Sexual Behavior Among 1

Sexual Behavior Among Costa Ricans and Euro-Americans

Gloriana Rodríguez Arauz

A Thesis

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts in Health Psychology

Department of Psychology

Central Connecticut State University

New Britain, Connecticut

April 2010

Thesis Advisor

Dr. Marisa Mealy

Department of Psychology

Sexual Behavior Among 2

Sexual Behavior Among Costa Ricans and Euro-Americans

Gloriana Rodríguez Arauz

An Abstract of a Thesis

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the

Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

in

Health Psychology

Department of Psychology

Central Connecticut State University

New Britain, Connecticut

April 2010

Thesis Advisor

Dr. Marisa Mealy

Department of Psychology

Key Words: Sexual Behavior, Culture, Costa Rica, United States

Sexual Behavior Among 3

Abstract

Sex is a vital part of oneself. Due to its biological and social functions, sex has a profound impact on an individual‟s physical and psychological health. Risky sexual behavior may have particularly harmful consequences, including contracting HIV/AIDS or other sexually transmitted infections, lowered self-esteem, unwanted pregnancy, and the experience of social stigma. There are moral battles fought over sex education or abstinence only programs, yet what exactly is understood by the word “sex” is often left to the interpretation of the individual. In fact, although evidence suggests that there is a high level of agreement indicating that both penile-vaginal and anal intercourse are considered “having sex,” this consensus does not extend to other behaviors, such as oral sex (Randall & Byers, 2003; Trotter & Alderson, 2007).

Several factors are believed to influence variations in definitions of sex, including perceptions of behavioral appropriateness, the level of commitment in a relationship, and gender. Additionally, many cultures hold different norms and values in relation to appropriate behavior, relationships, and gender roles. Yet, research regarding the impact of ethnocultural influences on perceptions of sexual behavior has been limited. This thesis explores definitions of sex and the perceived appropriateness of sexual behaviors in two cultures with contrasting values: Costa Rica and the United States.

Results suggest that although both cultures define penile-vaginal and anal intercourse as sex, Costa Ricans consider behaviors associated with foreplay, oral sex, and phone/cyber sex as „having sex‟ more frequently than their Euro-American counterparts. For Euro-

American participants, oral sex was considered sex only when it occurred within a new Sexual Behavior Among 4

relationship, while foreplay and phone/cyber sex were almost never considered „having sex‟. On the other hand, for Costa Ricans, behaviors associated with phone/cyber sex were perceived as „having sex‟ only within a new relationship, while all other categories of behavior were defined as sex regardless of context.

Findings also suggest that relational commitments are a stronger contextual barrier in perceptions of appropriate of sexual behavior among Costa Ricans, when compared to

Euro-Americans. In fact, the majority of Euro-American respondents rated all sexual behaviors as appropriate prior to a formal commitment (marriage or domestic partnership). The only exception to this was among the Euro-American females, who indicated that anal sex was only appropriate within the context of a formal committed relationship. On the other hand, Costa Ricans generally rated the sexual behaviors as appropriate after a minimum of 3 months dating. For Costa Rican females, phone/cyber sex was only appropriate within the context of a formal commitment and anal sex was almost never considered appropriate.

This thesis demonstrates the importance of considering culture when exploring sexual behavior. It explains cultural differences in accordance with the theoretical implications of individualism/collectivism, masculinity/femininity, and conservative morality.

Furthermore, it discusses implications for intercultural relationships, the design of prevention programs, and health care. Sexual Behavior Among 5

Sexual Behavior among Costa Ricans and Euro-Americans

Sex is universal, but it is one of the most taboo topics. It is “something nobody talks about, but everybody does something about” (Levinger, 1966, p. 261). Sexual behaviors fulfill a number of needs for both the self and partner: procreation, pleasure, and intimacy. In addition to being a biologically hard-wired function, sex is subject to societal expectations and ideas that profoundly impact our experience (Hofstede, 1998).

It is often considered alluring, pleasurable, and the quintessential expression of freedom.

Simultaneously, sex is seen as something mysterious, disgusting, and even dangerous

(Michael, Gagnon, Laumann & Kolata, 1995).

The way that a person thinks about sex feeds myths and misconceptions, governs sexual behavior, and leads judgments about the self and others (Michael, et al. 1995). A person‟s understanding of sex may have a strong impact on both personal behavior and the conceptualization of the self. For example, if a teenage boy has not had sex by the time the majority of his friends have, he may wonder if there is something “wrong” with him. He might also make unwise sexual choices to prove his masculinity.

