Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual 2019.11 Edition

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual 2019.11 Edition Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual 2019.11 Edition 14 detailed how-to guides on cutting-edge approaches that draw on the combined knowledge of over 100 kickass progressive campaigners, organizers and groups that tried and tested these strategies across the world. Guide reviews from our community: “Fantastic initiative and a bunch of very valuable resources, thank-you!” - Crina “A thousand thank-yous and ! This is awesome!” - Eugene “Incredible intel + insights and practical” - Mel Join us: blueprintsfc.com Write us: [email protected] Blueprints for Change Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual Back to main Table of Contents Welcome: Please read This manual was put together thanks to the volunteer efforts of over 100 progressive campaigners, organizers and groups. Each guide contained within compiles the experiences and perspectives of several thinkers and doers and has been revised and edited by our helpers and invited contributors. These guides are never considered “finished” and they are constantly being updated in google doc form on our website: blueprintsfc.org. This manual will also be updated at least once a year to reflect guide updates and also to include new topics. If you would like to participate in this project or see something that should be corrected or added in any guide, please contact us at [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International 2 License. Our full library of how-to’s and more info can be found at: www.blueprintsfc.org Contact us at: [email protected] Blueprints for Change Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual Back to main Table of Contents Table of Contents About Blueprints for Change 4. Section 1. New Organizing and Campaigning Strategies 5. Guide Summaries 6. Building networked coalitions 7. Distributed organizing 26. Persuasive conversation campaigns 44. Section 2. Tactical online-offline approaches 54. Guide Summaries 55. Crowdsourcing ideas and content from supporters 57. Canvassing and door knocking 70. Support and coaching techniques for remote groups 81. Texting campaigns 88. Volunteer-led phone banking 101. Section 3. New tools and how to use them 112. Guide Summaries 113. A/B testing for sendouts 114. Apps and digital tools for organizers 125. Using Facebook Groups for organizing 132. WhatsApp uses for campaigning 142. Section 4. Self-defense for organizers and campaigners 154. Guide Summaries 155. Dealing with disinformation 156. Digital security basics for campaigners 167. Appendix A: Full list of helpers and contributors 175. Appendix B: Project intent and IDEL values 177. Appendix C: Editorial approach and guidelines 180. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International 3 License. Our full library of how-to’s and more info can be found at: www.blueprintsfc.org Contact us at: [email protected] Blueprints for Change Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual Back to main Table of Contents About Blueprints for Change Blueprints for Change is an open library of advocacy how-to’s put together by campaign innovators in order to help progressive organizers and groups up their game more quickly. The “blueprints” we are talking about are collaborative how-to guides designed to capture, communicate and inform innovative campaigning strategies and tactics. This project focuses on how-to’s drawn from campaigning practices that are emergent (new and not yet fully documented), in demand by campaigning groups and field-proven (have been applied with success in prior campaigns). >>See our full editorial guidelines and process in the Appendix Our guide topics are sourced from community requests and are then co-created and peer-reviewed by a dedicated crew of volunteer helpers as well as a network of practitioners, organizers, and researchers who have experience bringing this work to life. >>See the full list of our helpers and contributors in the Appendix The goal of this project is to co-create useful resources that help organizers and campaigners around the world "up their game" quickly. With more agile strategies and execution, we’ll be better equipped to make progressive social change happen at a time when we really need more of it. We want to compile knowledge and direct experience to make shared best practices freely accessible for as many progressive campaigners as possible. We also want everyone who contributes to feel respected and empowered in the process. >>Find our complete values statement in the Appendix We’re always looking for more good people to help with this. Want to join us? Write us to find out how at: [email protected] This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International 4 License. Our full library of how-to’s and more info can be found at: www.blueprintsfc.org Contact us at: [email protected] Blueprints for Change Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual Back to main Table of Contents Section 1. New organizing and campaigning strategies The widespread adoption of digital tools in many areas and the new habits and instincts that have emerged as a result have led to the growth of new approaches to organizing and campaigning. Mostly, these take advantage of ways to organize and mobilize people power at scale and in ways that were beyond our reach in the past. