The International journal of analytical and experimental modal analysis ISSN NO: 0886-9367

Title: Politics of Migration and Muslims in : a Study Abstract

The quantum of migration may be varied from one space to another but the world has been witnessing it throughout the system. One of the Indian states Assam too has been facing with unabated migration over the years. The east Bengal origin Muslim peasants are cheaply targeted by the mainstream society. Undoubtedly, the excessive population of Muslim has been escalating the Bangladeshi phobia, the illegal migrants from Bangladesh. The Bangladeshi labelling propels them to sharp their group identity. The update of National Register of Citizen is for detecting and deporting the illegal migrants irrespective of religion. As per the earlier projection of illegal migration, the figure of final list of NRC is relatively less. In the mean time the existing BJP government is favouring Citizenship Amendment Bill 2016 for providing citizenship to all the religiously persecuted people except Muslim of neighbouring countries. So, people including different organisations are in dilemma as Assam has been failing repeatedly to solve the politics of migration.

The Assamese identity is facing substantial challenge from different parochial identities. Besides, it has competitiveness with Bengali identity and once the east Bengal origin Muslims contributed as saviour officially identifying themselves as Assamese. Hence, Assam is facing challenge in protecting its composite stature rejecting the Bangladeshi. Therefore, NRC is a political endeavour for avoiding doubt and suspicion among the people. It also enhances the inclusiveness of greater Assamese identity in near future.

Key Words: Assam, Assamese, Citizenship, Identity, Migration, Muslim, Politics

Introduction

Migration is a never ending phenomenon. „We live in a world of some 200 million migrants- may be 10-14 million of them refugees. About 3 per cent of the World‟s population are on the move‟ (UN Development Report 2009). Migration is a process whose roots stretch back to the earliest stages of written history and beyond (Giddens 2009:654). With the changing time and space, the pattern of migration has also been changing. Basically, there are three grounds of migration i.e. voluntary, planned and forced. From the geopolitical point of view migration can be categorised as global, regional and local and which is again categorised as internal as

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well as external. Accordingly there are two dimensions of migration i.e. inward from outside and outward from inside. The traditional theory of migration focused on „push‟ and „pull‟ factors as one forced to migrate to different destinations and other attracted the immigrants from different destinations. Scholars have identified four models of migration to describe the main global population movements since 1945.

The classical model in which immigrants are largely encouraged and the promise of citizenship has been extended to newcomers, although restrictions and quotas help to limit the annual intake of immigrants. The colonial model which favours immigration from former colonies is the second model of migration. Countries such as Germany, Switzerland and Belgium have followed the third policy as the guest workers model. Under such a scheme, immigrants are admitted into the country on a temporary basis, often in order to fulfil demands within the labour market, but do not receive citizenship rights even after long periods of settlement. Finally the illegal forms of immigration through which immigrants enter a country either secretly or under a „non-immigration‟ pretence and live unofficially. (Giddens 2013: 657-8, Macionis and Plummer 2014: 365)

Migration has both positive and negative implications but nobody remains beyond the purview of migration politics. Although different factors are contributing in migration but survival opportunity determines the entire system. There is an unprecedented migration of people in the global sphere and probably it will persist in the coming days too. Different parts of and particularly Assam has been suffering from unabated migration over the years. Here an attempt has been made to comprehend the migration politics of Assam in contemporary time.

Background of Migration Politics in Assam

The temperament of migration in post colonial India is full of complexity. The upshot of partition propels a huge migration of Hindu people from Pakistan to India and reversely Muslims left India for Pakistan. The constitution of India has given adequate space for the partition victims. Accordingly, the Citizenship Act 1955 was an attempt for the acquisition and determination of Indian citizenship. Later on, the Act has been amended for multiple times but by the recent Citizenship Amendment Bill 2016 brought by the present BJP government aspires to provide citizenship to all the victims of religious persecution except

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the Muslim of neighbouring countries. At present, the proposition has been facing substantial challenge from different capacities particularly in Assam.

The migration politics of Assam has its historical prominence and undoubtedly it has substantial impact throughout the system. It is a matter of concern for all to comprehend the factors behind such type of migration. Time and over again, people are facing disastrous situation for flood and erosion, ethnic violence, development induced displacement etc. and subsequently it pushes someone to migrate from one place to another. Even the migration from the rural area to the urban space in search of opportunities is also apparent therein. However these are irrelevant in the larger domain of migration politics of Assam. In Assam, illegal migrants are the major concern for one and all. It is susceptible that such illegal migration has been coming from the neighbouring countries of India. The homely condition and developmental opportunities in Assam encourages all the migrants to settle therein.

