Art of at the Indianapolis Museum of Art

Constantine Petridis with Kirstin Krause Gotway Unless otherwise noted, all photographs courtesy of the Indianapolis Museum of Art at Newfields

In honor of Theodore Celenko accomplishments of its curator of textile and fashion arts, Niloo Paydar, the museum also has a strong reputation for its compre- n terms of arts and entertainment, Indianapolis, Indiana, hensive collection of African textiles, administratively housed in is known for its automobile race, its International Violin another department. Competition, and the Indianapolis Museum of Art at It has often been said that Eiteljorg regularly benefited from the Newfields (IMA). scholars and aficiona- advice of Indiana University professor Roy Sieber (1923–2001), dos alike associate the city and its museum specifically a leading authority in the field and an influential mentor to with businessman and philanthropist Harrison Eiteljorg many. But the true nature of Sieber’s role in forming the Eiteljorg (1903–1997), the namesake of the museum’s suite of African art gal- Collection has not been fully studied, and therefore it cannot leriesI (Fig. 1). To this day, his vast collection, mostly donated in be ascertained which acquisitions Sieber actually supported. 1989, constitutes the bulk of the museum’s more than 1,700 African However, as he himself pointed out in an article on the collection holdings, making it among the largest of its kind in the country and in this journal, Celenko did impact “Eiteljorg’s orientation and one of the few truly encyclopedic African collections anywhere in level of seriousness” (Celenko 1981: 32). From his beginnings as the world (Figs. 2–3).1 Thanks to his vision and the efforts of the Eiteljorg’s private curator in 1978 until his retirement on March museum’s longtime (and now emeritus) curator Theodore (Ted) 31, 2009, after nearly twenty years as the Indianapolis Museum Celenko, it collected and exhibited the arts of northern Africa and of Art’s curator of the Arts of Africa, the South Pacific, and the contemporary African art long before many other museums or Americas, Celenko steered the collection to its current consti- private collectors (see jegede 2000). As a result, these two areas, tution.2 Still, many important works in the museum’s African as well as the often equally underrated arts of eastern and south- collection pre- and postdate the Eiteljorg gifts, and some of the ern Africa, are exceptionally well represented. Due largely to the collection’s most prized possessions were purchased during the last decade before Celenko retired, including the ex–Susan Vogel Senufo display figure (1999.31; see Robbins and Nooter 1989: 121, Constantine Petridis (PhD—Art History, Ghent University, Bel- gium, 1997) joined the Art Institute of Chicago in November 2016 as no. 169; Lee 2005: 70) and the ex–Carlo Monzino Songye power curator of African art and department chair of the Arts of Africa and the figure (2005.21), which I discuss later. Americas, after fourteen years as curator of African art at the Cleveland Museum of Art. From July 1, 2014, to September 30, 2015, and again RANKING THE IMA’S AFRICAN ART COLLECTION from January 1 to June 30, 2017, he served as Mellon Curator-at-Large My impetus for writing this essay was my engagement as the at the Indianapolis Museum of Art at Newfields. A consulting editor to Mellon Curator-at-Large for African Art at the IMA from July African Arts, he recently published Luluwa: Central African Art Be- 1, 2014, to October 1, 2015. Appointed by Charles L. Venable, tween Heaven and Earth (Brussels: Mercatorfonds, 2018). cpetridis@ the Indianapolis museum’s Melvin & Bren Simon Director and artic.edu CEO, I served as one of six nonresident curators of various art Kirstin Krause Gotway (MA—Art History, University of Chicago, historical specialties in this ambitious and innovative curatorial 2008) served as curatorial assistant to the Mellon Curators-at-Large at pilot program supported by the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, the Indianapolis Museum of Art at Newfields from 2011 to 2017. In which was initiated in November 2011 and ended in June 2017. 2014, she co-authored with Amy G. Poster “Lockwood de Forest’s Wall: Through the Mellon curatorial program, the IMA was able to When India Came to Indianapolis” in the July–August issue of Fine Art draw on the expertise of specialists in areas where in-house Connoisseur. In August 2017 she began PhD studies in art history at curatorial oversight was lacking, including Chinese, South the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Asian, Native American, African, American, and Japanese art.

34 african arts WINTER 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 4 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 1 Harrison Eiteljorg amidst his African collec- tion at his Indianapolis residence, c. 1985.

2 The display of works of Central African art in the Indianapolis Museum of Art’s former African art galleries as conceived by its now retired cura- tor Ted Celenko, January 2012.

3 A view of the display devoted to “power,” one of seven thematic galleries in the current Eiteljorg suite, as conceived by then visiting guest curator Elizabeth Morton, May 2012. The textiles and some of the other works on view have been rotated off since this photograph was taken.

