La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left?

John Mullen (Rouen)

© Jeanne Valebrègue s the Yellow Vest movement in France populist grouping similar to others in Acontinued to hit the headlines week Italy or elsewhere, or fundamentally after week at the end of 2018 and the a revival of left-wing mass reformism beginning of 2019, one organisation in after a long hibernation? Much of particular praised it as the beginnings the debate about the organisation in of a new “citizens’ revolution”. This was France has been desperately superficial the France Insoumise.1 A radical Left and partisan, based on vague alleged movement (deliberately not a party), the personality defects of Mélenchon, so a FI was founded in 2016 and is led by cool-headed view is worth an attempt. Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who was previously (from 1976 to 2008) a left leader within Not so new? the Socialist Party. It received 7 million irst, let us note what is not new. votes at the 2017 presidential elections. This is a movement which aims Can it be considered a new political F at capturing government through phenomenon with a novel strategy, a

Page 36 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) John Mullen parliamentary elections and using that vicious interventions which laid waste to position to bring about decisive change left experiments in Chile in 1973? Does the in ecological, social, constitutional and FI government-in-waiting give us reason foreign policy domains. It is a movement to believe that the U-turns of Labour which considers parliamentary activity in Britain in the 1970s2, of Mitterrand alone to be insufficient: vigorously in France in the 1980s3, or of Tsipras a supporting the building of trade unions, few years ago in Greece, to name but a strike action, community campaigns to few, will not occur in a future FI France? save or improve public services and so on are an integral part of its priorities. It Proposals is a movement which considers alliances he movement’s programme, The with all those forces hostile to the Future in Common includes the dictatorship of profit to be necessary, but T following proposals, to name but a which desires to affirm itself as a distinct few points: nationalisation of energy actor in the progressive movement. companies, some banks and other ll of this might lead one to think services, the end of nuclear power and a Athat we are in the presence of the move to 100 per cent renewable energy, resurgence of an old Left, marginalised the establishment of a maximum salary, since the fall of the Eastern Bloc and a shorter working week, a million low- the establishment of the elite neoliberal rent houses, retirement at sixty, leaving consensus - a resurgence which is NATO, free school canteens and a free occurring in parallel with influential health service. On the European Union, anti-austerity organisations in other the plan is to renegotiate the treaties to Western countries, whether it be around allow for anti-austerity politics, and if Corbyn’s Labour Party in Britain, Bernie faced with a refusal, consider leaving the Sanders in the USA, the Left Bloc in EU. In many ways, then, this resembles Portugal, Podemos in Spain, or elsewhere. a social-democratic programme of 50 years ago. It has brought ‘planning’ rom this point of view, the rise of back into political discourse, after Fthe France Insoumise calls for the decades where pleasing ‘the market’ was discussion of old questions: in particular, generally presented as the only option. how far can government in the present It has also integrated the urgency of forms of democracy act against the dealing with climate deterioration. dictatorship of profit and get away with it, in the face of the classic weapons of he discourse of the FI often attacks pro-capitalist forces - from possession of T“financial capitalism” which, it the media and capital flight, to the more maintains, has excessive influence over

Page 37 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left? the rest of the economy and calls for “a economic crisis and the collapse of the severing of the links” between industry traditional Right and Left parties make and agriculture on the one hand, and political upheaval the new normal, and the financial world of speculation on the Macron himself became president after other. This is an old Communist Party obtaining only 24 per cent in the first view of the economy and depends on the round of the election. The “ready to idea that finance capital is separate from govern” tone, along with the insistence other sorts (whereas often industrial that the proposed programme has investors have a speculative financial been correctly budgeted by radical operation on the go at the same time). economists, underlines the fact that despite the term “citizens’ revolution” the project is to be carried out within the framework of capitalist institutions. This is logical, since the difference between a “citizens’ revolution” and a “workers’ revolution” (however far-off either might seem) is that workers produce the profit which allows the ruling class to exist, whereas citizens as citizens have far fewer powerful levers to oblige the powerful to agree to their demands. (This despite the creative tactics ofYellow Vest and other citizens’ movements.)

