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Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. -
Beyond the Nation State Also by David Hanley
Beyond the Nation State Also by David Hanley CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE: A Comparative Perspective CONTEMPORARY FRANCE (with A. P. Kerr and N. H. Waites) KEEPING LEFT? CERES and the French Socialist Party PARTY, SOCIETY, GOVERNMENT: Republican Democracy in France SOCIAL-DÉMOCRATIE ET DÉFENSE (co-editor with H. Portelli) SPANISH POLITICAL PARTIES (co-editor with J. Louglin) Beyond the Nation State Parties in the Era of European Integration David Hanley Professor of European Studies Cardiff University, UK © David Hanley 2008 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2008 978-1-4039-0795-0 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2008 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. -
Print This Article
The Historical Review/La Revue Historique Vol. 11, 2014 "A gift from God": Anglo-Greek relations during the dictatorship of the Greek colonels Nafpliotis Alexandros National Documentation Centre / NHRF https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.329 Copyright © 2014 To cite this article: Nafpliotis, A. (2014). "A gift from God": Anglo-Greek relations during the dictatorship of the Greek colonels. The Historical Review/La Revue Historique, 11, 67-104. doi:https://doi.org/10.12681/hr.329 http://epublishing.ekt.gr | e-Publisher: EKT | Downloaded at 06/10/2021 15:11:08 | “A GIFT FROM GOD”: ANGLO–GREEK RELATIONS DURING THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE GREEK COLONELS Alexandros Nafpliotis Abstract: The focus of this article is an analysis of the Greek junta’s relations with the Wilson and Heath governments in the United Kingdom from 1967 to 1974. Emphasis is placed on diplomatic relations between the two traditional allies. The reactions of the military leaders of the regime in Athens and its representatives in Britain to policies pursued by London towards the establishment, consolidation and eventual demise of the colonels’ dictatorship are presented through the examination (for the first time) of official documents from both the UK and Greece. It is argued that the Greek military regime struggled to cultivate relations with Britain primarily for reasons of domestic and international prestige. Whereas Whitehall pursued a policy of “good working relations” with the junta in order to promote British interests vis-à-vis NATO, Cyprus and trade, the leadership in Athens was solely interested in using British support to gain legitimacy internationally and domestically. -
What System Constit
We are now going to look at the issue of European elections, so you'll have to make a quick trip to Brussels. Let's start with the elections for members of the European Parliament. First of all, you need to know the rules that govern the European electoral process. 1.- Who can vote? 2.- What system is used, the majority one or the proportional one? 3.- What types of constituency system are used in the Basque Country? Wow, what a lot of work! Now I have to find out what the distribution of seats would have been had the D'Hondt electoral system been used in a single constituency for the whole EU. At least this time they're going to let me use a simulator: Let's see if I can work out what to do! ! FILL IN THE TABLE BELOW (RIGHT-HAND COLUMN) ELECTIONS TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 2004 Parliamentary Grouping Euro MPs Votes % votes Seats according to the D’ Hondt system Party/Subgroup Group of the European People's Party and the European Democrats (EPP-ED) 52,534,612 34.0% 277 Composed of: European People's Party 44,670,810 28.9% 227 - European Democrats 5,189,196 3.4% 37 - Associated Independents 2,674,606 1.7% 13 - Group of the Party of European Socialists (PES) 37,271,453 24.1% 198 Composed of: Party of European Socialists 36,716,593 23.8% 193 - 554,860 0.4% 5 Associated Independents - Group of the Eur opean Liberal Democrat and Reform Party (ELDR) 13,732,594 8.9% 66 Composed of: European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party 10,835,213 7.0% 59 - Associated Independents 2,897,381 1.9% 7 - Group of the European United Left and Nordic Green Left -
Canada's Greek Moment: Transnational Politics, Activists, and Spies During
