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Mwai Kibaki (Nacido Emilio Mwaikibaki)
Mwai Kibaki (Nacido Emilio MwaiKibaki) Kenya, Presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 30 de Diciembre de 2002 - de de Nacimiento: Othaya, distrito de Nyeri, provincia Central, 15 de Noviembre de 1931 Partido político: PNU Profesión : Economista ResumenMiembro de la tribu kikuyu, gran subgrupo etnolingüístico bantú al que pertenecen algo más de la quinta parte de los kenyanos, recibió la educación primaria en la misión de Karima y en la escuela de Nyeri, un próspero distrito del centro del país, y la secundaria en la escuela Mangu de Thika. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 7 Biografía Su acceso en 1951 al Colegio Universitario Makerere de Kampala, Uganda, para estudiar Economía, Historia y Ciencia Política le convirtió en un auténtico privilegiado entre sus compatriotas, que apenas podían aspirar a terminar la educación elemental. La Makerere de Kampala estaba considerada en aquellos años de dominio colonial británico la más prestigiosa institución de enseñanza de toda África oriental. En 1955 se graduó y empezó a trabajar en la división para Uganda de la compañía petrolera Shell East Africa, pero a los pocos meses la organización de la Commonwealth le concedió una beca para perfeccionar su formación en la London School of Economics de Londres. Conseguida la diplomatura en Finanzas Públicas, en 1959 retornó de la metrópoli y se estrenó como docente en la Universidad Makerere, labor que también le duró poco porque se involucró en la efervescencia política de su país como uno de los redactores de los estatutos de la Unión Nacional Africana de Kenya (KANU), partido fundado el 14 de mayo de 1960 por el líder independentista Jomo Kenyatta. -
AC Vol 44 No 22
www.africa-confidential.com 7 November 2003 Vol 44 No 22 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL KENYA 2 ZIMBABWE The best money can buy No chance, Mr President Party officials and military commanders are ignoring President ‘Why hire a lawyer when you can buy a judge?’ is a well-worn joke Mugabe’s orders to surrender their farms that the younger reformers in Several government ministers and senior military officers accused of grabbing farms are refusing to hand President Kibaki’s government want to make redundant. But their efforts them back to the state, according to a new report on land reform ordered by President Robert Mugabe. are being undermined by veteran Information Minister Jonathan Moyo, Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo and 13 other politicians and business people who ministers have secured several farms in violation of the government’s ‘one man, one farm’ rule, the report are using the purge of the judiciary says. Details of ministers’ and officers’ holdings are contained in a confidential annexe to the main report, to destroy their opponents. which has been discussed in cabinet. Mugabe asked former Secretary to the Government Charles Utete to investigate the findings of an GHANA 3earlier land audit by the Minister of State in Deputy President Joseph Msika’s office, Flora Buka. This had found major abuses of the land resettlement programme by senior officials (AC Vol 44 No 4). Buka’s Politics get crude audit reported that some of the worst violations of the land reform policy were perpetrated by Mugabe’s The row over crude oil supplies to closest political allies, such as Air Vice-Marshall Perence Shiri, Minister Moyo and Mugabe’s sister, the state-owned Volta River Sabina Mugabe. -
Prospects for Angola's Transition
Reform or unravel? Prospects for Angola’s transition Paula Cristina Roque Angola is facing an existential transition. A presidential succession is occurring ahead of the August 2017 elections amid a deep financial crisis, internal factionalism within the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and strong opposition demands. Reform is necessary to dismantle the pillars of the current governing strategy that have become unstable and have weakened the security apparatus, have politicised the economy and oil industry, have weakened the ruling party and have increased the levels of repression. This report focuses on the emerging faultlines Angola is facing as the Dos Santos era comes to an end. SOUTHERN AFRICA REPORT 8 | MAY 2017 Angola is at a crossroads. President José Eduardo dos Santos, the ultimate Key points arbitrator of the country’s future, announced after 38 years in power that he Incoming President Joao would not run in the 23rd August 2017 elections. He realised that he would Lourenco will need to institute either have to begin to reform and liberalise, which would lead to the ruling difficult economic reforms and Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) losing its grip on key restore the functioning of key sectors and interests, or to tighten control ahead of the August 2017 national state institutions. elections, hardening political positions and potentially increasing opposition Reforming the security and dissent within key constituencies. He chose to step down while the apparatus will be a challenge country is facing multiple challenges without a reform plan. The initiation of if Lourenco wants to a closely controlled transition – Dos Santos will remain the head of the party streamline command and until 2022 – may not simplify matters, as there are no assurances that the control and professionalise country can reform in the current circumstances. -