When sexual behavior is perceived as socially inappropriate, it is considered promiscuous. Promiscuity is defined in terms of deviant quantities of casual and indiscriminate sexual behavior, according to the norms of a determined society (Clayton

& Trafimow, 2007; Merriam Webster Dictionary, 2003). Female promiscuity in particular tends to be linked to negative attributions. If a woman‟s sexual conduct is not considered proper, she may be perceived as being a member of a low socioeconomic status or as cognitively and emotionally unstable (Ericsson & Jon 2006; Attwood, 2007). Sexual Behavior Among 6

In the United States, over 90% of college students are believed to be sexually active, and many engage in unprotected sex (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

[CDC], 2002). Engaging in this type of risky sexual behavior is frequently cited as the primary reason for the spread of sexually transmitted infections (United States Food and

Drug Administration [FDA], 1990; Rutgers Health Services, 2005). While a few sexually transmitted infections may be fairly harmless, most, if left untreated, could cause cancer, birth defects, infertility, and/or death. One of the deadliest consequences of engaging in risky sexual behavior is the transmission of the HIV virus and the development of AIDS.

In fact, since 1981, over 25 million people (more than 3 times the population of New

York City) have died as a result of the AIDS epidemic (Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS [UNAIDS], 2008). Additionally, it is estimated that on a global level approximately half of all new HIV infections happen among people 15-24 years of age

(UNAIDS, 2008).

Defining Sex

Sex is ever-present and is a prime factor in defining one‟s identity. Risky sexual behavior is the source of major health concerns in the US and worldwide. However, what exactly is understood by the word “sex” is often left to the interpretation of the performer or the receiver of the behavior. In fact, a number of factors appear to influence what people actually define as sex. Sex is primarily defined in terms of the behaviors people consider to be part of a sexual encounter: penile-vaginal intercourse, oral sex, petting or fondling of breasts and genitals, etc. The Merriam-Webster Dictionary (2003) defines the act of sex as “the activities associated with sexual intercourse.” The book “Questions

Kids Ask about Sex” defines it as occurring when one person touches the other‟s genitals Sexual Behavior Among 7

and that person is sexually aroused (Fitch & Cox, 2007). The United States Center for

Disease Control included penile-vaginal intercourse, anal intercourse, and oral sex in their definition of sex (CDC, 2002). And, when Bill Clinton was president of the United

States, he argued that oral sex wasn‟t sex at all (CBS Broadcasting Inc., 2009).

The diversity of definitions and understandings make it clear that there is no general agreement about what constitutes having “had sex” and how sexual partners should be counted (Sanders & Reinisch, 1999). Empirical studies have shown that there is a high level of consensus among young adults that both penile-vaginal intercourse and penile-anal intercourse can be defined as sex (Sanders & Reinisch, 1999; Richters &

Song, 1999; Randall & Byers, 2003; Trotter & Alderson, 2007; Peterson & Muehlenhard,

2007). However, there is little agreement about the inclusion of other behaviors.

Randall and Byers (2003) found that a small percentage of Canadian students (14%) considered phone or cyber sex to be sex. Findings are even more divided regarding oral sex. Approximately 60% of U.S. Americans do not consider oral sex to be having sex - if it was the most intimate contact they have had until that moment (Sanders & Reinsch,

1999; Richters & Song, 1999).

Appropriateness of Sexual Behaviors

Sexual experience may be influenced by the appropriateness of various sexual behaviors (DeLamater & Maccorquodale, 1979; Davis & Kaats, 1972). Penile-vaginal intercourse is commonly perceived as standard sexual behavior for married heterosexual couples. It is necessary for procreation as well as for pleasure, and is considered an appropriate behavior for even the most conservative individuals (Michael, et al. 1995). Sexual Behavior Among 8

On the other hand, many scholars from Abrahamic religions argue that anal sex and fellatio should be condemned as sodomy. In fact, shortly after being granted statehood, several states, including Idaho, Kansas, Michigan and Alabama, had anti-sodomy laws that condemned both anal and oral sex as immoral and criminal (Michael, et al. 1995).

According to the American Law Encyclopedia (2009) oral and anal sex are still punishable in some states as “unnatural sexual relations.”

In practice, however, there has been a substantial shift in the perceived appropriateness of oral sex in the United States (Jayson 2005). The original Kinsey

Studies (1948-1953) reported that only 10% of men had performed oral sex before marriage and 19% of females had performed oral sex before marriage (Kinsey, Pomery,

Martin & Gebhard (1953). Baby-boomers commonly perceived oral sex as being even more intimate than penile-vaginal intercourse (Jayson, 2005). However, currently, young adults in the United States tend to view oral sex casually. By 2005, more than half of 15-

19 year olds reported having given or received oral sex and, of U.S. American teenagers who consider themselves virgins, 25% reported having engaged in oral sex (Jayson,

2005). Sixty percent of college students indicated that they did not believe that having oral-genital contact constituted having sex and, for many, oral sex does not even need to occur within the confines of a relationship (Jayson, 2005).

Relational Context

Another factor that affects definitions of sex and appropriate sexual behavior is the relational context (e.g. casual encounter, steady dating, etc.) in which it occurred.

