observations and Participant Perspectives 61 7 Concluding Points 81 References 87 Annex A: Stage 3 research methods 89 Annex B: Processions by local authority area 95 Annex C: Further analysis 100 Annex D: Police incident types 105 Annex E: Recorded crime incidents 106 Annex F: Map of processions (Bridgeton and Parkhead) 110 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The research team would like to express thanks for the input and assistance of a wide range of organisations and individuals who have contributed considerable time and expertise to this study. A number of researchers assisted with the fieldwork and various aspects of data analysis: Susan Batchelor, Kathryn Duncan, William Graham, Brendan McGeever, Aimee McCullough, Maureen McBride, Diarmuid McDonnell, Ruth Mendel, Adam Aitken, Lito Tsitsou and Tim Winsler. We are particularly appreciative of the time and input provided by the representatives of Processing Organisations, Police Service Scotland, Scottish local authorities, and several Scottish non-governmental organisations. The participation of local residents is gratefully acknowledged. Finally, thanks to colleagues in the Scottish Government and members of the Research Advisory Group who have all contributed significantly to the design and development of this research. iv COMMUNITY IMPACT OF PUBLIC PROCESSIONS1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This summary sets out key findings from a multi-method study into the community impact of public processions in Scotland carried out in 2013. The research objectives were to identify which organisations regularly take part in processions, the aims and cultural significance of the events, the impact on communities, and factors which may contribute to, or may mitigate, the disruption of community life. The mixed methods study included: Collection and analysis of local authority statistics on procession notifications from across Scotland, and analysis of police incident data for the beat areas in which the processions took place; Documentary analysis of relevant policies, guidelines and research reports; Qualitative and quantitative data collection across case-study sites selected on the basis that they hosted prominent key processions; Interviews and focus groups with procession organisers, procession participants and public authorities (primarily the police and local authority officers); Residential, street and telephone surveys with local residents in „live‟ case-study areas, both before and after selected processions; On-street and business mini-surveys with bystanders, supporters and local retail businesses; Structured and unstructured ethnographic observations of processions in live case- study sites. In total, extensive ethnographic research (including participant observation, formal and informal dialogue across the fieldwork sites) was carried out at 12 processions; 713 surveys and mini surveys of residents and businesses were collected across five live case-study sites (Coatbridge, Govan, Parkhead, Bridgeton and Airdrie). In addition, in-depth formal interviews were conducted with 40 respondents. Ten focus groups were carried out with key stakeholders (including police, local authority and community representatives; and members of processing organisations). Survey responses were based on convenience sampling approaches and the statistical data explores the issue of community impact rather than measuring it in a way that is readily generalizable to specific places or broader populations. Statistical and ethnographic data form a triangulated set of research methods that examine the issue of impact on a case- study basis, with the case-studies focussed primarily on particular processions rather than particular places. The study explores experiences and perceptions of public processions within communities, recognising that the concept of homogenous and distinct „communities‟ existing within specific geographic locales was rare. Key findings and recommendations Research Aim 1: To identify which organisations arrange and take part in processions on a regular basis in Scotland Between 2010 and 2012, the total number of procession notifications across Scotland increased by 30% (from approximately2 1942 notifications in 2010 to 2644 in 2012) 1 This study was commissioned as the community impact of marches and parades. We refer to public processions throughout, in line with current legislation (Police, Public Order and Criminal Justice (Scotland) Act 2006), and indicative of the broad range of events recorded under this category by local authorities. 2 Complete data was not available from all local authorities. Where data was missing, totals were extrapolated on the basis of available data and trends, see discussion in chapter two for more details. v according to available data. This increase can be linked to the use of the notification system for events that may not previously have required a notification. It also includes multiple applications for some events. Different approaches to the notification system across local authorities make it difficult to accurately compare and contrast the number of actual processions which take place on a yearly basis. Community events accounted for the majority of procession notifications (including local fairs and gala events). In 2012, procession notifications by loyal orders (Orange Order, Apprentice Boys of Derry and Royal Black Institute) and related bands accounted for 34% of procession notifications3. This denotes a reduction in the overall total from 43% in 2010 (n=699) to 34% of the total in 2012 (n=773); to some extent due to the increasing proportion of community procession notifications but also denoting a proportionate decrease in loyal order notifications. In 2012, political notifications (including Trade Union Congress (TUC) and diversity events) and Irish Republican procession notifications (including Cairde na h‟Eireann, Commemoration Committees and Irish Republican bands) remained relatively steady (both at approximately 2% of the total; n=45 and 41 respectively), whilst community processions accounted for 62% of the total (up from 54% of the total in 2010). Beneath these national patterns there are clearly marked variations in the number and type of events situated in different local authority areas. Whilst community processions may be most frequent nationally, in some local authorities such as North Lanarkshire, small Loyalist processions (typically with less than a hundred participants) constituted the majority of annual processions. In contrast, cities such as Edinburgh host few Loyalist or Irish Republican events (in 2012 circa. 6% of processions in Edinburgh were of this type compared to 76% of processions in North Lanarkshire and 73% in Glasgow), but instead hold a smaller number of much larger processions associated with political protest or diversity issues. Where there are concentrations of Loyalist and Irish Republican events, Loyalist events constitute the large majority of processions (e.g. only 6% of processions in Glasgow in 2012 could be described as Irish Republican). Variation in the collation of records makes it very difficult to determine which local authorities experience the greatest number of processions that generate community disruption or concern. Drawing upon documentary analysis and interviews, processions which appear to have raised concerns in recent years include those organised by Loyalists (and emerging organisations such as the Regimental Blues) Irish Republicans and the far-right Scottish Defence League. Research Aim 2: To identify the aim of these events, and what those who take part in them, and the communities in which they take place, understand to be their cultural significance While processions were important to the organisations who participated in them, these organisations were not entirely homogenous, and difference and disagreements could be identified across organisations within the same tradition. Loyalist organisations (which included the Orange Order, Apprentice Boys of Derry, Royal Black Institution) defined themselves on a religious basis with processions forming an important tradition within their organisation and constituting a „celebration‟ of their Protestant identity; generally marking a particular historical event in their organisational calendar or denoting a more contemporary development (i.e. opening of a
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