The Assamese mainstream society has strongly rejected CAB as they are reluctant to accept any person as the region is overloaded by the migrated people. A huge number of people prior to 25 March 1971 were already accepted by the in the year 1985. Hence, 25 March 1971 is the base year for detecting, deleting and deporting illegal migrants irrespective of religion. As per the provision of Assam Accord and by the by under the supervision of Supreme Court, for the first time National Register of Citizen (NRC) is updated in Assam. However, different organizations, political parties, civil society groups, individuals are dissatisfied with the final figure pointing some anomalies in the updating process. Here, an attempt has been made to comprehend the politics of migration with the dossier of NRC in Assam.

Politics of Migration in Assam

Understanding history and geography is inevitable to root out the pattern of migration whether it is in Assam or somewhere else. Assam is the dumping ground of migrated people since time immemorial. As of, the Austroasiatic language speaking Khasi and Jaintia people are the first settler in greater Assam. However, the Karbi arleng (literally man in Karbi language) are considered as the earliest settler of present Assam. The Karbis along with others entered Assam from Central Asia in the pre historic period. Even Bishnu Prashad Rabha, a prominent cultural icon refers them as the Columbus of Assam. Accordingly, the Kachari group i.e. Bodo, Rabha, Mishing, Sonowal kachari, Deuri, Chutiya, Garo, Hajong etc. had also settled in this region within a similar time frame. Almost all the tribal‟s are

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regarded to be remnants of primitive or ancient Mongolian migrants to this region. Needless to say, they are undoubtedly the original natives of Assam (Hussain 1993: 169). Furthermore, the Bodo-Kachari tribals who created the first culture and civilization in and in the real sense they are the first natives of the valley (ibid 1993: 169). The ancient period witnessed the arrival of some Bor bhuyan kayastha, Hindu Brahmins, etc. In the medieval period, a group of people i.e. Ahom, a small amount of Brahmins, Muslims had settled in Assam. The Modern period starts with the annexation of British in the year 1828. However, British had formally taken over the administrative charge in the year 1874. In the colonial period, it was witnessed that a massive migration occurred under the patronage of British and the trend continues even in the post colonial period too. The post colonial migration is the focal point of migration politics in Assam.

As stated earlier that Migration has positive as well as negative implications throughout the system. But the most prudent impact is witnessed through the spectrum of demography as a few districts are pouring with excessive population of a particular community. At present there are two different schools of thoughts as one group believes migration is still unstoppable phenomenon and other rejects the proposition. The notable point is that illegal migration and its solution is not a debate of recent past in Assam. But migration in the milieu of Assam is a bit different from other region of the world. The traditional system as „push‟ and „pull‟ factors as stated by Everett Lee, both the factors are working here in Assam. Besides we may also find colonial model as well as illegal forms of migration therein. If we look at the history of migration in Assam, all the communities have migrated in different stages of time. The autochthon communities are undoubtedly the earliest settler in Assam and later on other communities also have settled one after another. The modern planned migration process has started by British as Bengali Hindu, Tea tribes, Muslim peasants, Marwari traders, Bihari Labourers and the Nepali graziers were imported from different locality of erstwhile India. However, a trend is continued even after the independence and it has become a widely contested matter of recent time in Assam. Never the less excessive migration is a persistent threat for the Assamese identity, language, culture etc. Subsequently, anti migration drive has been going on in the last few decades. Despite different dimension of migration in Assam, but the problem condensed with a particular community i.e. the east Bengal origin Muslim peasants. These people are mostly labelling as „Bangladeshi‟ (a derogatory term used for illegal migrants from Bangladesh). These people are mostly dwelling in middle and of Brahmaputra valley. Undoubtedly, a huge