United States college students, of both genders, indicated that premarital sex was Sexual Behavior Among 9

considered more appropriate when the couple was engaged or in love, as opposed to casually acquainted (Medora & Medora, 1990). Additionally, the frequency and duration of the period in which sexual encounters occurred has been shown to affect whether or not a person is considered to be a sexual partner. Cecil, Bogart, Wagstaff, Pinkerton, and

Abramson (2002) found that more than three fourths of college students were more likely to consider someone a sexual partner if the couple had engaged in vaginal or anal intercourse several times over the course of a three-month dating relationship. This was in contrast to situations in which the couples had engaged in the act only once, while dating for a short period or not dating.

College students also included more behaviors in their definition of “having sex” if the behaviors occurred within the context of a dating relationship that lasted three months or more (Trotter & Alderson, 2007). Thus, people refer to the relational context in order to determine when a person is considered a sexual partner and which sexual behaviors constitute “having sex.”

Gender

Another factor that influences definitions of sex and appropriate sexual behavior is gender and gender roles. Traditional sexual behavior roles state that women are supposed to be restrained in their sexual interests, but men are expected to show this interest continuously and to engage in active pursuit of sexual pleasure (O‟Sullivan,

1995). It is generally considered more appropriate for a man to have many sexual partners than for a woman (Clayton & Trafimow, 2007). Accordingly, males report sexual behavior to be more appropriate when it happens in the context of a casual Sexual Behavior Among 10

acquaintance than females, who find it appropriate primarily within the context of steady dating (Medora & Medora, 1990). Men are also more willing to have intercourse with someone they have known for three hours, with two different people within a six hour period, or with someone they did not love (Knox, Sturdivant, & Zusman, 2001).

This gendered perception of sexual activity is not only influenced by the relational context, but also by the behavior type. Men report a higher incidence of kissing, petting, and intercourse than women (Oliver & Hyde, 1993). Furthermore, males rate oral sex and anal sex as more appropriate behaviors than females while women tend to perceive penile-vaginal intercourse as less appealing than men (Medora & Medora, 1990, Michael et al. 1995). On the other hand, women tend to include more behaviors in their definitions of “having sex” than males (Trotter & Alderson, 2007).

Differences in the appropriateness of sexual behavior for men and women comprise the sexual double standard, in which women are judged more harshly

(Milhousen & Herold, 1999; Jackson & Cram, 2003). Although there is evidence that this double standard persists, studies also suggest that there have been attempts to challenge the perceived appropriateness of promiscuity among males (Garcia, 2006).

Recent studies have shown that promiscuous males are often evaluated in a negative light.

College students from Canada and adolescents from New Zealand have indicated that promiscuous men cannot be trusted and, therefore, are perceived as being less socially desirable (Jackson & Cram, 2003; Milhousen & Herold, 1999; Perlini & Boychuk, 2006). Sexual Behavior Among 11

Ethnocultural Influences

People born in a given culture generally follow its standards of appropriate sexual conduct and regard those of other societies as peculiar and odd (Rouse, 2002). In fact, certain behaviors have different connotations across cultures. For example, kissing on the mouth is a behavior that is considered erotic in Western society, whereas in some Sub-

Saharan African cultures this is not the case (Rye & Meany, 2007). In Japan, it is a common for family and friends to bathe together in the nude, while in the West being nude in front of others is considered to be intimate and of erotic nature (Hofstede, 1998).

These two examples exemplify the existence of implicit norms for what is defined as sexual behavior by a given culture.

Such normative standards also play a significant role in determining which sexual behaviors are considered appropriate and the attributions made about people whose sexual behavior deviates from the norm (Clayton & Trafimow, 2007). In turn, these mores influence the behavior of members of the group to which they apply. For example, the United States Center for Disease Control (2002) reported significant differences in sexual behavior across ethnic groups, with Euro-Americans being more likely to engage in oral sex with their partner than Hispanic or African Americans. Furthermore, Euro-

American women were more likely to engage in anal intercourse than Hispanic women

(CDC, 2002).

Literature has been scarce in documenting the impact of international social and cultural norms on definitions of what constitutes sex and appropriate sexual behavior

(Sanders & Reinisch, 1999). However, national culture is likely to have a strong impact Sexual Behavior Among 12

on perceptions of sexual behavior. Even in highly similar national cultures, like the

United States and the United Kingdom, differences have been found. For example, in one study, students in the United Kingdom considered the kissing, fondling, and touching of breasts or genitals to be sex more often than their U.S. counterparts (Pitts & Rahman,

2001).

Cultural orientations.