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International 5 License. Our full library of how-to’s and more info can be found at: www.blueprintsfc.org Contact us at: [email protected] Blueprints for Change Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual Back to main Table of Contents New Organizing and Campaigning Strategies Guide Summaries: Click on titles to go directly to the guides BUILDING NETWORKED COALITIONS When multiple groups and organisations come together to work on a campaign, they often opt to collaborate together in a coalition. Coalitions, however, have garnered a reputation for causing campaigners headaches due to their frequently slow, bureaucratic and top-down decision-making processes. In this guide, we look at an alternative way of building powerful collaborative campaigns. Networked coalitions, also called “networked campaigns”, harness the power of networks to develop more agile, dynamic and distributed campaigning coalitions that have proven themselves to be remarkably effective at building and channelling collective power. DISTRIBUTED ORGANIZING Distributed organizing (as opposed to community organizing or traditional political organizing) activates a network of self-starting supporters/campaigners in multiple locations, which can spread across geographical boundaries, interests and cultural groups. It draws on the initiative and energy of volunteer organizers to start groups and lead teams with varying degrees of autonomy. Though more horizontal when compared to traditional “command and control” leadership, distributed organizing often relies on a central coordination group to launch the network and to drive it towards common goals and milestones. When done properly, it can help a movement or campaign scale rapidly and channel huge amounts of collective power. PERSUASIVE CONVERSATION CAMPAIGNS Persuasive conversations, also known as values-based conversations, are exchanges between advocates and their peers or members of the public that surface personal attitudes and perceptions around social issues to shift existing positions or at least open people to a new perspective. These conversations are typically held around polarizing issues — think marriage equality in the United States circa 2008-2015 or Australia more recently — where wider shifts in attitude could result in beneficial policy changes. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International 6 License. Our full library of how-to’s and more info can be found at: www.blueprintsfc.org Contact us at: [email protected] Blueprints for Change Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual Back to main Table of Contents BUILDING NETWORKED COALITIONS Summary of: Building Networked Coalitions 8 Why do we need to do coalitions differently? 8 Who’s doing networked coalitions well? 8 What do networked coalitions look like and how can they benefit a campaign? 9 When Networked Coalitions might not work for you. 11 What Networked Coalitions requires (people, resources, etc.) 11 Setup steps/ stages: Networked Coalitions 16 What success looks like for a networked coalition 19 Tricky parts/ fixes: Networked Coalitions 20 Further resources: Networked Coalitions 23 Attribution: Networked Coalitions 25 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial 4.0 International 7 License. Our full library of how-to’s and more info can be found at: www.blueprintsfc.org Contact us at: [email protected] Blueprints for Change Progressive Organizing and Campaigning Manual Back to main Table of Contents Summary of: Building Networked Coalitions When multiple groups and organizations come together to work on a campaign, they often opt to collaborate together in a coalition. Coalitions, however, have garnered a reputation for causing campaigners headaches due to their frequently slow, bureaucratic and top-down decision-making processes. In this guide, we look at an alternative way of building powerful collaborative campaigns. Networked coalitions, also called “networked campaigns”, harness the power of networks to develop more agile, dynamic
Recommended publications
  • Obama's Insurrection
    Preface to Matthew Vadum’s Obama’s Insurrection By David Horowitz It is not the proper role of an opposition party in a democracy to mount a “resistance” to a duly elected government and press for its overthrow at the very outset of its tenure. But that is precisely what the Democrats have done in the first months of the Trump administration. For the second time in its history, the Democratic Party has opted to secede from the Union and its social contract. This time there is not going to be an actual civil war because the federal government is now so powerful that whoever controls it will decide the outcome. The passions of an irreconcilable conflict are still present but they are channeled into a political confrontation over the executive power. In launching their resistance, Democrats rejected the honeymoon normally afforded 1 to incoming presidents. Until now this tradition has functioned as something of a sacred political rite. Campaigns are by their nature divisive, and they inevitably exaggerate the differences between factions of the electorate. The presidential honeymoon is designed to reunite the contending factions as constituents of a shared constitutional republic. It allows an incoming president to take his place as the chief executive of all the people, to have his cabinet confirmed, and to launch his agendas before the normal contentions of a democracy resume. It ratifies the peaceful transition of power and reasserts the principle that as Americans we are one. According to the Gallup organization, the normal duration of a presidential honeymoon in recent times has been seven months.
