Study of Five Modern Historians| Hofstadter, Elkins, Mckitrick, Meyers, Benson
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John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France
John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France David Loudon General University Honors Professor Robert Griffith, Faculty Advisor American University, Spring 2010 1 John Adams, Alexander Hamilton, and the Quasi-War with France Abstract This paper examines the split of the Federalist Party and subsequent election defeat in 1800 through the views of John Adams and Alexander Hamilton on the Quasi-War with France. More specifically, I will be focusing on what caused their split on the French issue. I argue that the main source of conflict between the two men was ideological differences on parties in contemporary American politics. While Adams believed that there were two parties in America and his job was to remain independent of both, Hamilton saw only one party (the Republicans), and believed that it was the goal of all “real” Americans to do whatever was needed to defeat that faction. This ideological difference between the two men resulted in their personal disdain for one another and eventually their split on the French issue. Introduction National politics in the early American republic was a very uncertain venture. The founding fathers had no historical precedents to rely upon. The kind of government created in the American constitution had never been attempted in the Western World; it was a piecemeal system designed in many ways more to gain individual state approval than for practical implementation. Furthermore, while the fathers knew they wanted opposition within their political system, they rejected political parties as evil and dangerous to the public good. This tension between the belief in opposition and the rejection of party sentiment led to confusion and high tensions during the early American republic. -
American Capitalism
AC/No.1/March 2016 American Capitalism STATES, NOT NATION: THE SOURCES OF POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN THE EARLY UNITED STATES Naomi R. Lamoreaux and John Joseph Wallis Johns Hopkins Institute for Applied Economics, Global Health, and Study of Business Enterprise States, Not Nation: The Sources of Political and Economic Development in the Early United States Naomi R. Lamoreaux, Yale University and NBER John Joseph Wallis, University of Maryland and NBER September 2015 Abstract: General histories of the United States focus almost exclusively on developments at the national level. Yet it is well known that most of the important changes that propelled political democratization and economic modernization in the nineteenth century occurred at the state level. The purpose of this paper is to shift the focus of attention to the states without losing sight of the larger story of which they were a part. We accomplish this goal by reexamining aspects of economic development that the states are conventionally acknowledged to have led—the creation of a banking system, the construction of transportation infrastructure, the promotion of corporations—and show that these developments were part and parcel of a more fundamental institutional shift from a “limited access” to an “open access” social order, to borrow the terminology that Douglass North, John Wallis, and Barry Weingast developed for their book Violence and Social Orders (2009). The United States was not born modern at the time of the American Revolution or even the Constitution. Rather, we contend, the institutional prerequisites for political and economic modernization took shape over the course of the first half of the nineteenth century through a series of mutually reinforcing political and economic changes that occurred at the state level. -
The Pulitzer Prizes 2020 Winne
WINNERS AND FINALISTS 1917 TO PRESENT TABLE OF CONTENTS Excerpts from the Plan of Award ..............................................................2 PULITZER PRIZES IN JOURNALISM Public Service ...........................................................................................6 Reporting ...............................................................................................24 Local Reporting .....................................................................................27 Local Reporting, Edition Time ..............................................................32 Local General or Spot News Reporting ..................................................33 General News Reporting ........................................................................36 Spot News Reporting ............................................................................38 Breaking News Reporting .....................................................................39 Local Reporting, No Edition Time .......................................................45 Local Investigative or Specialized Reporting .........................................47 Investigative Reporting ..........................................................................50 Explanatory Journalism .........................................................................61 Explanatory Reporting ...........................................................................64 Specialized Reporting .............................................................................70 -