Cultural values are complex principles that function as a behavioral guide for members of a group. They also function as guides for cognitive and affective judgments about people and situations (Kluckhohn & Strodtbeck, 1961). Thus, cultural values are also likely to influence perceptions of sexual behavior. In societies that emphasize the importance of the collective, harmony is likely to be valued more than personal satisfaction (Hofstede, 1991). In determining the significance of sexual behavior, those societies which emphasize the value of relationships over achievements are likely to assign a key role to the relational context in which a given behavior occurs. In these cultures, efforts to preserve relational harmony may also encourage the maintenance of traditional gender roles. Thus, displays of overt sexuality may be encouraged among men, but discouraged among women. Furthermore, if the society values a highly conservative notion of morality, the expressions of sexual behavior that are considered appropriate may be limited. As a result, members of the culture may fear that engaging in

„taboo‟ sexual behaviors could lead to harsh negative judgments and social ostracism.

On the other hand, some cultures value an individual‟s rights and freedoms over social responsibility (Hofstede, 1991). This emphasis on the individual could result in a Sexual Behavior Among 13

more liberal perspective, which encourages a person‟s right to choose from a wide range of sexual behaviors in pursuit of their own happiness. Sex could be viewed as an act of personal freedom that should not be restricted by the attitudes of others. In these cultures, a wider range of sexual activity is likely to be considered permissible. If the culture also places a high value on achievement, sexual behaviors may be informally ranked as if they were a goal to be achieved. Thus, in the drive to accomplish the ultimate goal of vaginal or anal intercourse, less significance may be attributed to other sexual behaviors or to the relational context in which the behaviors occur.

Euro-American culture generally privileges individual fulfillment over that of the collective (Stephan, Stephan & De Vargas, 1996). In contrast, Costa Rican culture tends to be more group-oriented and to place a higher value on traditional gender roles (Albert,

1995; Hofstede, 1998). As a result, it is likely that Euro-Americans and Costa Ricans will evidence substantial differences in their perceptions of sexual behavior.

Sexual conservatism.

Social change in the United States has led to a greater liberalization of attitudes and a redefinition of appropriate sexual behavior (Rouse, 2002). When birth control was legalized in the 1960‟s, it became possible to separate sex and childbearing by protecting women from unwanted pregnancy without limiting sexual activity (Rouse, 2002). The recognition of abortion as a legal right in 1973 further added to the control that women were beginning to experience over their sexuality (Jelen & Wilcox, 1997). As a result of these changes, women‟s levels of premarital sexual experience increased consistently Sexual Behavior Among 14

over the second half of the twentieth century, resulting in a significant narrowing of a gap between the two sexes (Smith, 2007).

Nowadays, as a means of sexual exploration, adolescents in the United States engage in a variety of pleasurable sexual behaviors that foster encounters within short- term contexts, such as “hooking up” (Woody, Russel, D‟Souza & Woody, 2000). To lessen the risks associated with intercourse, they have increasingly become engaged in non-coital sexual activity (e.g. touching and petting, mutual masturbation, and oral- genital contact). In addition, the evolution of a concept known as “technical virginity” has made it possible to define no sexual behavior, other than penile-vaginal intercourse, as “sex” (Sanders & Reinisch, 1999). Behaviors other than intercourse “do not count” and a person who has engaged in these activities may preserve their self-esteem by denying promiscuity while obtaining sexual pleasure (Jayson, 1995).

In contrast, as a former colony of Spain, Costa Rica has constructed a strong cultural heritage based on the Catholic faith. Even now, the Church retains a major voice in matters of politics, education, and morality (Carranza, 2007). Marriage is seen as the only proper terrain for sexuality to develop and public exposure of sexuality that has been lived outside its boundaries (such as unwanted pregnancy) is viewed as sinful and worthy of moral reprobation (Budowski & Rosero-Bixby, 2003). Abortion is forbidden in any shape or form and sex education is lacking as a result of ideological discrepancies between the Ministry of Education and the Catholic Church (Carranza, 2007). Sexual Behavior Among 15

Gender roles.

The traditional ideal of marriage and family, which was prevalent in the United

States during the 1950‟s, privileged a family that was composed of a male breadwinner and a wife that was completely devoted to the house and family life (Rouse, 2002).

However, the women‟s movement of the 1960‟s and 1970‟s contributed to a marked change in these gender roles. Much of its discourse was founded on the inequality faced by women and the subordination inherent in domestic roles (Rouse, 2002). Women were urged to fight for their rights, to leave the home, and work in the same jobs as men.

Furthermore, feminists within the United States suggested that, to avoid facilitating the development of “unnecessary differences” between males and females, parents should place less weight on masculinity and femininity. For similar reasons, activists encouraged the mass media not to portray differences in the behavior of men and women (Lorber, 1994). The resulting shift in gender ideology resulted in the emergence of a new ideal for many Euro-Americans. This ideal was one of a “superwoman,” who was successful in both career and domestic pursuits (Lochner, 1999).