    [Show full text]
  • 2013 3 12 Obama and Campaign Finances
    Obama and campaign finances By Joe Trotter Washington Times Published March 12, 2013 Politics is optics. It’s difficult to win people’s hearts and minds without being well regarded. President Obama knows this all too well, which is why he and his closest supporters are in high-damage control mode over a group called Organizing for Action (OFA). Organizing for Action was created from the remnants of Obama for America by former White House aide Jim Messina and other Obama allies, in an attempt to harness the power of the president’s campaign apparatus. With the blessing and support of Mr. Obama, OFA’s goal is to advance the president’s agenda through public advocacy. Public advocacy, as OFA’s founders know, requires expenditures of money. This presents a problem. For many years, Mr. Obama publicly lambasted the influence of money in politics. In particular, his most vicious attacks were reserved for non-profit organizations designated as 501(c)4 groups. Naturally, groups supporting further campaign finance regulation were thrilled to find an ally in the president of the United States. After suffering a devastating blow to their cause in the form of the Citizens United decision, proponents of expanded campaign finance laws viewed Mr. Obama’s admonition of the Supreme Court in the 2010 State of the Union Speech as a rallying cry. Emboldened by Mr. Obama’s rhetoric, pro-regulation groups tried pushing a number of laws through Congress addressing everything from contribution limits to disclosure, with the knowledge that they had an ally who would sign these measures into law.
    [Show full text]
  • Elected-Affiliated Nonprofits: Closing the Public Integrity Gap Richard Briffault1
    February 10, 2021 draft Elected-Affiliated Nonprofits: Closing the Public Integrity Gap Richard Briffault1 I. Introduction In December 2013, shortly after winning election as New York City’s mayor – and some weeks before he was sworn into office – Bill de Blasio announced the formation of a “star-studded” public relations campaign that would help him secure the New York state legislature’s support for the funding of a centerpiece of his successful election campaign – universal pre-kindergarten for New York City’s children. The campaign would be run by a newly formed § 501(c)(4) tax-exempt corporation – the Campaign for One New York (CONY) -- which would raise donations from individuals, corporations, unions, and advocacy organizations to build public support and lobby Albany for “universal pre-K.”2 Over the next two-and-one-half years, CONY raised and spent over four million dollars, initially in support of universal pre-K, and then, after that goal was achieved, to promote another plank in the mayor’s 2013 campaign platform – changes to the city’s land use and zoning rules to increase affordable housing. The mayor played an active role in fund- raising for CONY, which received huge donations from real estate interests, unions and other groups that did business with the city, and he participated in its activities, including 1 Joseph P. Chamberlain Professor of Legislation, Columbia University School of Law. The author was chair of the New York City Conflicts of Interest Board (COIB) during some of the time period addressed in this article. The facts discussed in this article are drawn entirely from public reports and do not reflect any information the author gained from his COIB service.
    [Show full text]
  • Unshackling the Presidency to Fix the Government
    Washington Memo Unshackling the Presidency to Fix the Government By PETER BAKER Published: The New York Times National Edition, July 14, 2012, p. A12. WASHINGTON — In all the discussion these days about how dysfunctional Washington has become, attention usually centers on a fractious Congress riven by partisanship and paralyzed at times by rules and obstruction. Often lost in that conversation is the possibility that the presidency itself may need fixing. At least that is the conclusion of a bipartisan group of former advisers to presidents and would-be presidents who have drafted what they call a plan to make the presidency work better. With the help of several former White House chiefs of staff, the group, called No Labels, has fashioned a blueprint that would make whoever wins in November both more powerful and more accountable. The idea is to cut through some of the institutional obstacles to decisive leadership that have challenged President Obama and his recent predecessors, while also erecting structures to foster more bipartisanship, transparency and responsiveness. If the proposals were enacted, the next president would have more latitude to reorganize the government, appoint his own team, reject special-interest measures and fast-track his own initiatives through Congress. But he would also be called on to interact more regularly with lawmakers, reporters and the public. “There aren’t any magic answers to Washington’s problems,” said Dan Schnur, a former Republican strategist who worked on several presidential campaigns and now directs the Jesse M. Unruh Institute of Politics at the University of Southern California. “But what these reforms do is make it easier for elected officials who are serious about solving problems to do so.” Nancy Jacobson, a longtime Democratic fund-raiser who, like Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Progressivism's New Hate on Campus