A Measure of Detachment: Richard Hofstadter and the Progressive Historians
A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT: RICHARD HOFSTADTER AND THE PROGRESSIVE HISTORIANS A Thesis Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS By Wiliiam McGeehan May 2018 Thesis Approvals: Harvey Neptune, Department of History Andrew Isenberg, Department of History ABSTRACT This thesis argues that Richard Hofstadter's innovations in historical method arose as a critical response to the Progressive historians, particularly to Charles Beard. Hofstadter's first two books were demonstrations of the inadequacy of Progressive methodology, while his third book (the Age of Reform) showed the potential of his new way of writing history. i TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT.......................................................................................................................i CHAPTER 1. A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT..........................................................................1 2. SOCIAL DARWINISM IN AMERICAN THOUGHT………………………………………………26 3. THE AMERICAN POLITICAL TRADITION…………………………………………………………..52 4. THE AGE OF REFORM…………………………………………………………………………………….100 5. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………………………………139 BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………………………………………..144 CHAPTER ONE A MEASURE OF DETACHMENT Great thinkers often spend their early years in rebellion against the teachers from whom they have learned the most. Freud would say they live out a form of the Oedipal archetype, that son must murder his father at least a little bit if he is ever to become his own man. -
Adams and Jefferson : Personal Politics in the Early Republic
d ADAMS AND JEFFERSON: Personal Politics in the Early Republic John Connor The deterioration of the friendship between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson remains a controversial subject among his torians. The two men were once the best of friends, spending personal time with each other’s family, and enjoying a profes sional collaboration that would become famous—drafting the Declaration of Independence. Furthermore, they freely ac knowledged their mutual fondness. In 1784, Adams wrote that his colleague Thomas Jefferson was “an old friend with whom I have often had occasion to labor at many a knotty problem and in whose ability and steadiness I always found great cause to confide.”1 Jefferson wrote similar words of praise to his friend James Madison: “[Adams] is profound in his views, and accurate in his judgments. He is so amiable, that I pronounce you will love him if ever you become acquainted with him.”2 But despite this initial close friendship, by the 1790s Adams called Jefferson “weak, confused, uninformed, and ignorant.”3 At the same time, Jefferson called Adams actions as President “the most grotesque scene in the tragiccomedy of govern ment.”4 What led these two men who once worked so closely together to turn from close friends to bitter enemies in only ten years? How their friendship dissolved has been discussed by Stephen Kurtz, Stanley Elkins, and Eric McKitrick, who em 58 phasize certain events in the Adams Presidency as precise mo ments in which the two men parted ways.5 Noble Cunningham Jr., points to the passage of the Alien and Sedition Act and the creation of a Standing Army as the point at which the two men’s differences became irreconcilable.6 Recent scholarship by James Sharp argues that a dinner conversation held before Adams was even elected led to their disbanding.7 A second school of thought, led by Merrill Peterson, Dumas Malone, and John Ferling, links the divide not so much to a particular event but to the actions of a third party, often Alexander Hamilton. -
The First and the Second
The First and the Second ____________________________ Kah Kin Ho APPROVED: ____________________________ Alin Fumurescu, Ph.D. Committee Chair ___________________________ Jeremy D. Bailey, Ph.D. __________________________ Jeffrey Church, Ph.D. ________________________________ Antonio D. Tillis, Ph.D. Dean, College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences Department of Hispanic Studies The Second and the First, An Examination into the Formation of the First Official Political Parties Under John Adams Kah Kin Ho Current as of 1 May, 2020 2 Introduction A simple inquiry into the cannon of early American history would reveal that most of the scholarly work done on the presidency of John Adams has mostly been about two things. The first, are the problems associated with his “characteristic stubbornness” and his tendencies to be politically isolated (Mayville, 2016, pg. 128; Ryerson, 2016, pg. 350). The second, is more preoccupied with his handling of foreign relations, since Adams was seemingly more interested in those issues than the presidents before and after him (DeConde, 1966, pg. 7; Elkin and McKitrick, 1993, pg. 529). But very few have attempted to examine the correlation between the two, or even the consequences the two collectively considered would have domestically. In the following essay, I will attempt to do so. By linking the two, I will try to show that because of these two particularities, he ultimately will— however unintentionally— contribute substantially to the development of political parties and populism. In regard to his personality, it is often thought that he was much too ambitious and self- righteous to have been an ideal president in the first place. -