In contrast to the United States, Costa Rica exhibits its own social and cultural context that has influenced attitudes toward sexual behavior. Throughout Latin America, women‟s movements were also prevalent in the 1960‟s and 1970‟s. However, rather than rejecting the feminine roles of wives and mothers, many movements used them as platforms from which to agitate for social change (Harwood & Miller, 1991). In Costa

Rica, Angela Acuña, a suffragist, exemplified the interrelationship of femininity and feminism when, in 1969, she wrote that femininity was the greatest beauty God had given to women (as cited by Sharratt, 1997). In spite of the continued valuation of feminine Sexual Behavior Among 16

characteristics, social change has resulted in progressive adjustments in the traditional gender dynamics of Costa Rica (Biesanz, Biesanz & Biesanz, 1999; Mannon, 2006).

These shifts may account for more openness among Costa Ricans, contributing to increases in sexual activity prior to marriage (Arroba, 2001). However, these shifts have been less abrupt than in the United States. Thus, two extreme, but complementary, ideals traditionally evidenced in Latin American cultures continue to have a strong impact in

Costa Rica.

Machismo describes a proud, overtly heterosexual, courageous, assertive, and even aggressive male (Hardin, 2002). Men are encouraged to display their masculinity in various ways, one of which is to have as many partners as possible prior to marrying and

“settling down” or being “caught” into marriage (Biesanz et al. 1999; Arroba 2001).

Conversely, marianismo holds that women should be virtuous, chaste, gentle, morally superior, and almost semi-divine. The ideal of marianismo is a stark contrast to the archetype of the whore, which is often exemplified as a passionate, seductive and arbitrary woman, who is not constrained by social rules (Hardin, 2002). Mothers of all social classes will encourage their sons to find a wife that does not fit in this deviant archetype, but who is instead faithful and enjoys domestic life (Biesanz et al. 1999).

Underlying these ideals is the expectation that unlimited sexual expression is appropriate and almost mandatory for males, but is highly detrimental and forbidden for women.

Culture of honor.

In Costa Rica, a culture of honor is intricately tied to gender roles in which males are protective and authoritative figures, while females are the guardians of morality. Sexual Behavior Among 17

Within the family, Costa Rican women are considered to embody family honor, and this honor must be preserved through a careful guarding of their sexuality. Unmarried women should be virgins and chaste, while married women should be faithful (Biesanz et al.

1999). Sexual activity outside these boundaries is constrained and prevented by the males in the family, in which resides the duty of protecting family honor (Vandello & Cohen,

2003). As a result, males in the family play a special part in protecting their sisters and other female relatives from unwanted male advances (Biesanz et al. 1999). This culture of honor frames a woman‟s sexual expression and provides clear guidelines regarding appropriate sexual behavior.

Individualism vs. collectivism.

Individualism-collectivism refers to the extent to which cultures favor an individual‟s autonomy over the group‟s well-being (Hofstede, 1991). In other words, individualistic cultures often value their own personal wishes and needs above the welfare of others. These cultures will often argue that one must take care of oneself first before it is possible to help others. Hofstede (1991) called “collectivist” societies those in which the interest of the group will prevail over those of the individual. Hofstede (1998) has found that cultures which value chastity in a potential bride-to-be also tend to be more collectivistic. This is consistent with the tendency among collectivist cultures to view marriage as a contract that will ensure prevalence of wealth and values within the same group (Hofstede, 1998).

In addition to the historical and social changes that increased sexual freedom and changed gender roles, the US has also been labeled as an individualistic culture, when Sexual Behavior Among 18

compared to most Latin American countries (Hofstede, 1998; Stephan et al.1996). In individualistic cultures, the individual is seen as unique and independent of the social context. The self is not constructed as a function of other‟s people‟s opinions or thoughts, but the wishes, needs and aspirations of the individual (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).

Individual needs are asserted above those of the group, and people are encouraged to pursue their own interests (Stephan et al. 1996). Thus, the personal pursuit of sexual pleasure is considered legitimate for both males and females. In a culture like the US, the individual views engaging in sexual activity as an act of personal freedom and as a means for individual pleasure and transcendence (Michael et al. 1995).

Collectivistic cultures, like Costa Rica, operate quite differently. They tend to rely on an interdependent conception of the self (Stephan et al. 1996). In these cultures, the self is constructed according to relationships with others, not so much individual desires and needs (Stephan et al. 1996; Marcus & Kitayama, 1991). As the self is constantly related to others, there is a need to maintain harmony in all interpersonal transactions (Stephan, et al. 1996). In this sense, Costa Rican society is one in which individuals look to one another for behavior guidelines and act according to them. Thus, one‟s behavior is considered to be everyone‟s business and all members of the collective are responsible for guarding its morality.

Achievement vs. relational cultures.