All Mellon curators, typically hired on a rotating basis for one- In my opinion, out of more than 1,700 items, the number of year tenures, have benefited from the expert assistance of Kirstin truly excellent or extraordinary works, which I have labeled as of Krause Gotway, now undertaking PhD studies in art history at the A rank, is limited to perhaps twenty-five objects, a dozen of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. which are masterworks of so-called classical or historical African In line with a museum-wide assessment project, chief among art. About 260 of the 1,700 are I believe of the B rank, denoting a the tasks assigned to me were the ranking of the collection quality continuum that ranges from good to very fine. Of course, according to quality and the updating of catalogue data accom- this should not come as a surprise if one takes into account the panying the works identified as of the highest ranks, to support donor’s collecting practice and what I would label his omnivorous further research and the ultimate publication of a scholarly cata- and rather compulsive collecting habits. Indeed, it is known that logue of collection highlights. On a more practical level, ranking Harrison Eiteljorg—whose donation of nearly 1,200 works to the the collection, following a predetermined system of criteria for IMA constitutes 70% of its entire African collection—purchased quality and excellence, would also help determine which objects the majority of what he owned in bulk and mostly from African might be removed from the galleries and ultimately considered dealers who paid him annual visits in Indianapolis and ensured for deaccessioning.3 However, early in my involvement with the that during a given year his collection would grow by the hun- collection I concluded that its quality is quite uneven, due to its dreds. While this situation surely contributed to the collection’s size, scope, origins, and development. My preliminary assess- comprehensive and encyclopedic character, it also explains its ment, which will need to be confirmed by an independent second inconsistency. Indeed, it appears that Eiteljorg was more concerned opinion and maybe even a third opinion, has led to a hierarchical about the quantity of his African holdings than about their quality. distinction into four quality levels from A to D.

VOL. 51, NO. 4 WINTER 2018 african arts 35 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 | FIFTEEN CENTRAL AFRICAN HIGHLIGHTS Starting in northwestern Congo, Figure 5 is a face mask that has This brief survey primarily functions as a prelude to the much- been tentatively attributed to the Ngbaka. In addition to a number needed updated and in-depth analysis of the museum’s rich and of other works illustrated in this essay, this mask—published in varied collection, ideally in the format of a volume that assem- François Neyt’s Arts traditionnels et histoire au Zaïre (1981: 22, fig. bles specialists’ viewpoints through extensive entries on single 1.3)—was purchased by Eiteljorg from California-based Belgian objects. While there are various areas of the IMA’s African collec- dealer Jacques Hautelet (1931–2014) on June 8, 1983. Interestingly, tion that also merit attention, partly because of my own personal in the museum files, on the back of a studio photo of the mask interest and expertise, I focus here on a number of key works of is a handwritten note dated June 1980 by the famed Belgian art- the A and B ranks from present-day Democratic Republic of the ist and African art collector Jean [Willy] Mestach (1926–2014), Congo and adjacent regions, although there are other areas of the stating that he owned this sculpture in the 1950s and sold it to museum’s African collection that are equally worthwhile.4 The fellow Belgian collectors Paul and Luisa Muller-Vanisterbeek fact that many of these objects have been featured in a number in the 1960s. Although most masks from the Ubangi region in of publications, including several by Ted Celenko and the ency- northwestern Congo are attributed to the Ngbaka, they may in clopedic African Art in American Collections by Warren Robbins and Nancy Ingram Nooter, may suggest that they are in fact gen- erally considered to be among the highlights of the IMA’s African art collection. However, there are major works of “traditional” art from other parts of the continent in the collection as well, such 4 Female figure as a marvelous Gabonese Fang figurine of the Okak subgroup Fang people; Gabon (Fig. 4) that was featured on the cover of Celenko’s A Treasury of Wood, pigment, brass, fiber, glass beads; h. 24.8 cm African Art from the Harrison Eiteljorg Collection (1983: 177, cat. Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1029 159; see also Celenko 1980: cat. 41, 1981: 38, fig. 11; Robbins and Nooter 1989: 384, no. 982). Eiteljorg purchased this sculpture on 5 Face mask Ngbaka people; Democratic Republic of the Congo November 16, 1976, from Ismaila Sibi, a Senegalese dealer based Wood, pigment; h. 32 cm in New York City who was the source of some of Eiteljorg’s best Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. acquisitions of that time. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1078

36 african arts WINTER 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 4 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 fact also have been made by the Mbanza (Mbanja). Scholars have suggested that initiations and masks may have been bor- rowed and adapted by the Ngbaka from the Mbanza (Burssens 1993: 218–21; Grootaers 2007: 57). Both groups use masks in the context of initiation, commonly called gaza. Because Ngbaka and Mbanza are so closely related, it is impossible to distinguish their masks without additional primary data. The masks were typically worn by instructors or possibly even by newly initiated boys when they performed dances to celebrate the latter’s release from seclusion and their reintegration into the community. The cultural diversity of the region is reflected in the existence of a variety of mask styles, but simian-shaped sculptures such as this example are very rare. One of the IMA’s most recent African purchases is a lidded container carved by the Zande chief and artist Songo (Fig. 6). It was acquired at the Sotheby’s, New York, sale of the collection of William W. Brill (1918–2003) on November 17, 2005. What is especially interesting in addition to the fact that it is a signed (pyro-engraved) work by a known historical artist—something rather unusual within the corpus of so-called tradition-based, classic, or historical art of sub-Saharan Africa—is that we know that it was acquired by a Belgian colonial called Mr. Castelain before 1911 in the village of Rungu in the “Bomokandi zone” of the Uele region, and that it was originally owned by what is today called the Royal Museum for Central Africa in Tervuren, Belgium (traces of the Tervuren registration number MCB 3370 can still be seen on the container’s lid). As confirmed by then-Tervuren museum curator Boris Wastiau in personal correspondence with Ted Celenko in November 2006, it was deaccessioned in 1974 from that museum through exchange with Morton Lipkin (1926–2012) of Lipkin Gallery in London, who sold it to Brill in New York on February 15 of the same year (see also Wastiau 2008: 122). It remained in the Brill Collection until its sale at the