    Progressivism’s New Hate on Campus The ‘Boycott, Divest, and Sanctions’ movement against Israel aims to cripple that country By Andrew E. Harrod Summary : Across American campuses, college radicals are fi ghting hard as they try to harm Israel and celebrate Palestinians. Though they call themselves nonviolent left- ists opposed to racism, they actually have no problem with anti-Semites and violent terrorists. This report shines a spotlight on the outrageous deeds and words of numerous leaders in the “Boycott, Divest, and Sanc- tions” movement. he deck has long been stacked against Israel on America’s college cam- Tpuses. The Left’s BDS movement— the subject of this report—aims at Israel and Israel alone. BDS seeks to cripple the Jewish state whose creation gave refuge for the world’s Jews after Nazi Germany’s Ho- force—itself, a dubious concept—against its locaust incinerated six million of them. The enemies. Those who abhor Israel ignore January 2016 B, D, and S are the non-military weapons— the fact that it is surrounded on all sides by boycotts , divestments , and sanctions —that Muslim nations, many of which would drive CONTENTS Israel-haters use to undermine America’s the Jews “into the sea” if they could. strongest Middle East ally. Yet in the United States, anti-Israel cam- The movement’s activists mostly live on uni- paigners appear as occupying the moral high The BDS Movement versity campuses, dress themselves in moral ground. Fighting for its existence continu- Page 1 garments, and self-righteously denounce ously since 1948, the media depicts Israel Israel as racist, even genocidal, because it as a bully and a regional hegemon.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of the Digital Political Advertising Network
    PLATFORMS AND OUTSIDERS IN PARTY NETWORKS: THE EVOLUTION OF THE DIGITAL POLITICAL ADVERTISING NETWORK Bridget Barrett A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at the Hussman School of Journalism and Media. Chapel Hill 2020 Approved by: Daniel Kreiss Adam Saffer Adam Sheingate © 2020 Bridget Barrett ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Bridget Barrett: Platforms and Outsiders in Party Networks: The Evolution of the Digital Political Advertising Network (Under the direction of Daniel Kreiss) Scholars seldom examine the companies that campaigns hire to run digital advertising. This thesis presents the first network analysis of relationships between federal political committees (n = 2,077) and the companies they hired for electoral digital political advertising services (n = 1,034) across 13 years (2003–2016) and three election cycles (2008, 2012, and 2016). The network expanded from 333 nodes in 2008 to 2,202 nodes in 2016. In 2012 and 2016, Facebook and Google had the highest normalized betweenness centrality (.34 and .27 in 2012 and .55 and .24 in 2016 respectively). Given their positions in the network, Facebook and Google should be considered consequential members of party networks. Of advertising agencies hired in the 2016 electoral cycle, 23% had no declared political specialization and were hired disproportionately by non-incumbents. The thesis argues their motivations may not be as well-aligned with party goals as those of established political professionals. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES .................................................................................................................... V POLITICAL CONSULTING AND PARTY NETWORKS ...............................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • @POTUS: Rethinking Presidential Immunity in the Time of Twitter
    University of Miami Law Review Volume 72 Number 1 Article 3 11-16-2017 @POTUS: Rethinking Presidential Immunity in the Time of Twitter Douglas B. McKechnie Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umlr Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Douglas B. McKechnie, @POTUS: Rethinking Presidential Immunity in the Time of Twitter, 72 U. Miami L. Rev. 1 (2017) Available at: https://repository.law.miami.edu/umlr/vol72/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Miami Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ARTICLES @POTUS: Rethinking Presidential Immunity in the Time of Twitter DOUGLAS B. MCKECHNIE* President Donald Trump’s use of Twitter portends a turning point in presidential communication. His Tweets an- imate his base and enrage his opponents. Tweets, however, like any form of communication, can ruin reputations. In Nixon v. Fitzgerald, the Supreme Court determined that a president retains absolute immunity for all actions that fall within the “outer perimeter” of his official duties. This Arti- cle explores the “outer perimeter” of presidential immunity. It suggests the First, Fifth, and Fourteenth Amendments in- form the demarcation of the “outer perimeter,” and that when a president engages in malicious defamation, his speech falls outside this perimeter and is not protected by presidential immunity.