Some cultures, like the United States, emphasize the achievement of goals, ambition, and performance. Hofstede (1998) referred to these as masculine cultures. In these cultures, assertiveness and material success are more highly valued than the Sexual Behavior Among 19

nurturance of interpersonal relationships and the maintenance of harmony within a group

(Hofstede, 1998). As such, sex is often seen as an achievement, or an ultimate point of success. In the United States, sexual intercourse may be referred to in sports terms, i.e. scoring a “home run” (CBS, 2009). U.S. Americans like to think of themselves as highly sexual people (Michael et al. 1995). Thus, for Euro-Americans, sexual gratification is an ever-present goal.

Other cultures, like Costa Rica, emphasize harmony, belonging, modesty, and the nurturance of interpersonal relationships. These cultures are referred to as feminine cultures in cross-cultural literature (Hofstede, 1998; Lustig & Koester, 2002). They are characterized by the valuation of bonding, emotional awareness, and emotional connection to others. Solidarity, group consensus, and harmony in interpersonal relationships are considered to be more important than personal ambition or achievement

(Hofstede, 1998). The emphasis is also placed on the individual‟s well-being and the quality of life of an individual, rather than performance and success (Hofstede, 1998). In such cultures, sex is viewed in relational terms, and is considered a way of bonding, of strengthening an interpersonal connection (Hofstede, 1998).

This Thesis

In accordance with the variations in cultural context constructed within the USA and

Costa Rica, there are two main goals for this thesis. The first is to explore the effects of

Costa Rican and Euro-American culture on definitions of sex among college students. In addition, this thesis will explore influence of culture on the perceived appropriateness of specific sexual behaviors. Sexual Behavior Among 20

Specific Hypotheses

1. Costa Ricans will define foreplay, petting of genitals, oral sex, penile-vaginal and

anal intercourse, and phone and cyber sex as sex in more contexts than Euro-

Americans.

2. Euro-Americans will perceive more types of sexual behaviors to be appropriate

prior to establishing a formal committed relationship, when compared to Costa

Ricans.

3. Costa Ricans will rate both promiscuous females and males more negatively than

Euro Americans.

4. Costa Ricans will perceive a greater number of sexual behaviors to be

promiscuous than Euro-Americans.

Method

Participants

Data were collected from 93 undergraduate psychology students from the

University of Costa Rica in San José (39 males, 54 females) and 121 Euro-American undergraduate psychology students at Central Connecticut State University in New

Britain, Connecticut (42 males, 79 females). The majority of participants were between the ages of 17 and 25: 95% of the Costa Ricans and 98% of the Euro-Americans.

Additionally, the majority of both samples reported being single: 95% of Costa Ricans and 98% of Euro-Americans. In both countries the universities where data was collected Sexual Behavior Among 21

are four-year state funded institutions, with low tuition, which generally attract lower middle or middle class students within their respective cultures.

Prior research has demonstrated that different ethnic groups in the United States report significant differences in sexual behavior (CDC, 2002). Thus, combining data from diverse populations to represent a mono-cultural worldview could confound the interpretation of intercultural data. As a result, only participants who self-identified as

White/Euro-American (in the United States) or White/Mestizo (in Costa Rica) were included in this study. By limiting the diversity of the populations included in the study, it is possible to assure more comparable groups and to control for other cultural influences on beliefs. For similar reasons, only participants that identified themselves as being exclusively or predominantly heterosexual were included.

Finally, previous research has demonstrated that the one standard behavior which may be defined as sex is penile-vaginal intercourse (Sanders & Reinisch, 1999; Randall &

Byers, 2003; Trotter & Alderson, 2007). One Costa Rican and 6 Euro-Americans were removed from the sample, because their responses were inconsistent with this standard.

Some of these participants stated that foreplay was the only behavior to be considered as sex, or that anal sex was sex, but penile-vaginal intercourse was not. It is unclear whether these participants were uninterested in the survey, lacked understanding of the sexual content of the questions, were purposefully misleading in their responses, or simply deviated substantially from normative cultural beliefs.

Sexual Behavior Among 22

Procedure

Students at CCSU were recruited online through the SONA system. These participants completed an online survey in exchange for research credit. However, extended periods of internet access are not highly accessible to Costa Rican university students. Furthermore, in Costa Rica, the internet access that is available is unlikely to be in a private setting. As a result, students at the University of Costa Rica were contacted in their classrooms and were invited to participate. If they agreed to participate, they were then given the opportunity to complete a paper version of the survey during class time. To ensure similar levels of confidentiality in both samples, the Costa Rican participants completed the paper version of the survey from alternating seats. The survey was then returned to the experimenter in a closed envelope. These methods of data collection were chosen because they are common within the culture and, as a result, were most likely to result in the highest possible level of comfort for participants.

Measures

All materials were translated into Spanish by a Costa Rican and back translated into English by a Euro-American. This was done to ensure that the measures looked at the same construct across the two cultures (Dyal, 1984).