6 Lidded container, early 1900s Carved by Songo (dates unknown) ; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment, bark; h. 52.4 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of the Alliance of the Indianapolis Museum of Art with the Mrs. Pierre F. Goodrich Endowed Art Fund, Roger G. Wolcott Fund, the Beeler Fund, and the Russell and Becky Curtis Art Purchase Endowment Fund, 2006.114a-c

7 Zande chief and artist Songo in the village of Rungu, present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo. 1913. Photo: Herbert Lang. Library of the American Museum of Natural History, New York (no. 223412). © AMNH, New York

VOL. 51, NO. 4 WINTER 2018 african arts 37 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 | the popular Mangbetu-style rendering of the head with its skull elongation and typical hairdo, containers like the IMA’s have also been (erroneously) labeled in the past as Mangbetu, includ- ing in the Sotheby’s catalogue for the Brill sale in 2006 (p. 124, lot 115). Regardless of the stylistic affinity between some of the arts of the two peoples, I believe attributing such boxes to the “Zande-Mangbetu” may create the false impression of an ethnic conglomerate. The practice of skull deformation was common among different peoples in this vast region; in other words, this feature alone cannot be used as an ethnic marker. Featured in the publications of Neyt (1981: 44, fig. II.15) and Celenko (1983: 183, fig. 165), is a very fine example of the rare figures of Metoko origin (Fig. 8) (see also Felix 1987: 111, fig. 6; Robbins and Nooter 1989: 490, no. 1269) that was sold by Hautelet to Eiteljorg on September 8, 1982. Metoko figures are

8 Figure Metoko people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment; h. 65.7 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1040

9 Mask Lega people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment, fiber; h. 25.7 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1076

Sotheby’s auction. What has not been explained is the second term following the name Songo in the engraved inscription on the IMA’s box: dekvoi. Not only is the word not deciphered and not understood, it does not seem to be in the Zande language.5 The artist Songo (Fig. 7) was a chief of the Vungara (Avongara) “royal clan,” and he was equally famous for his wood sculptures and ivory carvings. His distinct style is especially recognizable in the way he rendered his figures’ facial features. In addition to bark and wooden boxes, ivory objects, and statues, he created incised drawings on gourds and calabashes, including depictions of Europeans derived from magazine illustrations. Songo and a number of his contemporaries most likely started to sign their work in response to commissions by Europeans. Bark boxes or containers like the IMA’s example made by Songo were used among different cultures in a vast region to store jewelry, cosmetics, trinkets, and other precious items, as well as magical potions. In more recent times they were also used as wallets for European currency. The carved human head as a finial on the container’s lid—undoubtedly adding to the object’s appeal as a status indicator and exponent of court art—is probably a more recent innovation in the decorative arts of both Zande and Mangbetu, likely stimulated by the interest in figurative art on the part of foreign—that is, European—visi- tors and travelers in the region since the early twentieth century (Schildkrout and Keim 1990: 244–57). Because of the influence of

38 african arts WINTER 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 4 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 stylistically related to those of their Lengola neighbors, while the contextual settings of the art of both peoples are closely related to those of the Lega people. Open to male and, to a lesser extent, female members, Bukota was the name of the hierarchically organized association that, like Bwami among the Lega, gov- erned social, political, and religious life among the Metoko and the Lengola (Biebuyck 1977: 52–53, 1995). Figures—often occur- ring in male-female pairs—were primarily used in the Bukota’s secret initiations, and they were among the various ritual objects that were the exclusive possession of high-ranking association members. Signaling power and status, figures were also used in circumcision rites and funerary ceremonies, as well as for peacemaking. The sculptures would have carried a name refer- ring to actual historical individuals who were remembered for their exceptional behavior or noteworthy accomplishments. It

10 Probably a fragment of a spear ; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment; h. 41.3 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1198

11 Janus caryatid stool Zela people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment; h. 38.3 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1203

is not clear whether the same figures are used in these different contexts. The collective name kakungu is given to large figures that are placed within a rectangular construction on the tomb of high-ranking Bukota initiates, but it cannot be confirmed if the IMA’s sculpture is an example of this category. Such figures served as temporary dwellings for the souls of deceased associa- tion members. An excellent example of a Lega mask (Fig. 9) was acquired by Belgian collector and Lega art expert Nicolas de Kun in the vil- lage of Kambondo in 1960 (see Celenko 1980: cat. 49; 1983: 185, cat. 167). It was purchased by the then California-based collector and dealer Herbert Baker—who already owned it when it was exhibited at the Nelson-Atkins Museum of Art in Kansas City in 1966—and sold to Harrison Eiteljorg on October 11, 1977. Masks of different materials, shapes, and sizes were among the many objects used in the initiations of the Bwami association (Biebuyck 2002: 17–21, 65–67, 98–100; see also Cameron 2001: 40–47, 178– 219). A hierarchically organized institution, Bwami unified the different Lega groups that lived dispersed in numerous small villages in the densely forested regions of eastern Congo. The association’s ultimate goal was to instruct its members in a com- plicated and all-encompassing moral philosophy that brought enlightenment and wisdom. Masks and a wide variety of other manmade artworks, as well as more common artifacts and natu- ral objects, were used as didactic devices to convey the Bwami’s