    [Show full text]
  • FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE May 22, 2013 CONTACTS Alex Katz, Partnership for a New American Economy
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE May 22, 2013 CONTACTS Alex Katz, Partnership for a New American Economy: [email protected] Ben Finkenbinder, Organizing for Action: [email protected] Chris Maloney, Republicans for Immigration Reform: [email protected] PARTNERSHIP FOR A NEW AMERICAN ECONOMY, ORGANIZING FOR ACTION, AND REPUBLICANS FOR IMMIGRATION REFORM KICK OFF THE LARGEST- EVER VIRTUAL MARCH ON WASHINGTON Two-Day “March for Innovation” Brings Together Leaders from Politics, Business, Tech, Sports, Media and Entertainment to Push for Bipartisan Comprehensive Immigration Reform Supporters Include Michael Bloomberg, Arnold Schwarzenegger, Cory Booker, Arianna Huffington, Condoleezza Rice, Steve Case, Russell Simmons, and Carlos Gutierrez www.MarchForInnovation.com The Partnership for a New American Economy, Organizing for Action (OFA), and Republicans for Immigration Reform today kicked off the March for Innovation (#iMarch), the largest-ever virtual march on Washington in support of bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform. The March, a two-day event that will end Thursday night, brings together leaders from politics, business, tech, sports, media, and entertainment to create a digital storm across an array of social media to back bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform legislation. (Full list of leaders below.) Beginning at 8:30 this morning with a Twitter Town Hall led by Mayor Michael Bloomberg that will include Jeb Bush, Mayor Rahm Emanuel, and Condoleezza Rice – just a day after the bipartisan “Gang of Eight” immigration bill passed out of the Senate Judiciary Committee – top #iMarch supporters will take part in a pass-the-baton style event that will feature a number of online venues and digital tools including Huffington Post Live, Google Hangout, Thunderclap, Twitter Town Halls, Facebook, Reddit, Vine, and others.
    [Show full text]
  • Administration of Barack Obama, 2014 Remarks at an Organizing For
    Administration of Barack Obama, 2014 Remarks at an Organizing for Action Dinner February 25, 2014 Well, it is good to see all of you. And I've had a chance to hug you and catch up. So now it's all business. [Laughter] Let me start by thanking Jim Messina and Jon Carson and all the OFA staff for the great work that they do each and every day. I've gotten a lot of compliments from a lot of you about the quality of the OFA staff, and I actually concur that they are terrific and passionate about the work that we're doing out there. I just had a chance to talk to some of the leaders from States and communities all across the country who are pounding the pavement and talking to their neighbors and talking to their friends. And the levels of enthusiasm and energy that they projected was inspiring, and it really reminds me of why what I do in the White House matters, because I got folks like that—out on the ground, out in communities every single day—that are counting on me to give voice to the incredible work that they're doing, but also the values that they represent. And I want to thank all of you. As I look around the room, I would not be President if it were not for this room. And there are a lot of people here who are new friends, but there are also some folks here who supported me way back in the day when I had no gray hair and I didn't wear a tie.
    [Show full text]
  • The Post-Kumbaya President | Huffpost
    The Post-Kumbaya President | HuffPost US EDITION THE BLOG 01/22/2013 08:47 am ET | Updated Mar 24, 2013 The Post-Kumbaya President By Marty Kaplan I wonder where Eric Cantor and Paul Ryan had dinner last night. Four years ago, while Democrats danced at inaugural balls, Reps. Cantor and Ryan dined at The Caucus Room, a Capitol Hill steakhouse, along with other top Republicans, including Rep. Kevin McCarthy, and Sens. Jim DeMint, John Kyl and Tom Coburn. Barack Obama’s presidency was by then all of eight hours old. At midday, the man who rocketed to prominence in 2004 by declaring America to be not red states or blue states, but the United States, had told the nation, “On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics.” With those words, and the applause of 1.8 million Americans on the National Mall still ringing in their ears, some 15 GOP leaders discreetly gathered in the restaurant’s private room to decide what to do with the olive branch the president had extended. As we know from a new Frontline documentary based in part on Robert Draper’s book, Do Not Ask What Good We Do: Inside the U.S. House of Representatives, the Caucus Room caucus decided, in Draper’s words, “to fight Obama on everything — this meant unyielding opposition to every one of the Obama administration’s legislative initiatives.” No matter what was on Obama’s agenda, even if it was identical to Republican proposals, they planned to attack it.