A Week of Protests - from Beitbridge to The
A week of protests - From Beitbridge to the shutdown How was the conflict reported? 1 Contents 1.Background 2. The Beitbridge protest 2.1 The events 2.2 Who were the protesters? 2.3 Why did they protest? 3. The Monday Protests 4. The Shutdown 4.1 Who was behind it? 4.2 The ruling party's response 4.3 What happened on the 6th? 4.4 SADC and the protests 5. The official narrative 5.1 The Zimbabwe Republic Police 5.2 POTRAZ 5.3 The Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe 6. Conclusion 2 1. Background The events in the seven days beginning 1 July 2016, starting with the protests in the border town of Beitbridge have been momentous in the history of Zimbabwe. The reportage of these events show that there is no one story on Zimbabwe, but several stories, told from various perspectives, and the citizen is found in the middle, battling to decipher the truth. These narratives presented by the traditional media houses, social and alternative (mainly online) media as well as official statements make truth a tenuous concept, as facts are sometimes lost in a sometimes-tinted view of the world. Questions that arise include, after all the stories have been told, does the world have a clear idea of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, its root causes, possible impact, key players and what the possible resolution will look like? Do we have a clear idea of what the Zimbabwean story is? What is the role of the media in all this? Professional journalism is called upon to be truthful, fair, accurate and balanced, playing a critical role in informing the public and promoting public accountability, two critical preconditions for democracy. -
MDC-T Defeat in Zimbabwe: Was It Only Due to Intimidation?
MDC-T defeat in Zimbabwe: Was it only due to intimidation? By Stephen Ndoma Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 25 | August 2015 Introduction In the relatively peaceful harmonized elections of July 2013, Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe overwhelmingly defeated challenger Morgan Tsvangirai, 61% to 34%. Mugabe’s party, the Zimbabwe African National Union–Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), also won 158 of the country’s 210 parliamentary seats, giving it more than a two-thirds majority in the lower House of Assembly, as well as a large majority of local council seats. Some parts of Zimbabwean society and the international community were shocked by the outcome, given the strong performance of Tsvangirai and his Movement for Democratic Change–Tsvangirai (MDC-T) in previous elections. In fact, Tsvangirai had outpolled Mugabe in the first round of the March 2008 presidential elections before withdrawing from a runoff that he described as a “violent sham” that endangered his supporters. The inconclusive 2008 elections led to the power-sharing Government of National Unity (GNU), established in February 2009, under which Mugabe retained the presidency while Tsvangirai became prime minister. The GNU was expected to steer Zimbabwe through its transition and eventually be terminated after the holding of free, fair, and credible elections. Following voters’ overwhelming endorsement of a new Constitution in March 2013, the results of the July 2013 elections left many observers shaking their heads in disbelief. The MDC-T charged electoral chicanery and described the outcome as “heavily manipulated” and “illegitimate.” One of the reasons for the ZANU-PF victory most frequently cited by the MDC-T and some civil society organisations is that the use of political intimidation and violence in election campaigns has worked against the MDC-T’s march toward State House. -
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project DISCUSSION PAPER 59 THE ZIMBABWEAN NATION-STATE PROJECT A Historical Diagnosis of Identity and Power-Based Conflicts in a Postcolonial State SABELO J. NDLOVO-GATSHENI NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Zimbabwe Nationalism State Political conflicts Political development Political leadership Elite Ethnicity National identity Nation-building Post-colonialism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-696-1 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................................4 List of Acronyms ...............................................................................................................................................5 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................7 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................9 2. Defining the African National Project ................................................................................................18 -
Open Letter to Presidente Obama