CANADA’S GREEK MOMENT: TRANSNATIONAL POLITICS, ACTIVISTS, AND SPIES DURING THE LONG SIXTIES CHRISTOPHER GRAFOS A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO DECEMBER 2016 © CHRISTOPHER GRAFOS, 2016 ABSTRACT This dissertation examines Greek immigrant homeland politics during the period of Greece’s military dictatorship, 1967 to 1974, in Toronto and Montreal. It carefully considers the internal dynamics of anti-junta activism in Canada’s Greek populations, but it also contemplates the meanings of external perceptions, particularly from the Canadian state and Canadian public discourse. The study acknowledges the dominant paradigm of Greek immigrants as unskilled workers, however, it demonstrates that this archetype is not monolithic. In many ways, it is challenged by a small number of Greeks who possessed skills to write letters to politicians, create petitions, organize public rallies, and politically mobilize others. At the same time, this dissertation carefully considers Canada’s social and political environment and shows how uniquely Canadian politics ran parallel to and informed Greek homeland politics. Transnationalism is used as an analytical tool, which challenges the meaning of local/national borders and the perception that they are sealed containers. The main argument expressed here is that environments shape movements and migrant political culture does not develop in a vacuum. Each chapter deals with specific nuances of anti-junta activism in Toronto and Montreal. Chapter One examines the organized voices of the Greek community’s anti-dictatorship movement. The chapter’s latter section looks at how the Panhellenic Liberation Movement (PAK), led by Andreas Papandreou, consolidated itself as the main mouthpiece against Greece’s authoritarian regime. -
Regime Change in the Aegean After the Second World War: Reconsidering the Foreign Influence
Regime Change in the Aegean after the Second World War: Reconsidering the Foreign Influence Yaprak Gürsoy Post-Doctoral Fellow Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences Social and Political Sciences Program Sabancı University Tuzla, Istanbul [email protected] Paper prepared for presentation at the 49th International Studies Association Convention San Francisco, CA 26-29 March, 2008 Draft: Please do not cite without permission. Comments and suggestions are welcome. Regime Change in the Aegean after the Second World War: Reconsidering the Foreign Influence Yaprak Gürsoy The “third wave” of democratization stimulated scholarly interest on how and to what extent international factors influence regime transitions.1 Past research focused on domestic causes of democratization and granted foreign actors only “an indirect and usually marginal role.”2 However, current studies started to direct their attention on the impact of Western actors on regime change and their policies of democracy promotion.3 Writing in 1992, one of the most prominent scholars of democratization, Larry Diamand, noted that “we stand at an extraordinary moment in history, a time of unprecedented movement to democracy.”4 The end of communism left democracy uncontested, increasing the numbers of transitions in the post-1990 era. This trend was followed by Bush administration’s pledge to promote democracy and the European Union’s positive role in stabilizing democracy in several East European nations. As a result of these developments, the growing literature on the external influences of regime change has focused primarily on the post-Cold War cases of democratization. However, important conclusions can be drawn by studying earlier regime transitions. -
Essai Sur La Pratique Hellénique Du Droit Constitutionnel Intermédiaire Christoforos Matiatos
Essai sur la pratique hellénique du droit constitutionnel intermédiaire Christoforos Matiatos To cite this version: Christoforos Matiatos. Essai sur la pratique hellénique du droit constitutionnel intermédiaire. Droit. Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2015. Français. NNT : 2015PA010284. tel-01911241 HAL Id: tel-01911241 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01911241 Submitted on 2 Nov 2018 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. ESSAI SUR LA PRATIQUE HELLÉNIQUE DU DROIT CONSTITUTIONNEL INTERMÉDIAIRE UNIVERSITÉ de PARIS I (Panthéon-Sorbonne) THÈSE Pour l’obtention du grade de docteur en droit public (doctorat d’État) Présentée et soutenue publiquement par Christophoros C. Matiatos Le 13 mars 2015 ESSAI SUR LA PRATIQUE HELLÉNIQUE DU DROIT CONSTITUTIONNEL INTERMÉDIAIRE JURY : M. Pierre AVRIL, professeur émérite de l’Université de Paris II (Panthéon-Assas), président ; Mme Julie BENETTI, professeur à l’Université de Reims-Champagne-Ardenne, (rapporteur) ; M. Jean GICQUEL, professeur émérite de l’Université de Paris I (Panthéon-Sorbonne) (directeur de recherches) ; M. Philippe LAUVAUX, professeur à l’Université de Paris I (Panthéon-Assas) (rapporteur) ; M. Slobodan MILACIC, professeur émérite de l’Université de Bordeaux. 2 L’Université n’entend donner aucune approbation ni improbation aux opinions émises dans les thèses ; ces opinions doivent être considérées comme propres à leurs auteurs. -