VOL. 51, NO. 4 WINTER 2018 african arts 39 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 | 12 Caryatid stool Zula people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment, cloth, metal; h. 43.2 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1202

teachings in the course of sequential initiations. These items served to visually illustrate the proverbs that transmitted the association’s philosophical precepts to the initiates. The presenta- tion of objects and recitation of proverbs would be accompanied by music, song, dance, gestures, and real theater. Rarely, however, were masks attached in front of the face to disguise the identity of their wearer. Instead, they were “worn” on the arms or other body parts, held in the hands, piled in stacks, hung on fences, or even dragged on the ground. This large, white-colored mask is from one of five basic categories, called idumu, meaning “ancestor”; it would have originally carried a beard of long strands of raffia. Included in the 1981 overview of the Eiteljorg Collection (Celenko 1981: 41, fig. 17) and in the 2005 publication of high- lights of the IMA’s collection (Lee 2005: 82), a delicately carved, elegant female figure in the most classical Luba style (Fig. 10) was probably once part of a spear rather than of a staff, as oth- ers have also suggested (see Celenko 1983: 214, cat. 195). Eiteljorg purchased the figure on November 16, 1976, from Ismaila Sibi, the Senegalese dealer based in New York City who was one of Eiteljorg’s main purveyors in the collection’s genesis and the source of, among others, the earlier-mentioned Fang figure (Fig. 4). Spears were among the most sacred regalia of the Luba king’s treasury (Roberts and Roberts 1996: 65, cat. 16, and 76, cat. 26; appears that the stool, originally bearing the inventory number 167, 2007: 129, pls. 28–29). Used in investiture rituals as a symbol was once in the collection of the museum under his stewardship, of the authority and legitimacy of its royal owner, a spear was the Musée Léopold II in what is now Lubumbashi; it closed in 1961 planted in the soil next to the stool and opposite the staff of office, (see also Couttenier 2014). The publication indicates that the stool two other important pieces of Luba regalia. It was also used in a was named kipona kya bankishi, which translates as “stool of the dance that commemorated the mythological foundation of the spirits” (Waldecker 1947: 5, fig. 10). The ethnic name Zela that has Luba kingdom. The figure’s typical posture with the hands to been assigned to this stool and various other Luba-style works— the breasts refers to a classical iconographic scheme indicating after prior attributions to the Holoholo and still other Luba-related that Luba women protect and uphold the prohibitions of king- groups—is little understood. A stool in a style similar to the IMA’s, ship. The wear and patina of this figure’s face and body—with then in a private collection, was identified as “northern Hemba” in almost entirely eroded relief designs imitating scarifications on François Neyt’s classic publication on the Hemba (1977:4 93, figs. the torso—reflect long-term use and handling. Luba spears are 90–91). Like the Hemba’s, the culture and arts of the Zela are closely seldom encountered in Western collections. Most probably this related to those of the Luba proper, in typology and iconography, is due to both to their rarity—the fact that they were exclusively as well as in meaning and function. Stools similar to this exam- owned by sacred kings—and the secrecy that surrounded them ple have thus been associated with the leadership examples more while they were in use. They were typically wrapped in white commonly studied among the Luba. Some firsthand sources, as cloth and only exposed during special ceremonies. summarized by Neyt (1981: 316) and Felix (1987: 204), have noted, A Janus caryatid stool in the Zela style, sold by the late Iris however, that the representation of male-female pairs incarnating Silverman (1931–1980) of Baum & Silverman in Los Angeles ancestors is a signature feature of Zela art. to Harrison Eiteljorg on October 20, 1977, is perhaps the fin- A single caryatid stool was also sold by Iris Silverman (Baum est example of this extremely rare object (Fig. 11)—as suggested & Silverman) to Harrison Eiteljorg on October 20, 1977 (Fig. 12). by its inclusion in the publications of Felix (1987: 205, fig. 1) and We know nothing more about the prior collection history of the Robbins and Nooter (1989: 459, no. 1186; see also Celenko 1981: 33, work. The same holds true, however, for a closely related example fig. 2; 1983: 216–17, cat. 197). Celenko learned from Belgian dealer in a private collection, which also saw its first public appearance in and art expert Louis de Strycker (letter of July 30, 1979) that this the West in 1977 (Neyt 1977: 495, fig. 93).6 Despite an earlier prop- work was featured in an article in the magazine Le Congo illustré osition to assign a Bangubangu label to the IMA stool, Zula seems by German-Belgian ethnologist and Africa researcher Burkhart to be the generally accepted attribution (see also Celenko 1981: 42, Waldecker (1947). From the figure caption in Waldecker’s text it fig. 19; 1983: 218–19, cat. 198; Felix 1987: 211, fig. 1). The Zula are