ENG4590 Masters ... Es 60-Credits Eggestad.Pdf
Placating a Pavement: How Wall Street Translated Economic Power into Political Power in the 1990s Christine Eggestad A Master’s Thesis Presented to The Department of Literature, Area Studies, and European Languages The Faculty of Humanities UNIVERSITY OF OSLO In partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master’s Degree in American Studies Spring 2018 I II Placating a Pavement: How Wall Street Translated Economic Power into Political Power in the 1990s by Christine Eggestad III © Christine Eggestad 2018 Placating a Pavement: How Wall Street Translated Economic Power into Political Power in the 1990s Christine Eggestad http://www.duo.uio.no Print: Reprosentralen, University of Oslo IV V VI Abstract This Master’s thesis explores the question of how Wall Street, as a special interest group in American political life, was able to translate economic power into political power in the 1990s. The theoretical basis of the thesis is pluralism in policymaking – particularly biased pluralism: the observation that some groups in society have an amount of political influence that is disproportionate to their numbers. Moreover, the more recent body of scholarship in financialization theory serves as an important framework for this my analysis of the rise of Wall Street’s influence towards the end of the twentieth century. As opposed to explaining the U.S. financial sector’s increased political influence in terms of monetary capital and lobbying activity targeting the legislative branch, this thesis seeks to develop an understanding of the evolving relationship between the financial sector and the executive branch over the course of American history, and the ways in which the relationship between the two help shape economic policy within time-specific contexts. -
Pretty, Sassy, Cool: Slave Resistance, Agency, and Culture in Eighteenth-Century New England
✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦✧✦ Pretty, Sassy, Cool: Slave Resistance, Agency, and Culture in Eighteenth-Century New England antonio t. bly There is in the African a latent lyricism which tends to express itself in movement, so that every gesture, every attitude of the body takes on a special significance which belongs to a language of which I caught only a few words. —Richard Wright1 30 May 1774, Daniel Vose paid between “Twelve Pence to Five Shillings” to have the following notice printed in the Boston Evening Post (image 1). Born in Milton, Massachusetts in 1741 to Captain Thomas Vose, Daniel would grow up to become a prominent leader in his own right. He would own a wholesale and retail store and a tavern in town that would also serve as an inn. Through his father-in-law, Jeremiah Smith, he would own perhaps one of the earliest paper mills in New England. He also would own several tracts of land and ware- houses in the burgeoning township. During the escalating con- flict between Great Britain and her North American subjects, the Massachusetts businessman would side with the rebels. His The author would like to thank Jonathan Chu, Gabrielle Garneau, and the outside readers of the neq whose comments and suggestions proved invaluable. He would also like to acknowledge the late Rhys Isaac and Grey Gundaker whose scholarship and friendship have immensely shaped his work. 1Robert Farris Thompson, African Art in Motion (Los Angeles: University of Cali- fornia Press, 1974), p. 47. The New England Quarterly, vol. LXXXIX, no. 3 (September 2016). C 2016 by The New England Quarterly. -
The Election of 1800: a Study in the Logic of Political Change
The Election of 1800: A Study in the Logic of Political Change Joanne B. Freemant To an extraordinary degree, early national politics operated in a climate of crisis. The spirit of political experimentation that fueled the nascent American republic was as disquieting as it was invigorating; keenly aware that they were creating the first polity of its kind in the modem world, politicians believed that anything could happen. This crisis mentality is essential to understanding the logic of political change in the early republic, yet the detachment of hindsight makes it difficult to recapture. Aware of the eventual emergence of an institutionalized two-party system, we search for its roots in this period, projecting our sense of political order onto a politics with its own distinct logic and integrity. In We the People: Transfornations, Bruce Ackerman discusses the broader implications of this present-mindedness, suggesting that it has blinded us to the true nature of American constitutional governance. As he explains at the opening of his argument, "the professional narrative" propounded by judges and lawyers-a story of declining constitutional creativity-has cut Americans off from "the truth about the revolutionary character of their higher lawmaking effort."' By using the present as a standard of measurement, Ackerman suggests, this storyline depicts constitutional change as a downslide from the creative to the familiar, the entrenched, the now, obscuring the spirit of "unconventional adaptation" at its core.' The same insight holds true for the early republic. By using our present two-party system as a standard of measurement, we have obscured the distinctive and often unexpected features of early national politics, thereby blinding ourselves to the logic of political change. -