ANGOLAN REVOLUCIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT CELL: +244 943 539 123/+244 928 393 980 E-MAIL: [email protected] OR [email protected] LUANDA – ANGOLA YOUR EXCELENCY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Mr. BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA CC: USA Embassy in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania Address 686 Old Bagamoyo Road Msasani, Dar es Salaam Postal PO BoX 9123 Tel: +255 22 266 8001 Fax: +255 22 266 8238 Website: http://tanzania.usembassy.gov/ Angolan Embassy in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania Malik/Magore Road - Upanga area Plot n 149 CP 20793 - Dar-Es-Salaam Phone: +255 22 211 76 74/+255 22 2139235 Fax: +255 22 213 23 49 E-mail: [email protected] USA Embassy in Luanda, Angola Rua Houari Boumedieme nr 32 Miramar – Luanda Tel: +244 222 64 1000 CaiXa Postal: 6468 - Luanda Website: www.angola.usembassy.gov SUBJECT: OPEN LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE USA - BARACK OBAMA First and foremost, the Angolan youth would like to welcome you in the African continent. We did not want to let you go through the African continent without letting you know about some of power abuse by your Angolan counterpart, José Eduardo dos Santos. Due to the respect towards our "Tata" Mandela, a man we consider as the father of modern democracy in Africa, we decided not to bother you while you were in South Africa. We are the ANGOLAN REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH MOVEMENT, a group of young people from various social and political backgrounds who has intervenying on social, political, economical and cultural rights, especially in the form of public protests since 7 March 1 2011 in Angola, having, among others, as our main goals: 1) the retiremente of His EXcellency José Eduardo dos Santos, the President of Angola, who has been in power for 34 years now since 1979 when President Barack Obama was just 18; 2) A solid Democracy; 3) Human Resource Development; 4) the end of the kleptocratic regime and, 5) the end of human rights abuses in Angola. -
A Crude Awakening
Dedicated to the inspiration of Jeffrey Reynolds ISBN 0 9527593 9 X Published by Global Witness Ltd P O Box 6042, London N19 5WP,UK Telephone:+ 44 (0)20 7272 6731 Fax: + 44 (0)20 7272 9425 e-mail: [email protected] a crude awakening The Role of the Oil and Banking Industries in Angola’s Civil War and the Plunder of State Assets http://www.oneworld.org/globalwitness/ 1 a crude awakening The Role of the Oil and Banking Industries in Angola’s Civil War and the Plunder of State Assets “Most observers, in and out of Angola, would agree that “There should be full transparency.The oil companies who corruption, and the perception of corruption, has been a work in Angola, like BP—Amoco, Elf,Total and Exxon and the critical impediment to economic development in Angola.The diamond traders like de Beers, should be open with the full extent of corruption is unknown, but the combination of international community and the international financial high military expenditures, economic mismanagement, and institutions so that it is clear these revenues are not syphoned corruption have ensured that spending on social services and A CRUDE AWAKENING A CRUDE development is far less than is required to pull the people of off but are invested in the country. I want the oil companies Angola out of widespread poverty... and the governments of Britain, the USA and France to co- operate together, not seek a competitive advantage: full Our best hope to ensure the efficient and transparent use of oil revenues is for the government to embrace a comprehensive transparency is in our joint interests because it will help to program of economic reform.We have and will continue to create a more peaceful, stable Angola and a more peaceful, encourage the Angolan Government to move in this stable Africa too.” direction....” SPEECH BY FCO MINISTER OF STATE, PETER HAIN,TO THE ACTION FOR SECRETARY OF STATE, MADELEINE ALBRIGHT, SUBCOMMITTEE ON FOREIGN SOUTHERN AFRICA (ACTSA) ANNUAL CONFERENCE, SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL OPERATIONS, SENATE COMMITTEE ON APPROPRIATIONS, JUNE 16 1998. -
OTHER ISSUES ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & Mps, JUNE 2000
Zimbabwe, Country Information Page 1 of 95 ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT OCTOBER 2003 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT II GEOGRAPHY III ECONOMY IV HISTORY V STATE STRUCTURES VIA HUMAN RIGHTS ISSUES VIB HUMAN RIGHTS - SPECIFIC GROUPS VIC HUMAN RIGHTS - OTHER ISSUES ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) ANNEX E: MDC CANDIDATES & MPs, JUNE 2000 & MDC LEADERSHIP & SHADOW CABINET ANNEX F: MDC POLICIES, PARTY SYMBOLS AND SLOGANS ANNEX G: CABINET LIST, AUGUST 2002 ANNEX H: REFERENCES TO SOURCE MATERIAL 1. SCOPE OF THE DOCUMENT 1.1 This country report has been produced by the Country Information and Policy Unit, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, Home Office, from information obtained from a wide variety of recognised sources. The document does not contain any Home Office opinion or policy. 1.2 The country report has been prepared for background purposes for those involved in the asylum / human rights determination process. The information it contains is not exhaustive. It concentrates on the issues most commonly raised in asylum / human rights claims made in the United Kingdom. 1.3 The country report is sourced throughout. It is intended to be used by caseworkers as a signpost to the source material, which has been made available to them. The vast majority of the source material is readily available in the public domain. 1.4 It is intended to revise the country report on a six-monthly basis while the country remains within the top 35 asylum-seeker producing countries in the United Kingdom. -
Security Council Meetings Coverage