40 african arts WINTER 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 4 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 Luba-related people who live in proximity to both the Hemba and When the IMA purchased an imposing Songye figure (Fig. 13) the Kusu. Most Zula-style sculptures would have been destroyed through private sale from Sotheby’s, New York, on September 15, as a result of an iconoclastic Islamic movement in the late nine- 2005, its provenance could be traced back only to the mid-1980s, teenth century. Anthropomorphic stools, supported by squatting when it was in the reputed collection of Carlo Monzino (1931– or seated female caryatids, are said to be the only objects that sur- 1996) in Italy. We do not know where or from whom Monzino vived. Enhanced with iron rings around the wrists and ankles and had acquired it, but the work was featured in Susan Vogel’s trav- decorated with brass tacks, such stools served as prestige items of eling exhibition African Aesthetics (1986: 179–80, cat. 129). After male leaders and dignitaries. The supporting female figure—fea- Monzino’s death, the figure appeared at the Sotheby’s, New York, turing an elaborate coiffure and a body graced with scarification auction (lot 198) on May 19, 2001, and was bought by New York- patterns in high relief—has been identified as the image of an based collector and dealer Jacques Mallet (1945–2001), who kept ancestor who acted as the seat of power on which the authority of it until it was purchased by the IMA in 2005. In a 2013 article in its male owner rested (cf. Roberts and Roberts 2015). the bulletin of the Belgian Royal Academy for Overseas Sciences, I stumbled on a field photograph in the Congo showing this par- ticular figure (Fig. 14)—with much of its original dress intact (Raymaekers 2013: 257, fig. 7). Raymaekers’s text discusses the Museum of Art and Folklore in Luluabourg (now Kananga) in what was then the , and its founding director Paul Timmermans (1931–1976), a graduate in African languages and cultures from Ghent University, Belgium, who upon his depar- 13 Male figure ; Democratic Republic of the Congo ture from the Congo became an educator at the Royal Museum Wood, pigment, metal, cloth, feathers, fur, reptile skin; h. 83.8 cm for Central Africa in Tervuren. It was Timmermans who in 1959 Indianapolis Museum of Art, The Ballard Fund, Lucille Stewart photographed this Songye figure in a village called Nkoto Mase Endowed Art Fund, E. Hardey Adriance Fine Arts Acquisition Fund in memory of Marguerite Hardey Adriance, Roger G. among the Songye Kalebwe subgroup and apparently exported Wolcott Fund, and Mary V. Black Art Endowment Fund, 2005.21 it to Belgium shortly thereafter. Interestingly, the collector kept extensive notes about the figure’s meaning and functions and 14 The Songye statue now in the IMA’s collection (Figure 13) photographed in the Songye Kalebwe village of Nkoto Mase, even informs us that it carried the proper name Yankima. This present-day Democratic Republic of the Congo. 1959. kind of firsthand data is rarely available for works held in Western Photo: Paul Timmermans; courtesy of Jan Raymaekers, Brussels collections, making Timmermans’s documentation extremely

VOL. 51, NO. 4 WINTER 2018 african arts 41 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 | valuable. In more general terms, based on the writings of Dunja enhanced the sexual appeal of the woman’s body. In addition to Hersak (esp. 2010, 2013b), this is a prime example of a commu- its practical purpose as a pillow meant to protect a woman’s often nity power figure for use by an entire village, as suggested by its elaborate hairstyle, such a caryatid headrest also signaled the taste, visual impact and workmanship. The raffia skirt around the waist status, and wealth of its owner. and the feather headdress are indicators of leadership, while the A fine example of the Luluwa figure genre known as lupingu metal appliqué covering the face refers to the blacksmith, a cul- lwa bwimpe or bwanga bwa bwimpe (Fig. 16) was purchased ture hero celebrated in a Songye myth of state formation.7 by Harrison Eiteljorg from Jacques Hautelet on June 8, 1983. A classic example of the rare genre of Kanyok headrests (Fig. 15) Regrettably, nothing is known about the work’s prior collec- was purchased by Harrison Eiteljorg from Iris Silverman (Baum tion history, but it was possibly previously owned by Paul & Silverman) on October 20, 1977. In addition to its inclusion in Timmermans or his brother Karel, who are both well known for Celenko’s publications on the Eiteljorg Collection (e.g. 1980: cat. the collections of Luluwa materials they established—Paul also 47; 1981: 41, fig. 18; 1983: 212, cat. 193), this outstanding sculpture having published an important scholarly article on the subject was also published by Felix (1987: 51, fig. 7) and Robbins and with lasting merits (see Timmermans 1966). The figurine is also Nooter (1989: 433, no. 1118). The figure’s facial features and its par- reproduced as a characteristic representative of this particular ticular hairstyle reveal its Kanyok origin. More specifically, its style and finish place it in the so-called court art of the Kanyok people in the town of Kand-Kand, where it was the work of a court sculptor bearing the title manindak (see Ceyssens 2001, 2006). The depicted 15 Headrest coiffure was locally called tuzaaz and consisted of countless tufts Kanyok people; Democratic Republic of the Congo of hair and a little plait at the back of the neck. Like the culturally Wood, pigment; h. 17.1 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. related neighboring Luba, the Kanyok considered elaborate hairdos Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1201 and scarifications as signs of beauty. Confined to the lower belly and the thighs, such permanent skin decorations were valued not 16 Female figurine Luluwa people; Democratic Republic of the Congo only because of their visual appeal but also and even more because Wood, pigment; h. 18.1 cm of their tactile nature, which had obvious sexual connotations. The Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. elongation of the labia had the same effect; genital transformations Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1192