Annual Report
i Annual Report OF THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ", ASSOCIATION l, J ~ •, ) FOR THE YEAR 1960 + ~, VOLUME 1 ~ + 1 ) Proceedings UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE v ;1 Washington, D. C. ) "'-~.~~~--- i Letter of SubIllittal THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, \ Washington, D. C., June 15, 1961. To the Congress of the United States: In accordance with the act of incorporation of the AInerican Historical Association, approved January 4, 1889, I have the honor of submitting to Congress the Annual Report of the Association for the year 1960. '( Respectfully, ( 1 'I ; LEONARD CARMICHAEL, Secretary. ~ ill ( '1 \ 1I "\ 'j , ) ,j ;\ " '~ ~ \ ! 1 1, ,.' " ~ .. , Letter of TransITlittal J THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, Washington, D. C., June 15, 1961. i SIR: As provided by law, I submit herewith the Annual Report ~ 1 of the Anlerican Historical Association for the year 1960. This consists of two volumes in one. Volume I contains the proceedings of the Association for 1960, ( and the report of the secretary-treasurer for the Pacific Coast Branch for 1960. \ Volume II will contain the Writings on American History for 1958. 1j BOYD C. SHAFER, Executive Secretary. TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, I Washington, D. C. I' t ( V ) \ ( ~ / ( ~ ;\ $ ) ) l 1 \ . ( , , " J ., ~' ,,~ \ CONTENTS I Page \ Act of incorporation....................................................... IX ) Organization and activities of the American Historical As- I sociation................................................................... XI ( Constitution............................. -
2012 Legal Heritage of the Civil War Issue
NORTHERN KENTUCKY LAW REVIEW NORTHERN KENTUCKY LAW REVIEW Legal Heritage of the Volume 39 Number 4 Civil War Issue COPYRIGHT © NORTHERN KENTUCKY UNIVERSITY Cite as 39 N. KY. L. REV. (2012) Northern Kentucky Law Review is published four times during the academic year by students of Salmon P. Chase College of Law, Northern Kentucky University, Highland Heights, Kentucky 41099. Telephone: 859/572-5444. Facsimile: 859/572-6159. Member, National Conference of Law Reviews. All sections which appear in this issue are indexed by the H.W. Wilson Company in its Index to Legal Periodicals. Northern Kentucky Law Review articles are also available on microfilm and microfiche through University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Subscription rates are $35.00 per volume, $10.00 per individual issue. If a subscriber wishes to discontinue a subscription at its expiration, notice to that effect should be sent to the Northern Kentucky Law Review office. Otherwise, it will be assumed that renewal of the subscription is desired. Please send all manuscripts to the address given above. No manuscript will be returned unless return is specifically requested by the author. NORTHERN KENTUCKY LAW REVIEW Legal Heritage of the Volume 39 Number 4 Civil War Issue Editor-in-Chief NICHOLAS DIETSCH Executive Editor SEAN PHARR Managing Editors JESSICA KLINGENBERG HEATHER TACKETT PAUL WISCHER Student Articles Editors Lead Articles Editor COLBY COWHERD MARK MUSEKAMP JASON KINSELLA Symposium Editor Kentucky Survey Issue Editor JESSE SHORE JOSH MCINTOSH Administrative -
Goldstein Umd 0117E 16020.Pdf (1.645Mb)
ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: CAPITAL AND CULTURE: WILLIAM WILSON CORCORAN AND THE MAKING OF NINETEENTH- CENTURY AMERICA Mark Laurence Goldstein, Doctor of Philosophy, 2015 Dissertation directed by: Dr. David Sicilia Department of History Capital and Culture: William Wilson Corcoran and the Making of Nineteenth Century America explores the fascinating life of one of the nation’s earliest and most successful political insiders, financiers, philanthropists, and shapers of the emerging cultural elite. Corcoran helped establish and normalize many important components of modern American culture. He played a key role in stabilizing and merchandizing U.S. financial securities at home and abroad and was responsible for significant developments in public debt war finance. He was also successful as one of the first professional lobbyists in the capital city. Corcoran encouraged and legitimated American landscape painting and probably established the country’s first true art gallery. Corcoran’s tireless efforts to improve the nation’s capital were a remarkable early model of urban development. His dedication to landscaping the emerging National Mall predates such plans for New York’s Central Park, which scholars often characterize as the oldest urban park in a major American city. A generation before Carnegie and Rockefeller spent vast sums of money on large donations, Corcoran helped shape American philanthropy. He gave away the majority of his fortune in major gifts to institutions and to needy individuals. Corcoran was among the first philanthropists to expand charity’s reach beyond one’s immediate community and he established a pattern of national giving across specific areas of interest or need. Corcoran championed a view of national reconciliation and southern repair simultaneously born out of the Civil War.