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number of people belonging to this community have been contributing in the socio – economic condition of Assam. However, they are trialling again and again in different capacities. At present, lakhs of people are marked as doubtful in the electoral roll since 1997 and subsequently a section of people belonging to this community are not recognised as a genuine citizen of India. Moreover, a few of them are facing legal trial and some of them are inmates of detention camps. Many leaders estimated the numbers from time to time and which unleashes controversy among the people. According to the former Chief Minister of Assam Jogen (1979) the number of foreign national is two lacs, Assam Jatiotabadi Dal and Purbanchalia Lok Parishad (PLP) estimated 40 lacs and 13 lacs respectively. AASU estimated 45 lacs and out of them 15 lacs entered their names in the electoral rolls. Another supporter of Assam agitation Bisweswar Hazarika estimated 77 lacs etc. (Hussain 1993: 134- 35). Besides, in July 2004 Shripraksh Jaiswal, Minister of State, Home Affairs of UPA (I) government estimated 50 lacs Bangladeshi are there in Assam. Similarly, Kiren Rijiju a Minister of Narendra Modi led BJP government (I) projected 20 million Bangladeshis are there in India. So we can sum up saying the proposition that large scale foreign nationals have settled in Assam illegally. Secondly, even today, various leaders express the continuity of migration. Therefore we can estimate that foreign nationals though do not cross the number of crore, but it is not less than that. There are 31,169,272 people in Assam according to 2011 census and out of them around 33% people are Muslim and therefore around one crore are Muslim population. If the foreigners are near about crore in numbers, then most of the Muslim inhabitants would be foreigners. It is evident that those people who came with Baktiar Khilji (who entered even before the Ahom), the people who came at the time of Mughal invasion and people who are imported by British for agriculture work in the barren land of Assam are also incorporated with the foreigners. Hence, the mischievous claim really endangers the entire situation as it would enhance doubt and suspicion even more. According to 1971 census, the total population of Assam was around 1,46,25000 and now it‟s more than the double. Therefore, the population pattern compels to admire that without the migrants, nowhere possible to cross such doubling figure in three decades. Therefore, here an attempt has been made to clarify how the Muslim population have been increasing rapidly and contributing in migration politics of Assam.

From the sociological point of view, the socio-economic condition is closely related with increasing number of population. The birth rate among the poorer is higher than the average income people. Actually there is no linkage between religion and the increasing

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number of population. For the poor, population is a source of income, whereas the rich or the middle class population considered as an unavoidable burden. Hence, perceptions are totally different. In such situation, the under developed family have more children in comparison to the developed one. Muslim peasants are generally under developed and that is why they possess more children than the middle class family. We may find the situation of the tribals is almost same. Hence, we can sum up by saying that number of children depends upon the socio economic condition of a family.

Secondly, child marriage is strictly prohibited but it was forced in the society only few decades back. If we consider child marriage critically, then we will find the following arguments in this context. Firstly, child marriage helps in the increasing number of population. From the very tender stage, couple involve in producing children and it will continue for longer duration. Therefore it is responsible for population explosion. It propels a family to undergo with more hardship. Female are considered as a burden of family and marriage at early stage is the only way to preserve prestige in society. Secondly, if we consider it in the lifeline of Muslim, unlike others in the name of child marriage all the guys are losing few years from their actual age, because according to the Indian marriage Act, the age of the girl and boy should be not less than 18 and 21 years respectively. But a 12 or 13 years old girl loses five to six years at the time of marriage. It is only for fulfilling the legal procedure, they have to mention their age above 18. Hence, lots of Muslim girls are losing couple of years at the time of marriage. It has severe impact in preparing electoral roll as it escalates full of suspicion. Accordingly boys too are losing crucial years for official procedure. Hence, child marriage has substantial impacts in exacerbating the problem of migration. Third point is again related with child marriage as early marriage is responsible for early parenthood. This is a process for producing children double in number. However, underdeveloped families are suffering a lot in this regard. As if we take an example to understand the problem, we may find that a middle class irrespective of religion prepares for marriage at an average age of 25. Actually these people are more concerned about completion of education, job and then marriage. Thereafter, it needs couple of years for family planning. But a Muslim girl at the age of 13 gets marriage and she becomes a mother in the very next years without delay. At the age 15, most of the Muslim women become mother. So it requires another 13 to 14 years for the newborn to become a mature women for reproduce a baby. Hence, at the age 30-35, a section of Muslim women become grandmother whereas middle class family members just plan for marriage and

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motherhood. It unleashes challenge in terms of population control. This is the reality of Muslim underdeveloped society, however at present we may find little bit change and able to overcome from such burning problems. Seeing these people, sometimes labelled them as illegal migrants and most of the time they are unable to respond adequately in such sensitive matters.

The concept of doubtful voter is prevalent in Assam as a section of people are marked as doubtful citizen from time to time. However, such matters are remained under the purview of judiciary. Undoubtedly it is a process for identification of illegal migrants, but a huge number of people are facing challenge from Foreigners Tribunal to the Supreme Court, it is a long legal battle they have to face. It pushes the entire family into the realm of tension or economic impoverishment. Hence, it is really unfortunate that without knowing the reality, a section of people estimate the number of foreigners in Assam.