42 african arts WINTER 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 4 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 17 Face mask perfection of the human body. As in real life, the figure’s skin was Lwalu people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, copper; h. 29.2 cm coated with a mixture of red earth, white chalk, and oils. Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. One of a number of culturally related masks that Harrison Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1159 Eiteljorg purchased from Jacques Hautelet on September 16, 18 Face mask 1983, is an exceedingly rare Lwalu wooden mask entirely cov- Eastern ; Democratic Republic of ered with copper plates (Fig. 17)—reproduced in the publications the Congo of both Neyt (1981: 204, fig. X.4) and Felix (1987: 95, fig. 5). The Wood, pigment; h. 23.5 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. four different types of full wooden versions of Lwalu masks were Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1123 worn during the dry season by a young bachelor in dances with age-mates; they toured neighboring villages and performed in exchange for a free meal and drinks, hoping to attract the atten- tion of a future spouse. It is not impossible that a copper-covered mask, prior to being bedecked with metal, could have had an earlier existence as a wooden dance mask. The Western Lwalu called a copper-covered mask like this one in the IMA’s collection genre of Luluwa sculpture in François Neyt’s often-cited survey ngongo wa shimbungu, referring to a homonymous association book (1981: 188, fig. IX.4). Based on the type of headdress, the whose responsibility it was to address disputes and minor mis- origin of this figure can specifically be located near the Beena demeanors, such as theft and adultery (Ceyssens 1993: 366–67). Tshadi villages of Tshikoy and Tshinguvu. Luluwa power figures An Eastern Pende face mask (Fig. 18), another acquisition of the bwimpe type depict a standing woman holding a cup in from Iris Silverman (Baum & Silverman) on October 20, 1977, one hand, with an elaborately decorated body with curvilinear is one of the most exquisite Eastern Pende-style sculptures in a and geometric scarification marks (Petridis 2011, 2015). Figures Western collection, its original dusty red surface unusually intact imitating these beautifications were part of a cult meant to fos- (Celenko 1981: 39, fig. 14; 1983: 203, cat. 183). The mask is an exam- ter and protect the fertility of a woman and/or the health of her ple of a genre called Kindombolo, which ironically represented newborn. The particular name given to these figures denoted the antiaesthetic and grotesque in Pende thought. Proper to a beauty as a sign of moral virtue as it was expressed in the physical trickster character, the mask had its pendant among the Central

VOL. 51, NO. 4 WINTER 2018 african arts 43 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 | the Pindi and the Western Pende, these designations should not be taken too literally. Because the sharing of ideas and objects is what typifies the ethnic mélange of the area, the ascription of ethnic divisions between masks may create the false impression of distinction and separation, whereas, in truth, boundaries are porous and ethnic identities fluid. Very little is known about the Kwese and their art—Daniel Biebuyck has summarized the scant documentation on the subject in The Arts of Zaire (1985: 252–54). The unmistakable relationship between the Kwese and the Western Pende also transpires from unpublished notes and field photographs that Nestor Seeuws (1927–2011), one of the first curators of the Institut des Musées Nationaux du Congo in Kinshasa, shared with me in the mid- 1990s (see Petridis 1997: 101, 123–24). In 1984 and 1985 the Belgian expatriate acquired for the Kinshasa museum a number of wooden

19 Helmet mask Kwese people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment, fiber; h. 40 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1117

20 Figure of a drummer Mbala people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Wood, pigment, hide, brass, iron, fiber; h. 51.3 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1115

Pende in a character by the name of tundu, whose performance was greeted by the crowd with the exclamation “You are ugly!” (Strother 1998: 208–11; 2008: 104, pls. 1–2; 2016). The holes on the mask’s cheeks evoked the scars of smallpox. Expressing a philosophy of ugliness, the character portrayed by the mask was considered a survivor of the potentially fatal disease who was, as a result, oblivious to both physical danger and social etiquette. Providing comic relief for the audience, his entertaining dance was characterized by outrageous and often vulgar behavior charged with sexual innuendo or explicit coital pantomiming. Although wearing a so-called village mask that was meant to divert and amuse the public, the Kindombolo masquerader was armed with one or two whips to threaten the onlookers and keep the dance floor clear. Kindombolo also appeared in the boys’ ini- tiation camp to police the young initiates. A helmet-shaped mask (Fig. 19), representing Kwese art in Neyt’s survey book (1981: 149, fig. VII.13), acquired by Eiteljorg from Hautelet on October 31, 1983, is without question one of the finest and best-preserved examples of this particular type of mask in a Western collection. A rare occurrence in museum col- lections in the United States, such masks belong to an interethnic style tradition and exemplify what some scholars have labeled a regional style (e.g. Bascom 1969: 104–5, Bourgeois 1990). The carved imitation of a local hairdo known as mukoto (or a phonetic variant of that name) is among the hallmarks shared by various peoples in southwestern Democratic Republic of the Congo. In fact, since their arts in general and masks in particular are hard to differentiate from those of some of their neighbors, including

44 african arts WINTER 2018 VOL. 51, NO. 4 Downloaded from| http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 21 Fragment of a scepter, possibly 1870–1920 Attributed to an anonymous sculptor nick- named the Kasamvu Master, or a member of his workshop Yombe people; Democratic Republic of the Congo Ivory; h. 20 cm Indianapolis Museum of Art, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Harrison Eiteljorg, 1989.1112.