Amy Mcmunn SLSP2690 Racism, Ethnicity, Migration and Decolonial Studies Module Convenor: Dr Ipek Demir
Amy McMunn SLSP2690 Racism, Ethnicity, Migration and Decolonial Studies Module Convenor: Dr Ipek Demir If you would like to cite this work, please use: McMunn, Amy (2020) ‘On Brexit’ SLSP2690 Student Paper, University of Leeds. Introduction On June 23rd, 2016, Britain voted to withdraw from the European Union with a narrow majority of 52% (Antonucci et al., 2017). Dominant rhetoric attributes the Leave vote to the left-behind Britons disseminating the idea of Brexit as an expression of the predominantly white angry working class (Antonucci et al., 2017). Disguising Brexit as the economic anxieties of the white economically marginalised is methodological whiteness, disregarding the role of race (Bhambra, 2017a). The lack of recognition of those left-behind voting Remain, crucially ethnic minorities, highlights the necessity to understand Brexit in racial and cultural terms. This essay proceeds to identify the majority of Leave voters as middle-class southerners provoking cross-class analysis considering individual values, looking beyond simply the left-behinds (Antonucci et al., 2017). The overarching drivers behind Brexit stem from society’s transition to progressive cultural views which has fostered multicultural resentment and anti- immigration sentiment amongst those in declining economic positions and nostalgic towards Britain’s imperial past (Antonucci et al., 2017; Namusoke, 2016). Caution should be taken when approaching the adopted mantra that the left-behinds caused Brexit as evidence reveals the vote was a “cross-class allegiance to whiteness,” (Virdee & McGeever, 2018. p.1810) fuelled by misplaced nostalgia and desire for the resurgence of white privilege (Namusoke, 2016). Exploration of why the left-behind view has so much purchase reveals the long-term political reproduction of the colourisation of the globalisation losers as white which must not be so readily accepted. -
Border Controls and Preventative Counter-Terrorism
Notes Introduction: Value Trouble 1. Joppke suggests that what has been described as the essential values of Britishness are in fact the ‘nationally anonymous’ values of applied political liberalism (2008: 538). 2. A dispositif is according to Nikolas Rose, ‘a family way of thinking and act- ing, involving calculations about probable futures in the present followed by interventions into the present in order to control that potential future’ (in Aradau and van Munster 2008: 25) 3. That is shared in terms of them being the set of what Parekh calls the ‘ operative social values’ (see Chapter 5) that are established through a wide- ranging and national debate in the process of developing a Statement of Values. It should be noted that the only purpose this author considers that this process should be undertaken is when it is for the purposes of underwrit- ing what the Joint Commission on Human Rights calls the UK Bill of Rights and Freedoms (see Chapter 5). 1 Pre-Emptive Securities – Border Controls and Preventative Counter-Terrorism 1. Please see McGhee (2008a and 2008b) for a more direct exploration of the UK’s recent counter-terrorism legislation. 2. According to the House of Lords European Union Committee (2008: 25), Frontex has six statutory tasks to: (1) co-ordinate operational cooperation between member states in the field of management of external borders; (2) assist member states on the training of national border guards, including the establishment of common training standards; (3) carry out risk analyses; (4) follow-up on the development of research relevant for the control and surveillance of external borders; (5) assist member states in circumstances requiring increased technical and operational assistance at external borders; (6) provide member states with the necessary support in organizing joint return operations. -
Shifting Borders: Islamophobia As Common Ground for Building Pan-European Right-Wing Unity
Patterns of Prejudice, 2014 Vol. 48, No. 5, 479–499, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2014.965877 Shifting borders: Islamophobia as common ground for building pan-European right-wing unity FARID HAFEZ ABSTRACT In recent years, Islamophobia has become a useful tool for right-wing parties to mobilize electors in many European nation-states. The general xenophobic campaigns of the 1980s have given way to Islamophobia as a specific expression of racism. It is not only the new incarnations of right-wing populist parties that are making use of Islamophobic populism, but also right-wing extremist parties, whose traditions hark back to fascist or Nazi parties. This development appears unsurpris- ing, as Islamophobia has somehow become a kind of ‘accepted racism’, found