It is notable to mention here that anti foreigners movement is a matter of beyond compromise. From time and again different anti migration drives are initiated for detecting, deleting and deporting the infiltrators and have been going on even today. Hence, it is a hot belt for all the people. Besides, a huge number of native people usually prefer to go to different destination in search of livelihood as unemployment is a major problem for Assam. In such precarious situation, is it possible to say the destination of Bangladeshi is only Assam? Actually, in terms of economy Bangladesh has achieved a comfortable stage. The Multi National Companies of the world prefer Bangladesh for cheap and efficient work force. Hence, it has become a manufacture hub of different companies of contemporary world. Interestingly, Bangladeshi also prefer different destination across the world. Hence, if we compare Assam, as of now it is conglomerating with different problems i.e. flood and erosion, ethnic violence, insurgency, unemployable condition, lack of industrialization etc. and therefore sometimes we can reject the claim as Bangladeshi people are still coming to this locality.

NRC: an edge of migration politics in Assam

The NRC for the first time prepared in the year 1951 in accordance with the first census of India. However, the idea of updating NRC lay behind the Assam accord of 1985. The Bangladeshi phobia is unprecedented among the as the number of east Bengal origin people are increasing disproportionately in the last few decades. The NRC is a scientific attempt to prove one and all who are claiming as genuine citizen of India and

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Assam in particular. On the 31 August, 2019, the final NRC is officially published. The active involvement of Supreme Court has made it possible to remain free from the purview of nasty politics. People were prompt in getting a new NRC free from single foreigners, but there is a question mark in terms of level of satisfaction. Undoubtedly, a burning problem for more than three decades is solving with this new initiation. As per the Assam Accord of 1985 is concerned, the midnight of 25 March, 1971 is the base year for the detection and deportation of illegal migrants and even the Apex Court also uphold this landmark decision. So far as procedure is concerned, people have to submit only one supportive document (on or before midnight of 25 March, 1971) out of the fourteen as mentioned by the Government. For the smooth functioning, the political department of state government was assigned, moreover 55 thousands state government employees were engaged in different positions, launching helpline, electronic process for updating the legacy data, door to door campaign, display of documents, advertisement etc. are very effective steps were taken in this regard.

So far as NRC form is concerned, it was prepared targeting the common people. However a sizeable number of people had faced challenge due to lack of supportive documents. Even a section of native Assamese had also faced the shortage of documents. In such precarious situation, some issues i.e. original inhabitant, aboriginality of people, definition of Assamese etc. got momentum in accordance with the NRC. As a community, the Assamese can be understood from two different propositions i.e. cultural as well as geographical. As an Assamese culture, it acclaims international feat and able to enhance extensively across the world. Therefore, Assamese community has crossed the territoriality since long back. Similarly, people living with in the territory of Assam, are also can be defined as Assamese. In real sense, various communities have been melting here in the course of time and therefore heterogeneity is a prevalent character of the Assamese society. At present, as a community it is plural, heterogeneous in nature with huge fluidity in terms of cultural manifestation. The sense of identity, ethnicity ensures the Assamese as a community and at the same time the ethnic identity of different communities are being destroying the cultural magnanimity; hence various communities are differentiating themselves from the shared .

During the ongoing process of NRC, issue of illegal migrants and particularly Bangladeshi Muslim are culpable here. Clause 6 of the Assam Accord (1985) regarding constitutional safeguard for indigenous people percolates everywhere and even in and out of the Assam Assembly ruckus the matter. The historic bill was proposed in the Assam

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Assembly by former speaker Pranab Gogoi but vehemently rejected by ruling Congress while the AIUDF supported the Congress stand despite an opposition party. However, people are enthusiastic to define the Assamese but could not succeed for its complex manoeuvre of Assamese society. So, it becomes a debatable issue in the larger political domain.

Identity, Migration, preference and community formation in Assam

Assam usually goes as saying a miniature of India. Here, migration is an age old phenomenon. On one hand, (Il)legal migration have bounteous contribution in the development of Assam and conversely shattered the age old social fabric. In Nehru‟s word as mentioned in a letter to , the then APCC chief, “from the point of view of developing Assam and making it a wealthy province, immigration is desirable”(Raichoudhury 2009: 25-26). After independence, like many other states of India, Assam has been baffling with diverse issues. People are keen to preserve their identity, culture, language, aboriginality etc. There is infighting among different communities for Assamese predominance. At present, people are in a hurdle to give a consensus definition of the Assamese. Even, the government, elites, academics are concerned about this too.