helmet masks among the Kwese that show affinities with the IMA’s ex-Hautelet sculpture. All of these masks would have originally been performed in the context of the boys’ initiation, but they have also always danced in spectacles for the entertainment of the local population and occasional travelers. They were called mikishi wa phogo, referring to the double-edged sword (phogo) the dancers usually carry in their hand. The masquerader’s costume comprised a bodysuit made from knotted fibers, a skirt of animal hides, and rattles attached to a belt and strings at the waist and ankles. The mask name mukishi (pl. mikishi), which is widely distributed, indi- cates that here as in many other parts of Central Africa such masks incarnated ancestral spirits. The association between ideas about death and the ancestors and boys’ puberty rituals was expressed through the popularity of mourning songs to accompany masked performances. The same ideas were conveyed through the white color of the helmet masks and, not least, the three or four vertical incisions on the mask’s cheeks, which were often painted blue and represented tears. Finally, the IMA’s collection includes various so-called Lower A drummer figure (Fig. 20) that Harrison Eiteljorg purchased Congo objects, including a fragment of an ivory scepter in an idio- from Brussels-based dealer and Congo art expert Marc Leo Felix syncratic style of a Kongo, or perhaps specifically Yombe, carver on November 12, 1981, was most probably made by a carver of the (Fig. 21). This scepter, which Eiteljorg purchased from Hautelet on Mbala people, who are culturally and artistically closely related June 8, 1983, is illustrated in Neyt’s survey book (1981: 93, fig. V.11) to the Kwese (see also Biebuyck 1985: 161–71). The lobed coiffure and in Celenko’s publication on the Eiteljorg Collection (1983: was used among many different peoples in this ethnically mixed 189, cat. 169). It is carved in a style attributed to a specific atelier region between the Lutshima and Kwilu Rivers in southwestern or even artist nicknamed the Master of Kasamvu, after a village Congo. According to some sources most wigs of this shape were close to Tshela along the Chiloango River where one of these actually commissioned from hairstylists among the Western scepters was collected in 1920 (see Felix 2011: 84–85). Owned by Pende (Petridis 2002: 128). Said to have been acquired in 1932 in chiefs, such objects were both symbols of status, indicating the what was then the Belgian Congo by a Flemish missionary of the owner’s worldly authority, and religious emblems, suggesting his Jesuit order, this fine and rare example of this unusual sculptural supernatural influence. As indicated by the few examples that are genre is included in the publications of both Celenko (1983: 197, still intact, a package of medicines mixed with a resinous mate- cat. 177) and Robbins and Nooter (1989: 415, no. 1054). Although rial would have been enclosed within the container extending our knowledge is limited, it seems that carved images of drum- from the figure’s head (see, e.g., Felix 2011: 43, fig. 487, and 75, fig. mers (limba), often forming pairs with maternity figures (wenyi), 614). Enthroned on the bound body of a criminal to be punished were part of the interior of a so-called ritual house. There, they by execution, the chief sports a hairstyle that most likely derives were secretly preserved to act as guardians of the chief’s treasure from that worn by Portuguese sailors. He is chewing a bitter root and sacred insignia and were invoked by the chief in times of locally known as munkwisa, one of the most important medi- crisis and to remedy misfortune and calamities threatening the cines used to test persons suspected of witchcraft. What the community at large. Called pindi, they played a role in the inves- iconography of the scepter underscored was the violent power of titure ritual of a new leader and the construction of his new ritual chiefs that enabled them to successfully combat wrongdoers of house, receiving offerings of palm wine and being sprinkled with all sorts, both human and superhuman, which was dramatized in the blood of sacrificial animals (Bourgeois 1988: 22–25). spectacular public executions (MacGaffey 2011).