ne of the FI’s radical demands Advertising leaflet for public day of responds to the question of how debate and entertainment O the state can be controlled by the people: the programme calls for the replacement A government in waiting of the present ‘Fifth Republic’ with its excessive presidentialism and many other he slogan put forward at the FI defects, with a ‘Sixth Republic’ which summer school in August 2018 was T would be characterised by a much bigger “We are ready to govern” (just as Podemos share of popular democracy, including in Spain has declared its objective “to the possibility of calling referenda by capture and transform state power”). popular demand (now a key Yellow Vest With only 17 FI MPs and a vote of 19.5 priority), and of revoking the mandate per cent at the presidentials, this might of MPs between elections under certain seem ambitious, yet the continuing

Page 38 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) John Mullen circumstances. The new Republic’s New options precise rules would be drawn up by a constituent assembly. Indeed, if he were hat then can we put down as to be elected president, Mélenchon Wdefinitely new? FI aims to be “a has declared that he would organise movement, not a party”. This involves the constituent assembly and then avoiding traditional party structures resign, allowing the new constitution of delegated democracy and factional to redefine the role of president and struggle (this last has at times taken up assemblies in political life. This priority inordinate amounts of energy on the placed on constitutional reform has French far left, far beyond what might often been a strong strand in the French be deemed the necessities of democratic radical Left, and is generally popular, debate). This turn has led to the FI though how far the central dynamic of programme being written by a series 21st century neoliberal capitalism can of thematic networks and validated by be affected by such measures is unclear, a movement conference made up of and a certain scepticism is justified. delegates drawn by lottery from among the willing – a novel option. In addition, just he programme contains a like in such organisations as Momentum Tcommitment to fighting against in the UK, the FI YouTube channel racism and all other oppressions, and and grassroots use of social networks the 2018 summer school underlined the have been central to FI campaigning. need for more non-white candidates at elections. The commitment included he demand to “do politics in a 4 combating prejudices against Muslims. Tnew way” is, of course, a very old In practice however the FI are generally one. In the case of the FI, the emphasis no better at fighting islamophobia than seems to be particularly on not allowing most of the French radical left (that electoral alliances to drastically water is, they are pretty poor), and there are down demands for social change. several extreme secularists among leading Implicitly, the criticism is of the French activists. This situation however is in Communist Party, which has some flux. There are strong activists against radical demands in its programme, but Islamophobia in the FI who Mélenchon has often been accused of abandoning respects, and it was notable that he began most of them in order to maintain a public meeting in November 2018 by seats on regional or local councils in denouncing the anti-Muslim racism alliance with a Socialist Party which has of (ex-Prime minister) Manuel Valls. been moving rightwards for decades, leading to its present collapse (6 per cent of the first round vote in the 2017

Page 39 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left? presidentials, 3 per cent of the first round The leadership encourages popular vote in the following legislatives, surely mobilisations on local issues – “Know a record for an outgoing government). your Rights” caravans tour the poorer parts of some cities; a long-neglected Successes local school was (illegally) repainted by a local network supported by the FI; these he FI has some successes to its name. examples are relayed by the leadership In the 2017 presidential election, T and the social networks, though have not Mélenchon received 7 million votes, flourished as quickly as had been hoped. the largest number ever obtained by a The FI held a summer school and a youth radical Left candidate, even during the summer school as most French parties heyday of the French Communist Party. do. The youth summer school included His public meetings were and are huge, lectures by well-known Marxists as well spectacular, and marked by stunning as representatives of the non-Marxist oratory and impressive pedagogy about Left. Feminism, eco-socialism, self- the workings of capitalist society and the need for radical humanism. FI has been able to organise very large mass demonstrations against Macron. In opinion polls, the movement is consistently rated as the most effective opposition to right-wing president Emmanuel Macron. Its 17 members of parliament form a dynamic and diverse team, a people’s tribune both inside Advertising leaflet with the programme parliament (proposing more of the Youth Summer School amendments than any other group) organisation and Left republicanism were and outside, on a wide range of issues. the main highlights on the programme. any of the activities of local FI They also organised in November 2018 Msupporters’ groups are traditionally the “Rencontres nationales des quartiers left in character: organising support for populaires”, which translates literally the mass strikes last year, organising as “national meeting for the poorer debates on political issues chosen locally. parts of town”, and is understood in