Definitions of Sex. An adaptation of the 29-item scale on sexual experience developed by Cowart-Pollack (1979) was used in this study. The original Cowart-Pollack measure described a variety of sexual behaviors, including foreplay, oral sex, penile- vaginal intercourse, anal intercourse, and various sexual positions. Items on sexual positions referred to variations of penile-vaginal intercourse and were excluded from the Sexual Behavior Among 23

current study. However, items relating to an additional category of interest (phone/cyber sex) were added. Participants were asked under what circumstances they would consider each of the resulting 18 behaviors (9 with orgasm and 9 without orgasm) as „having sex‟.

They responded on a 4-point Likert-scale: a) yes, in a new relationship, b) yes, in a long- term relationship, c) both, and d) never. During analysis, these responses were coded into one of three categories: Never, In Some Contexts, or Always.

The final scale was composed of 18 behaviors, with five subscales. The Foreplay

Subscale (6 items) included statements like “Vaginal and/or clitoral hand stimulation by partner with orgasm” (Costa Rican α=.87 and Euro-American α=.95). The Oral Sex

Subscale (4 items) included statements like “Oral stimulation of penis by partner with orgasm” (Costa Rican α=.96 and Euro-American α=.97). The Penile-Vaginal Intercourse

Subscale (2 items) included statements like, “Penetration of vagina by penis without orgasm” (Costa Rican α=.72 and Euro-American, α=.70). The Anal Intercourse Subscale

(2 items) included statements like “Penetration of anus by penis with orgasm” (Costa

Rican α=.96 and Euro-American α=.99), and the Phone/Cyber Sex Subscale (4 items) included statements like “Masturbation while having a telephone conversation with partner, without orgasm” (Costa Rican α=.96 and Euro-American α=.98).

Appropriateness of Sexual Behavior. The same adaptation of Cowart-Pollack

Sexual Experience Scale (1979) was used to explore the perceived appropriateness of sexual behavior. Items were presented in the same order, but participants were prompted to respond to the question: In your opinion, when is it appropriate for the following behaviors to occur in a relationship? Participants then responded in accordance with an

8-point Likert scale. Possible responses included: a) upon a first meeting, b) on a first Sexual Behavior Among 24

date, c) when the couple has been dating exclusively for three months or more, d) when the couple has been dating exclusively for a year or more, e) when the couple is engaged to marry, f) when the couple is living together, g) when the couple is legally married, and h) never. For the purposes of analysis, these were coded into 4 categories: early stages, three months to one year dating, formal commitment, and never. Higher numbers indicated higher constraints on the relational context in which sexual behavior was considered appropriate. The reliability for each subscale was computed: Foreplay (Costa

Rican α=.95 and Euro-American α=.96), Oral Sex (Costa Rican α=.97 and Euro-

American α=.98), Penile-Vaginal Intercourse (Costa Rican α=.99 and Euro-American

α=.96), Anal Intercourse (Costa Rican α=.97 and Euro-American α=.98), and

Phone/Cyber Sex (Costa Rican α=.95 and Euro-American α=.92).”

Promiscuity scenario. This scenario was developed by Perlini and Boychuk

(2006). It displayed a paragraph about a fictitious character that engages in four sexual behaviors: deep kissing, petting of genitals, oral sex, and penile-vaginal/anal intercourse.

The vignette read as follows:

With respect to sexual habits, his/her friends describe John/Laura as (deep

kissing, engaging in heavy petting of genitals, having oral sex, penile-vaginal

intercourse, anal intercourse) frequently and with numerous partners. Many of

these sexual encounters are for one night only and John/Laura is very comfortable

with this. When he/she is in a relationship, his/her friends state that he/she often

fantasizes about (deep kissing, engaging in heavy petting of genitals, having oral

sex, penile-vaginal intercourse, anal intercourse) with other partners. They Sexual Behavior Among 25

suggest that John/Laura enjoys this and plans to continue with such sexual

practices.

This scenario was presented in reference to a male and a female target. The male and female scenario presented a male engaging in the four different sexual behaviors, as did the female scenario: deep kissing, heavy petting of genitals, oral sex, and penile- vaginal/anal intercourse. Participants were asked four times how promiscuous they considered the man or woman presented to be according to each of the four activities cited earlier. Its reliability was .87 for Euro-Americans and .56 for Costa Ricans. The female promiscuity scale also consisted of these 4 items, with a reliability of .84 for Euro-

Americans and .60 for Costa Ricans.

Demographics. Participants were asked about age, sex, number of sexual partners during their lifetime and the last year, religious affiliation, ethnic background, civil state, nationality, sexual orientation and previous sexual experience during the lifetime and the past year.

Results

Correlations between definitions of sex, appropriateness of sexual behavior, sexual partners, intercourse partners, and promiscuity measures according to culture and gender are shown in Table 1.