Cultural fragility is the costume of Assamese community. The orientation of Assamese culture is based on composition of diverse communities. Similarly gives a structural bondage too. Once it was presumed that, the Assamese community may not last long, but Assamese language will remain forever. For a longer time, in the post independent era, Assamese was remained as a lingua franca for the North Eastern communities i.e. Nagamese, Arnamese etc. But, over imposition of Assamese language and culture propel to enhance anti Assamese sentiment. Consequently, Assam witnessed reorganisation of states in 60‟s onward and at present various parts have their own administrative settings within the larger domain of Assam. Despite such disintegration and separation tendency, Assam will fail again to establish its accommodative stature.

Another major problem as most of the communities has been sharpening their own identities. They are historically and ethnically feel differences from the shared system. Even the socio-political deprivation makes them alienated in the developmental strata; hence they are keen to preserve their distinct identity. A few of them have already achieved their own political as well as administrative arrangement. For the preservation of ethnicity and culture, it is inevitable for them. Once , Mizoram, Nagaland were geopolitically with Assam but later they were separated due to chauvinistic attitude of the Assamese. Referring

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this history, various ethnic communities i.e. Mikir Hills (now, Karbi Anglong), North Cachar Hills district, the question of (Bengali-speaking) within Assam, are fighting in slow and steady process. Similarly, the Plain Tribes (Bodo, Tiwa, Deuri etc.), are conscious enough for their rights, linguistic and cultural preservation, economic proficiency and even somewhat availed it as autonomy is given in certain level to them. Very recently, the Miya people are also in a race for establishing their parochial identity within the larger Assamese identity.

History is the source of repetition. The language movement of 1960‟s was really successful with the cost of some new states. Then the unconditional support of the Muslim (people migrated from Pabna, Moimonshing, Rangpur districts of East Bengal province of undivided India) saved the Assamese language as majoritarian dialect. However, right now these people have two distinct linguistic identities i.e. official and unofficial. In their domestic life, people use local language and which is akin with the Bengali of different parts of Bangladesh. Undoubtedly, the Assamese language is their official identity. Apart from these, other communities like the Bodo, the Bengali Hindu, the Hmar, the Manipuri, the Ahom, the Missing, the Tiwa, and the Deuri etc. have their own dialect and even being developed their own scripts. In practice, unofficially Adivasi language is using by Tea Tribes, Ahom are using Tai and so forth but officially their language is Assamese. Apparently, in such situation, Assamese language has been facing substantial challenge from different components within the system. Interestingly, the Ahom, the offspring of Royal blood of Assam are in a race to preserve their Tai linguistic identity. So, the language politics may vandalise the pan Assamese structure in near future.

Linguistic and cultural hegemony has been strongly upholding within the sphere of Assam. Undoubtedly it strengthens the sense of feeling as Asomiya among the people living in Assam. However, over imposition overtly and covertly has sown the seeds of differences. It propels them to restructure their own society as per their own aspiration. It is pertinent to add here, unlike others, most of Assamese people have dominant and hidden group identities. Therefore, a portion of people feel more Assamese over their group identity and conversely others feel more group identity than their common Assamese identity. For example, now a days Bodo identity is more dominant than the Bodo Assamese identity. Accordingly, Garia people (a group of Muslim) feel more Assamese than their Muslim identity. Tribal are more close to their ethnic identity than the Assamese identity. In such situation to define the Assamese community is a rhetoric and challengeable phenomenon. It unleashes a question on

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relevance of NRC at present situation. Will it enhance the Assamese stature in the domain of larger politics? Hence, here an attempt has been made to comprehend the politics of migration through the prism of NRC. Thus, NRC would be the benchmark for political definition of Assamese community in near future.

NRC: a Political endeavour

As many as 3.29 core people had applied for NRC in Assam and out of them 3.11 crore are included in the final list excluding 19,06,657 person. The present NRC of Assam is the first attempt to update after 1951 and which is confined within the state of Assam. As per the tripartite meeting among Centre, State Government and AASU in the year 2005, had decided to update 1951 NRC. But the proposal remained intact without any further development. Thereafter, Assam Public Works, an NGO filed a case in Supreme Court for updation of NRC. Subsequently, preparation was started with a pilot project in Chaygaon and . The project was successful in Chaygaon but failed in Barpeta overwhelmingly. Later on, in 2015 updation process had started and on 31 December, 2017 a draft NRC was published with 1.9 crore names of total 3.29 crore applicants. On July 30, 2018 another draft of NRC was published with 40 lakhs people remained excluded. Finally, on 31 August, 2019 the final NRC is released excluding 19 lakhs people. The pertinent point is that the number of Hindu Bengali (6.90 lacs) is higher than the East Bengal origin Muslim (4.86 lacs) in the exclusion list. Besides, the caste Hindu (60 thousand), Gorkha (85 thousand), Koch Rajbanshi (58 thousand), Garia-Mariya-Deshi (35 thousand), Bodo (20 thousand), Rabha (8 thousand) and Hajong etc. are also remained excluded from the list. None the less, the figure of exclusion list may reduce in near future as the option of legal battle is open for all.