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French politics as an attempt to listen to the USA). This vision often includes to and implicate the sections of the the idea that symbols going back to population who do not have a stable, the French Revolution, such as the reasonably paid job, in particular the Tricolour and the Marseillaise anthem, non-white sections of the working class. can mobilise a sense of a specifically French radical humanism. So, tricolours Organisation have sometimes been distributed at rallies, and both the Marseillaise and f the FI leadership has preferred to the International sung. Though these are form a movement rather than a party, I striking symbols, it is not clear that this it is also because it is a way of sidestepping patriotic element is key to the FI support. some questions of relationships with In addition, since the tricolour has also other parties (since one can, for example, flown for centuries over vicious French be a member of the Communist Party and colonial and imperialist endeavours, an active supporter of FI), and of partly the non-white working class in France avoiding a tradition of political horse- may not find it so attractive. The vision trading which has plagued the French of France playing a positive role in the Left for decades. Critics of the movement international arena leads Mélenchon method point out, with some reason, to hold some positions considerably to that a lack of structures for decision- the right of his counterparts in other making often leaves an inordinate countries. For example, he is not opposed amount of influence in the hands of to France having nuclear weapons in the national leadership. It has also been the present international situation. noted that it can reduce much-needed debate on difficult issues.Podemos seems he other “very French” aspect of FI is to have suffered considerable damage TLeft secularism and anticlericalism, through not having a clearly defined which can sometimes be a cover for position on the national question Islamophobia. This has seen the broad in Catalonia, to take one example. Left express indifference or even support faced with Islamophobic laws. Muslim French traditions public servants and high school students ne or two elements of the FI are banned from wearing headscarves, Oapproach are clearly rooted in Muslim mothers wearing them have often distinctive aspects of the French Left. been hounded out of any participation One is a sort of Left patriotism, a feeling in school trips, and the Niqab face veil that France has a progressive role to play was banned in the streets by a law in in world politics (often in opposition 2010. Attempts by mayors of various

Page 41 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left? towns to ban the wearing of full body personalities (and one FI MP). The FI swimsuits by Muslim women on the leadership saw the document as a masked beaches of their towns saw practically no attempt at attacking the FI, which it no outrage from the Left, and Mélenchon doubt was for some, and did not sign it. disappointingly condemned both the racist mayors and the people who sell full- Under attack body swimsuits (they do it for political s an electorally credible radical Left reasons, he claimed, without evidence).5 movement, the FI, like Corbyn Although Mélenchon has more often A in Britain, is under continuous attack. recently condemned discrimination The right-wing media like to paint against Muslims, the FI is no better Mélenchon as similar in appeal to the than most of the Left on the issue. fascist Marine Le Pen, or as a supporter recent row on the French Left of Putin. A series of unprecedented (and A concerning attitudes to immigration probably illegal) police raids on FI offices has been carried out at a high temperature, and leaders’ houses in autumn 2018 took without it being completely clear what away the organisation’s computers, but the political content is. FI leaders have mostly aimed at putting out an image of repeated that they are not simply in the FI as gangsters or as corrupt. Rather favour of opening the borders, though than defend free political organisation, they campaign for immediate legalisation one of the mainstream left-wing of all immigrant workers, and welcoming newspapers reacted by headlining on refugees in danger in the Mediterranean. speculations about Mélenchon’s love life! Mélenchon has declared that much he FI is also under attack from immigration is not freely chosen and sections of the Left, even if most working with countries of origin to stop T organisations declared their disapproval the problems which drive people to leave of the police raids. The Communist Party should be part of Left policy. This, in (which still has 12 MPs and 1600 local the context of the campaigns of Sahra councillors) is anxious about the danger Wagenknecht in Germany, has led to of being replaced as the institutional some currents suspecting that FI could reformist Left, as its alliances with the conceivably move in a similar direction austerity-wielding Socialist Party have to Aufstehen. One of the reactions in discredited it in many towns, and it has France was an open letter denouncing reacted with a series of sectarian diatribes those who suggest that the far right against FI. Its brand new general secretary, is asking the right questions about elected in November 2018, seems keen to immigration, signed by 150 radical Left continue allying with the Partis Socialiste.