    [Show full text]
  • AUS POLITIK UND ZEITGESCHICHTE Datenökonomie
    69. Jahrgang, 24–26/2019, 11. Juni 2019 AUS POLITIK UND ZEITGESCHICHTE Datenökonomie Shoshana Zuboff Rupprecht Podszun SURVEILLANCE CAPITALISM – KARTELLRECHT ÜBERWACHUNGS­ IN DER DATENÖKONOMIE KAPITALISMUS Ingrid Schneider Michael Seemann REGULIERUNGSANSÄTZE EINE BEUNRUHIGENDE IN DER DATENÖKONOMIE FRAGE AN DEN DIGITALEN Wolfie Christl KAPITALISMUS MICROTARGETING. Markus Spiekermann PERSÖNLICHE DATEN CHANCEN UND ALS POLITISCHE WÄHRUNG HERAUS FORDERUNGEN Jörn Lamla IN DER DATENÖKONOMIE SELBSTBESTIMMUNG Dirk Heckmann UND VEBRAUCHERSCHUTZ DATENVERWERTUNG IN DER DATENÖKONOMIE UND DATENETHIK ZEITSCHRIFT DER BUNDESZENTRALE FÜR POLITISCHE BILDUNG Beilage zur Wochenzeitung Datenökonomie APuZ 24–26/2019 SHOSHANA ZUBOFF RUPPRECHT PODSZUN SURVEILLANCE CAPITALISM – KARTELLRECHT IN DER DATENÖKONOMIE ÜBERWACHUNGSKAPITALISMUS Die Digitalisierung hat die Marktwirtschaft nicht Überwachungskapitalisten wissen alles über uns. nur durch neue Produkte oder Dienstleistungen Es genügt ihnen jedoch nicht länger, den Infor- bereichert, sondern ihre Strukturen grundlegend mationsfluss über uns zu automatisieren, das Ziel verändert. Das Kartellrecht steht damit vor besteht nun darin, uns zu automatisieren. Doch ungekannten Phänomenen. diese Entwicklung ist nicht unvermeidbar. Seite 28–34 Seite 04–09 INGRID SCHNEIDER MICHAEL SEEMANN REGULIERUNGSANSÄTZE EINE BEUNRUHIGENDE FRAGE IN DER DATENÖKONOMIE AN DEN DIGITALEN KAPITALISMUS Wie lässt sich eine Brücke zwischen regulierter Wie verhält es sich im Digitalen mit den kommerzieller Datennutzung und Gemeinwohl gängigen
    [Show full text]
  • The 2017 Presidential Election: the Arrival of Targeted Political Speech in French Politics Researched and Written by Judith Duportail (@Judithduportail)
    The 2017 Presidential Election: The arrival of targeted political speech in French politics researched and written by Judith Duportail (@JudithDuportail) in partnership with Tactical Technology Collective’s Our Data Our Selves project ourdataourselves.tacticaltech.org December 2018 The 2017 French Presidential Election, Tactical Tech 1 The 2017 Presidential Election: The arrival of targeted political speech in French politics At the beginning of the French presidential campaign in November 2016, France’s most prestigious newspaper, Le Monde, declared the “big collapse” of big data in politics. Despite having the best technology at her disposal and state-of-the-art targeting software, Hillary Clinton could not get elected, they reported. The article was even titled “Trump’s election, the failure of big data." In light of the Cambridge Analytica scandal and its role in Trump’s election, it would be tempting to view this interpretation as ironic. But instead, we should see it as proof that the use of personal data in politics is moving so quickly that having an accurate idea of what is really happening is a challenging task. Furthermore, as explained by Colin Benett in an article on voter data bases, the competitive environment of a campaign and the proprietary nature of new campaigning technologies mean that “the internal data processing operations of political parties in every country are typically shrouded in a good deal of secrecy.” Despite the opacity of the digital campaigning environment, this investigation examines the use of French citizens’ data during the French presidential campaign in the spring of 2017. At the same time Le Monde was writing about how useless big data was in the US presidential campaign, were voters in France aware of the role of electoral data in building political speech? Did it play a signifcant role in the outcome of the election? After the Brexit vote in the UK and the election of US President Donald Trump, the 2017 French presidential election was held in a very particular context.
    [Show full text]