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1 the Effects of Naming and Shaming on Public Support for Compliance The Effects of Naming and Shaming on Public Support for Compliance with International Agreements: An Experimental Analysis of the Paris Agreement1 Research Note Dustin Tingley, Harvard University Michael Tomz, Stanford University June, 2021 Forthcoming, International Organization How does naming and shaming affect public support for compliance with international agreements? We investigated this question by conducting survey experiments about the Paris Agreement, which relies on social pressure for enforcement. Our experiments, administered to national samples in the United States, produced three sets of findings. First, shaming by foreign countries shifted domestic public opinion in favor of compliance, increasing the political incentive to honor the Paris Agreement. Second, the effects of shaming varied with the behavior of the target. Shaming was more effective against partial compliers than against targets that took no action or honored their obligations completely. Moreover, even partial compliers managed to reduce the effects of shaming through the strategic use of counter-rhetoric. Third, identity moderated responses to shaming. Shaming by allies was not significantly more effective than shaming by non-allies, but Democrats were more receptive to shaming than Republicans. Overall, our experiments expose both the power and the limits of shaming as a strategy for enforcing the Paris Agreement. At the same time, they advance our understanding of the most significant environmental problem facing the planet. 1 For feedback on earlier drafts, we thank Lotem Bassan-Nygate, Joshua Byun, Lukas Fesenfeld, Jon Hovi, Jonas Tallberg, Rochelle Terman, Lisa Camner, several anonymous reviewers; participants at the Legitimacy in Global Governance conference (University of Toronto, 2019), the Workshop on Experimental Political Science (University of Gothenburg, 2019), and the Environmental Politics and Governance conference (University of Oslo, 2020); and seminar participants at Stanford University (2018), the University of Pennsylvania (2019), the Hebrew University of Jerusalem (2019), and the University of Konstanz (2021). 1 Climate change is one of the most significant challenges facing the planet. Given worldwide reliance on fossil fuels, addressing the problem will require international cooperation. The 2015 Paris Climate Agreement represents the most recent attempt to promote international cooperation on climate change. Each country that joined the agreement publicly declared how it would contribute to the collective goal of mitigating climate change. The agreement did not stipulate legal or economic sanctions for members that failed to meet their promises, however, leading many scholars and policymakers to decry the lack of formal enforcement as the agreement’s Achilles heel. Absent formal enforcement, what might incentivize countries to honor their climate commitments? Some have expressed hope that “naming and shaming” could sustain international cooperation. Naming and shaming occurs when some actors publicly denounce others for doing something wrong. Countries could apply this strategy to climate change by criticizing nations for violating their Paris Agreement pledges. Jacquet and Jamison characterized the potential to shame laggards as the “soft but significant power” of the Paris Agreement2, and Falkner regarded shaming as the main tool countries could use to “exhort laggards to raise their game.”3 This article investigates how shaming by foreign countries might affect domestic political support for honoring the Paris Agreement. We know of no direct studies on this question, but research about the effect of shaming on respect for human rights suggests several possibilities. On the one hand, shaming could increase public support for compliance by convincing citizens that their nation’s policies are shameful and need to change.4 On the other hand, shaming could backfire by provoking a defiant reaction, in which citizens rally behind their own leaders and denounce foreign shamers.5 Finally, shaming could prove inconsequential if domestic audiences are insensitive to foreign opinion or believe the costs of quelling foreign criticism outweigh the benefits.6 Which of these three reactions we observe seems likely to depend on the behavior and identities of the shamers and the targets. To shed light on these logical possibilities, we used experiments to study whether, and under what conditions, shaming might increase U.S. public support for compliance with the Paris Agreement. Our experiments focused on three key questions. First, could shaming shift domestic opinion in favor of compliance? Second, would the effects of shaming depend on the target’s behavior, including its level of compliance and use of counter-rhetoric? Finally, how might the identity of shamers and targets moderate responses to shaming? 2 Jacquet and Jamieson 2016, 643. 3 Falkner 2016, 1121. 4 For example, Ausderan 2014; Davis, Murdie, and Steinmetz 2012; Risse, Ropp, and Sikkink 1999, 2003. 5 For example, Bassan-Nygate 2021; Snyder 2020; Terman 2019, 2020. 6 For example, Hafner-Burton 2008; Hendrix and Wong 2013. 2 In our experiments, all participants considered a future scenario in which the U.S. joined the Paris Agreement and pledged to reduce carbon emissions by 25%. We randomized whether the U.S. subsequently complied with this commitment, whether foreign countries shamed the U.S., which countries expressed criticism, and how the U.S. responded. We then measured whether participants approved or disapproved of what the U.S. government did. We conducted our experiments in the U.S. for several reasons. First, the U.S. is an established democracy in which public opinion matters for environmental policy.7 As such, it provides an appropriate context for studying how shaming could affect compliance via changes in public opinion. Second, the U.S. is of paramount importance in the global campaign against climate change. The U.S. emits more carbon than any other democracy, and U.S. carbon consumption per capita is among the highest in the world. Third, political events in the U.S. opened a unique research opportunity. In 2017 President Donald Trump announced that the U.S. would withdraw from the Paris Agreement. Trump’s decision made it possible to present a hypothetical future scenario in which the U.S. had just entered the Paris Agreement and was making decisions about compliance. It would, of course, be instructive to run experiments in other countries with different preferences and political institutions. Our focus on the U.S. offers unique insight into a critical case, while also providing a template for future experiments about the effects of shaming in other political systems. Our experiments yielded three sets of findings. First, shaming by foreign countries shifted U.S. public opinion in favor of compliance, increasing the political incentive to honor the Paris Agreement. Second, the effects of shaming depended on the target’s behavior: specifically, its level of compliance and use of rhetoric. In our experiments, shaming had little impact when the U.S. government made no attempt to comply or met its obligations in full. Shaming was, however, effective when the government took partial steps toward compliance but fell short of its Paris commitments. These findings suggest that shaming may be most potent when directed against “intermediate” policies that are prima facie neither shameful nor laudable. Our experiments also revealed how rhetoric could reduce the effects of shaming. Shamed countries have a variety of counter-rhetorical options, ranging from contrition to defiance. We studied both ends of this counter-rhetorical spectrum. Although defiance did little to move domestic opinion, contrition substantially reduced—but failed to erase—the impact of shaming. In summary, our experiments demonstrated how states can adjust their compliance and rhetoric to reduce the domestic costs of shaming. 7 Many studies have shown that “public opinion has a significant effect on policy choices in environmental and other policy domains.” Moreover, “although public opinion is far from being the only factor influencing a country’s acceptance and implementation of international environmental commitments, it is certainly an important one.” Bernauer and Gampfer 2015, 317. 3 Our third set of findings concerns the role of identity. Studies of human rights have found that shaming by allies is more effective than shaming by non-allies.8 We did not observe this pattern for climate change, suggesting that the distinction between allies and non-allies may be more relevant on some issues than on others. We also considered the identity of domestic audiences. In the U.S., Democrats and Republicans differ in their beliefs about climate change and support for emission controls. We therefore estimated reactions to shaming not only among the general public, but also for each partisan cluster that future administrations might want to court. Democrats and Independents were more receptive to shaming than Republicans, a finding with important political implications. We provide, to our knowledge, the first experimental evidence about how shaming could affect domestic incentives to comply with international agreements.9 As such, this article complements a growing body of observational studies that use historical cases and cross-national statistical analyses to investigate the effects of shaming. At the same time, this article advances our understanding of the most significant environmental
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