not only on the margins of European societies but also at the centre. Another interesting concomitant shift is the attempt by such parties to gain wider acceptance in mainstream societies by distancing themselves from a former antisemitic profile. While the main focus on an exclusive identity politics in the frame of nation-states previously divided the far right and complicated transnational cooperation, a shared Islamophobia has the potential to be a common ground for strengthening the transnational links of right-wing parties. This shift from antisemitism to Islamophobia goes beyond European borders and enables Europe’s far right to connect to Israeli parties and the far right in the United States. Hafez’s article explores this thesis by analysing the European Alliance for Freedom, a pan-European alliance of far-right members of the European parliament that has brought various formerly antagonistic parties together through a common anti-Muslim programme, and is trying to become a formal European parliamentary fraction in the wake of its victory in the European elections in May 2014. -
How Has the Phenomenon of Revolutionary Groups Been Resilient in Greece? a Relational Study of Two Contentious Episodes (1965 – 2002)
How Has the Phenomenon of Revolutionary Groups Been Resilient in Greece? A Relational Study of Two Contentious Episodes (1965 – 2002) Sotirios Karampampas Department of Politics University of Sheffield A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2017 Acknowledgements If life is a journey, then PhD is a remote island in a wild ocean. It is a solitary trip in yourself and the great world that stands beside you ready to be discovered. This trip would have been, though, impossible without the help and active support of a number of people that deserve to be named as the least sign of gratitude. First, I want to thank my supervisors, Prof. Maria Grasso, Dr Liza Stampnitzky and Dr Rhiannon Vickers. Maria has been a great inspiration throughout the process, as through her advice, guidance and comments contributed significantly to this work. Besides, through her general attitude and mentality made me want to become better as a researcher and academic. Lisa was there in the final stages of the PhD, providing highly-appreciated feedback and helping me to (re)gain a macro-level perspective to the whole project. Finally, Rhiannon provided great feedback and support during the first two crucial years of this project. Thank you all for the great support. I also want to thank those that helped with all their “paddling” to keep me and this project afloat. A big thanks, then, (in order of appearance…) to Martha, Hisham, Giannis, Dimitris and Andreas that managed to make my life in Sheffield easier. A huge thanks goes to my family: my mother, my father and my sister that believed in me, even in times – especially for those – that I did not. -
Ethnic Relations: a Perspective from Critical Rationalism
Ethnic Relations: A Perspective from Critical Rationalism Preliminary memorandum for the stream plenary debate at the BSA annual conference, April 2012 Michael Banton In its application to the study of race and ethnicity, the philosophy of critical rationalism expounded by Karl Popper has four prime characteristics. Firstly, it sees scholarly activity as a process leading to the growth of objective knowledge. Secondly, it maintains that this activity starts from the recognition of, and the attempt to solve, intellectual problems. Thirdly, it distinguishes two worlds of knowledge with their accompanying conceptual vocabularies. Fourthly, in its methodology critical rationalism is nominalist rather than essentialist. These four characteristics can be considered in turn. Objective knowledge We judge the work of our colleagues and students to decide whether it makes an original contribution to knowledge. That is the academic gold standard. To decide whether a book, article, or dissertation constitutes an original contribution to knowledge requires an assessment of the previously prevailing knowledge. Those who take the decision ask: to what field might this be a contribution? This can be problematical because important new contributions often do not fit easily into prevailing conceptions of fields and of the boundaries between them. These conceptions change, for both internal and external reasons. The internal reasons spring from the desire to make a body of knowledge coherent. The external ones stem from the availability of funds for research, the academic power structure and the social climate. Some contributions to knowledge extend existing understandings. Others subvert them. A research worker may find that existing theories, explanations or research results are in some respect unsatisfactory.