VOL. 51, NO. 4 WINTER 2018 african arts 45 Downloaded from http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/pdf/10.1162/afar_a_00431 by guest on 29 September 2021 | FUTURE AVENUES AND DIRECTIONS African art in the United States and would establish direct con- Although featuring only some of the Indianapolis Museum of nections with the African source nations. Art’s Central African highlights, this overview should confirm Beyond a much-needed updated and expanded publication that its African collection deserves an in-depth catalogue compil- on the IMA’s vast African holdings, this new research should ing the insights of various area and culture specialists. Let us also also inform a revisited installation of the collection in its remember that the only existing publication focusing on some 6,400-square-feet suite of galleries and a revised interpretation of the IMA’s African holdings dates from 1983, when the works plan, ideally with enhanced and diverse audiovisual, technolo- it discusses were still in Harrison Eiteljorg’s private collection. gy-based tools. Not only would this latter approach—which the Aside from the fact that that book is understandably limited in IMA actually has rich experience with—allow for an understand- scope and depth because of its sole authorship, a new publication ing of the arts of Africa as primarily dynamic, multisensorial, and would obviously benefit greatly from field and other research performative, but it would also create room for the presentation conducted since the early 1980s. Especially when it comes to of different points of view as an alternative to the outdated and archaeological and historical objects from West Africa, the prog- contested model of the authoritative single curatorial voice. ress made in various kinds of technological analyses, such as As I am finalizing this text, the IMA’s leadership is consider- C-14 and TL testing and CT and x-ray scanning—research ave- ing deaccessioning a significant portion of its African collection. nues in which the IMA has always played a pioneering role (see Keeping in mind any legal restrictions inherent to gift and bequest especially Celenko 1995)—should prove useful in this endeavor. arrangements, readers of this journal are aware that art muse- Possibly comprising a selection of about 250 works of the two ums in the United States do not steer away from the thoughtful highest grades as defined through the previously mentioned removal of specific works from their collections. In the IMA’s assessment system, this collection catalogue would of course also case it has become clear after my year-long evaluation and other include many of the works that either Eiteljorg himself or the independent opinions that about 900 of its African possessions IMA acquired after the 1983 publication. are possibly not of a quality deserving display in its galleries. And Continued provenance research should also yield important since properly storing such a vast number of objects is both costly new information; the role African dealers played in the forma- and time-consuming, it seems appropriate and economically tion of the Eiteljorg Collection deserves special attention. Indeed, more viable to identify other potential repositories for these lesser what makes the Eiteljorg Collection unusually interesting from works, be it permanently through gifts or even sales or temporar- a historical point of view is the documentation that accompa- ily through (long-term) loans to one or, rather, more museums in nies it. Even though minimal, the museum records include the this country and/or abroad. Institutions with different missions names of all the African dealers from whom Eiteljorg made his and audiences, such as anthropology museums and university purchases, including Ismaila Sibi, Mourtala Diop, and Mamadou or college museums, may in fact gratefully welcome parts of the Koita. Silvia Forni and Christopher Steiner’s important recent IMA’s collection for their own educational or outreach purposes. publication on the Royal Ontario Museum’s Amrad African The question of whether any institutions on the African conti- Art Collection, Africa in the Market, as a point of reference and nent would receive works from the IMA’s vast collection has also inspiration, investigating how these names compare with those been posed. If such transfers, whether temporary or permanent, associated with other contemporaneous collections would con- were accompanied by especially designed institutional collabo- stitute a worthwhile subject for further study (see Forni and rations and the exchange of personnel and know-how, a fruitful Steiner 2015). A comparative research project on these African dialogue might ensue, leading in turn to new perspectives on the traders would contribute new insight into the history of collecting ongoing debate about cultural patrimony and restitution.

Notes fifteen works of African art. These first acquisitions from Columbus, Indiana, who acquired them during bear the object ID numbers 65.3 through 65.13 (see his African sojourn from 1884 to 1888 (cf. Kreamer 1 Before its relocation to a new suite of galleries Peat 1965). 2011). A handful of Congolese objects acquired in in May 2012, the African display at the Indianapolis 3 In brief, the IMA’s four categories for ranking its Africa between 1923 and 1926 by John Noble White Museum of Art at Newfields (IMA) was probably one entire collection based on expertise and connoisseur- (1898–1990) were sold to Harrison Eiteljorg on Octo- of the most expansive in the United States. Until 2012, ship have been defined as follows: A refers to excellent ber 31, 1977, by Lipkin Gallery in London and John the IMA’s galleries were arguably also the first in this or extraordinary works that are as good as they get; Buxton (Shango Galleries) in Dallas. country to present ancient Egyptian civilization and B refers to good to very fine works that, even though 5 Jan-Lodewijk Grootaers, email to author, May its arts within the scope of African art, a trend that has not the very best of a type or style, considering the 27, 2016. since been adopted by several other fine arts museums. market, would be in practice very difficult to upgrade; 6 Another stylistically related stool, as yet 2 Celenko was not the first curator in charge C refers to works that are good enough to be exhibited unpublished, in the GRASSI Museum of Ethnology of African art at the Indianapolis Museum of Art. as adequate representatives of a particular type or style in Leipzig (inv. no. MfV 628) was simply assigned the Prior to Celenko’s appointment, Peggy Stoltz Gilfoy but could in principle be upgraded if and when similar name “Manyema”—referring to a broad geographical (1936–1988) had been the IMA’s curator of textiles but better examples would become available; and region—when it was donated to the museum in 1907. and ethnographic art, a collection that included a finally, D refers to works of inferior quality that should A certain Ewerbeck field-collected it in eastern Central small selection of arts of sub-Saharan Africa, from not be displayed in a fine arts museum and should Africa around 1900, when he was Hauptzollamts-Vor- 1975 until her untimely death in 1988, at the age of therefore not be owned by such an institution. Fakes steher in Ujiji in present-day Tanzania. 52 (see Celenko 1992). In 1976 Gilfoy also organized and forgeries are obviously not accounted for in any of 7 This Songye figure has been the subject of the first exhibition of African highlights from the these categories. scientific testing and CT scanning by former IMA Eiteljorg Collection at the IMA (Gilfoy 1976). From 4 The IMA’s African holdings also comprise exam- conservator of objects and variable art Richard McCoy. April 11–May 9, 1965, the museum then known as the ples of Kongo “tourist” art in ivory from the Lower Most recently, the examination of the IMA Songye Art Association of Indianapolis hosted an exhibition Congo region donated between 1994 and 2001 by power figure was also addressed by Dunja Hersak curated by Roy Sieber at its former location at the Indianapolis relatives and descendants of Carl Steck- (2013a; see also Hersak 2010: 43, fig. 8). Herron Museum of Art, which led to the purchase of elmann (1862–1891), the German-born rubber trader

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