The entire genuine citizen should get adequate space in the NRC. Undoubtedly, a section of people including the native tribals remained excluded from the final list but documents matter in NRC. At the time of preparing NRC, documents were prioritised more than their social or ethnic background. Therefore, the figure of final list is unexpected for most of the people. Furthermore, a section of people including government are escalating doubt and suspicion over the preparation of NRC. Even the present government is committed to provide citizenship through CAB to the non Muslim people in India. Even the present government favours preparation of new NRC for entire country including Assam. The existing government itself not satisfied with the final figure and it proves their mischievous intension behind the preparation of a new NRC. One notable point is that from time to time,

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whatever figure was placed before the public domain has no relevance and subsequently it remains a device of politics for all. Interestingly, the offensive and defensive game was played by the different stakeholders of state and now the matter is internationalised as the common people are suffering over and time again. Hence politics of migration is a never ending phenomenon for the Indian state of Assam.

Conclusion

From the above discussion, it is evident that migration issue is considered as a political device for different stakeholders in Assam. The detection and deportation of illegal migrants is the common objective but Assam has been failing repeatedly as level of suspicion is varied from one person to another. On one hand it is an inevitable political indoctrination for different organisations for their sustainability or other hand may be the miscalculation of a few people in the mist of fear psychosis conglomerating over the years. The repeated attempt for the formation of inclusive Assamese society with genuine Indian people may endorse to sharp their group identity. It is a challenge for the larger composite culture of India and Assam in particular. Undoubtedly NRC is a structural attempt with judicial as well as political profoundness for solving the aged old problem in Assam. Apodictically, it is a thoroughly verified comprehensive document never ever prepared for the common people in the context of Assam. As we know history, culture, ethnicity, language, demography profusely failed to define the Assamese community. Therefore, a concrete definition is inevitable to tangle the Assamese identity through the prism of NRC. Hence, NRC gives a political solution with legal adherence for the unity and integrity of the Assamese. Finally, though the people of Assam are not in a position to accept the history of migration but fact is that „the history of Europe is the history of its migratory people‟ (Macionis and Plummer 2014: 366).

References 1. Baruah, Sagar (2007): Migration from East Bengal to Assam response, reaction and assimilation (1900-1947), Kaustabh Prakashan and Printers, 2. Baruah, Sanjib (1999): India Against Itself and the Politics of Nationality, Oxford University press, New Delhi 3. Giddens, Anthony (2009): Anthony Giddens Sociology 6th Edition, Polity Press, Cambridge 4. Guha, Amalendu (1981): Little Nationalism Turned Chauvinist: A Summing Up, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 16, No. 21 (May 23, 1981), pp. 957-964 5. Guha, Amalendu (2015): Medieval and Early Society, polity and Economy Anwesha,

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6. Guha, Amalendu (2006): Planter Raj to Swaraj Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam 1826-1947, Tulika Books, New Delhi 7. Hussain, Monirul (1994): Assam Movement class, ideology and identity, Manak Publication, New Delhi 8. Kar, M (1990): Muslims in Assam Politics, Om sons Publication, Delhi 9. Macionis, John and Ken Plummer (2014(: Sociology A Global Introduction, Dorling Kindersley (India) Pvt. Limited, New Delhi Pearson, 10. Suindarayya, P. (1974): "National Integration: A Critique of Government Policies", Calcutta, pp 20-23 11. Gohain, Hiren (1980): Cudgel of Chauvinism Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 15, No. 8 (Feb. 23, 1980), pp. 418-420 URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4368393, pp 420 12. Raichaudhury, Anil (2009): Axomot Bangladeshi (Guwahati, Jagaran Sahitya Prakashan) pp 25-26

NURUL HASSAN Guest Faculty of P. G. Classes Department of Political Science S. N. Das College, Hajo Kamrup (R), Assam 781102 Email Id: [email protected] Cell Ph. 9864391233

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