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ections of the revolutionary Left (a investment strikes and so on) is little Scurrent far more visible in France discussed and can be considered, from than in many countries) have been given the point of view of the anti-capitalist, generous space in TV chat shows, since as the real “elephant in the room”. they will denounce Mélenchon. The attitude of this far Left contrasts sharply any commentators have labelled with that of the British far left’s attitude to Mthe FI as populist. It is true that Corbyn, generally one of critical support. leaders are interested in dialogue with 6 This sectarianism can be explained such thinkers as Chantal Mouffe, and mostly by the analysis defended by a part that the FI poses “uniting the people of French revolutionaries (that left-wing against the elite” as a central slogan, reformism is no longer possible in late rather than “unite the Left”. But capitalism and therefore that Mélenchon rejecting the “Unite the Left” approach is simply planning to betray), but also is mainly connected with rejecting by the fact that standing in elections and political party horse-trading and rotten getting a fair number of votes (over 1 compromises with austerity socialists. per cent in each of 50 constitutencies) Jean-Luc Mélenchon is a thousand times provides significant government closer politically to Jeremy Corbyn than funding for the French far left. he is to Beppe Grillo, the Italian leader now in government with the far right. ore measured Left critics underline Mthe dangers of a situation such any millions of people, squeezed as happened in Greece when a Left Mor crushed by the juggernaut of Syriza government, brought in with maximising profit, desperately hope mass popular and worker’s mobilisation, that some government will make a real decided to organise yet more austerity difference for the better in their lives, rather than stand up to international and can put excessive trust in Left capital. FI leaders tend to say “we will do leaders. Nothing is more understandable. what we promise, we are not like Tsipras”. Whether FI’s future will be to produce Nevertheless, this suggests that the Syriza an Alexis Tsipras, imposing ever more catastrophe was due to the individual austerity on the people, a Jacinda weakness of Tsipras or other leaders. The Arden, delivering far fewer reforms than question of the amount of pressure a hoped, or an effective challenge to the panicked ruling class could put on the dictatorship of profit, depends on multiple FI movement both before a hypothetical unknowns, but in the French political electoral success (with media campaigns landscape today, it represents a new kind etc) and after (with capital flight, of challenge to elite business as usual.

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2019 Endnotes

Yellow Vest 1 Many translations have been proposed: he nature of the France in Revolt, France Unbowed, Rebel France... Tmovement, which designates its enemies as elite politicians and 2 The stated intentions of the Labour gov- 7 ernment in the early 1970S to decisively move the multinational companies, rather than balance of power away from capital (intentions the employing class as such, means symbolised by Denis Healey’s 1973 promise to that organisations such as the FI, for draw “howls of anguish from the rich” were thor- oughly abandoned, and 1977 and 1978 saw the which elections are central, are well- first big drop in workers’ real wages since the war. placed to benefit from the expressed 3 After an ambitious nationalisation and anger. The European elections, which social reform programme in 1981, the Mitterrand Mélenchon has announced to be “an government announced “a turn to rigour” which anti-Macron referendum” will constitute revealed itself to be another word for austerity. an interesting test. For these elections, 4 See Isaac Deutscher’s thoughts in 1967 on due in May 2019, the FI have joined a “Marxism and the New Left”, available online at https://www.marxists.org/archive/deutscher/1967/ grouping of six Left parties from around marxism-newleft.htm Europe (counting a total of 9 Euro MPs and 143 members of national parties). 5 See John Mullen “‘Beach secularism’ fuels racism in France” in: Red Flag, 28 August 2016. These parties left the establishedParty http://redflag.org.au/node/5453 of the European Left, since the latter 6 Mélénchon and Mouffe organised togeth- supported the Tsipras government in er a meeting/ public conversation, which can be Greece and its imposition of heavy EU- found online in French here https://www.youtube. inspired austerity after the crisis of 2015. com/watch?v=FtriFMxsOWw& It tended to show that the two were not really so close in politics.

7 Since its core is an alliance of low-paid workers, self-employed and small business owners.

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