Security Council United Nations Meetings Coverage Department of Public Information • News Coverage and Accreditation Service • New York Security Council SC/6359 3767th and 3769th Meetings (AM & PM) 16 April 1997 SECURITY COUNCIL EXTENDS ANGOLA VERIFICATION MISSION UNTIL 30 JUNE, V^, _^~-» ••"''' WITH UNDERSTANDING OF TRANSITION TOWARDS OBSERVER MISSION Adopting Resolution 1106 (1997) Unanimously, Council Requests Report by 6 June on Continued UN Presence The Security Council this afternoon extended the mandate of the United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM III) until 30 June 1997, with the understanding that the Mission would proceed with the transition towards an observer mission that would focus on political, police and human rights aspects, as well as on humanitarian and public information programmes in support of the national reconciliation process. Following two meetings and statements by 29 speakers on the situation in Angola, the Council unanimously adopted resolution 1106 (1997) by which it also requested the Secretary-General to complete the withdrawal of UNAVEM III military units as scheduled, taking into account progress in the remaining relevant aspects of the peace process. The Council expressed its intention to consider the establishment of a follow-on United Nations presence to succeed UNAVEM III and requested the Secretary-General to submit a report, no later than 6 June, containing recommendations regarding the structure, specific goals and cost implications of such a mission. Reiterating the importance of full implementation by the Government of Angola and the National Union, for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) of their commitments to the peace process, the Council strongly urged them to complete without delay the remaining military aspects of the process, including the incorporation of UNITA soldiers into the Angolan Armed Forces and demobilization, and the selection and incorporation of UNITA personnel into the Angolan National Police. -
Truth and Access to Information About Past Human Rights Violations
“WHO WANTS TO FORGET?” Truth and Access to Information about past Human Rights Violations “When considering the question should we remember? it is very important to firstly ask, has any victim forgotten? Could they ever forget? Secondly we should ask, who wants to forget? Who benefits when all the atrocities stay silent in the past?” (Roberto Cabrera – Guatemalan human rights activist) ARTICLE 19 The Global Campaign for Free Expresson Contents Introduction ..................................................................................... 1 1. Truth and the right to know ........................................................ 3 2. Malawi ........................................................................................ 10 3. Zimbabwe................................................................................... 19 4. Namibia ...................................................................................... 29 5. Approaches to uncovering the facts........................................ 36 5.1 Official commissions .......................................................................... 36 5.2 Opening the files ................................................................................. 43 5.3 Criminal justice and civil compensation ........................................... 48 5.4 Other sorts of national institution...................................................... 52 5.5 The media............................................................................................. 53 5.6 Museums............................................................................................. -
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004
ZIMBABWE COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 COUNTRY INFORMATION & POLICY UNIT IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Zimbabwe April 2004 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the Document 1.1 –1.7 2 Geography 2.1 – 2.3 3 Economy 3.1 4 History 4.1 – 4.193 Independence 1980 4.1 - 4.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 4.6 - 4.9 Elections 1995 & 1996 4.10 - 4.11 Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) 4.12 - 4.13 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 4.14 - 4.23 - Background 4.14 - 4.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 4.17 - 4.18 - Election Results 4.19 - 4.23 - Post-election Violence 2000 4.24 - 4.26 - By election results in 2000 4.27 - 4.28 - Marondera West 4.27 - Bikita West 4.28 - Legal challenges to election results in 2000 4.29 Incidents in 2001 4.30 - 4.58 - Bulawayo local elections, September 2001 4.46 - 4.50 - By elections in 2001 4.51 - 4.55 - Bindura 4.51 - Makoni West 4.52 - Chikomba 4.53 - Legal Challenges to election results in 2001 4.54 - 4.56 Incidents in 2002 4.57 - 4.66 - Presidential Election, March 2002 4.67 - 4.79 - Rural elections September 2002 4.80 - 4.86 - By election results in 2002 4.87 - 4.91 Incidents in 2003 4.92 – 4.108 - Mass Action 18-19 March 2003 4.109 – 4.120 - ZCTU strike 23-25 April 4.121 – 4.125 - MDC Mass Action 2-6 June 4.126 – 4.157 - Mayoral and Urban Council elections 30-31 August 4.158 – 4.176 - By elections in 2003 4.177 - 4.183 Incidents in 2004 4.184 – 4.191 By elections in 2004 4.192 – 4.193 5 State Structures 5.1 – 5.98 The Constitution 5.1 - 5.5 Political System: 5.6 - 5.21 - ZANU-PF 5.7 -