Sexual and Intercourse Partners

Tests of between subjects effects revealed a significant interaction between gender and nationality on the number of sexual partners in the last year, F(3, 198)=5.56, p<.05, Sexual Behavior Among 26

and the number of people with whom participants reported having penile-vaginal intercourse within the last year, F(3, 198)=5.35, p<.05. While Euro-Americans reported a similar number of partners across genders, Costa Ricans females reported approximately 1 person less than Costa Rican males (See Figure 1).

Additionally, on a one-tailed test of between subjects effects, this interaction was marginally significant for the number of lifetime sexual partners, F(3, 198)=2.50, p<.10.

No significant differences were found in the number of lifetime penile-vaginal intercourse partners, F(3, 198)=1.43, ns. In general, Euro-American females reported 1 lifetime sexual partner less than Euro-American males, whereas Costa Ricans females reported approximately 3 people less than Costa Rican males (See Figure 2). In sum, Costa Rican females tended to report lower numbers of partners than Costa Rican males and Euro-

American males and females.

Furthermore, independent samples t-tests indicated that, in Costa Rica, males reported significantly more sexual and intercourse partners than females: sexual partners during the last year: t(84) = 2.37, p<.05; sexual partners during the lifetime: t(83) = 2.69, p<.01; intercourse partners during the last year: t(86) = 2.77, p<.01; intercourse partners during lifetime, t(84) = 2.37, p<.01 However, there was no significant difference between genders for Euro-Americans (For means and standard deviations see Table 2).

Definitions of Sex

It was hypothesized that Costa Ricans would define foreplay, oral sex, penile- vaginal intercourse, anal intercourse, and phone/cyber sex more as sex than Euro-

Americans. A MANOVA was used to test for differences in the definitions of sex Sexual Behavior Among 27

indicated by Euro-Americans and Costa Ricans. The hypothesis was supported. Costa

Ricans considered significantly more behaviors to be considered sex than Euro-

Americans F(4, 199)= 27.72, p<.001. Tests of between subjects effects revealed that

Costa Ricans perceived all behaviors to be sex significantly more frequently than Euro-

Americans (See Figure 3 and Table 3). Additionally, on a one-tailed test of significance there was a significant interaction between gender and nationality on intercourse, and an marginally significant interaction effect on anal sex, where Costa Rican females considered intercourse and anal sex to be sex the least often than all other participants

(See Figure 3 and Table 3).

Perceived Appropriateness of Sex

It was hypothesized that Euro-Americans would perceive more types of sexual behaviors to be appropriate prior to marriage than Costa Ricans. A MANOVA was used to test for differences between Euro-Americans and Costa Ricans in the perceived appropriateness of sexual behaviors. This hypothesis was supported. Euro-Americans perceived all five behaviors examined as significantly more appropriate within the first couple of dates than Costa Ricans, F(5, 186)= 6.02, p<.001, who prefer sexual behavior to occur within a steady dating relationship (See Table 4 and Figure 4). Additionally, on a one-tailed test of significance there was a marginally significant interaction between gender and nationality on phone/cyber sex, F(3, 190)=2.05, p<.10 where Costa Rican females see phone/cyber sex to be less appropriate than other participants (See Figure 4).

Sexual Behavior Among 28

Perceptions of Promiscuity

It was hypothesized that Costa Ricans would give more negative ratings to both promiscuous females and males than Euro Americans. A MANOVA was conducted to test for cross-cultural differences in promiscuity ratings of the female fictitious character.

This hypothesis was not supported. Significant differences were found in the ratings given by Euro-Americans and Costa Ricans on both female and male promiscuous characters F(2, 210)= 14.61, p<.001. Euro-Americans tended to rate females as more promiscuous than Costa Ricans (Costa Ricans, M=1.47, SD=0.44 and for Euro Americans

M=1.77, SD=0.44). The same trend was seen for the ratings of male promiscuity (Costa

Ricans, M=1.50, SD=0.41 and for Euro Americans M=1.81, SD=0.42).

It was hypothesized that Costa Ricans would perceive a greater number of sexual behaviors to be promiscuous than Euro-Americans. A MANOVA was used to test for cross-cultural differences in promiscuity ratings for types of sexual activity. This hypothesis was not supported. Across the board, there were no differences between Costa

Ricans and Euro-Americans in how promiscuous they considered kissing, petting of genitals, oral sex and intercourse, for both female and male characters presented F(4,

208)= 7.23, ns.

Discussion

Costa Ricans tend to define foreplay and oral sex as sex regardless of the context, and phone/cyber sex as sex in some contexts. On the other hand, Euro-Americans never considered foreplay or phone/cyber sex as sex. However, in some contexts, oral sex Sexual Behavior Among 29

could be defined as sex. For both Costa Ricans and Euro-Americans, penile-vaginal intercourse and anal intercourse are considered to be sex regardless of context.

Costa Ricans rated more sexual behaviors to be appropriate within a relationship that entails commitment, as opposed to Euro Americans. Costa Ricans rated foreplay, oral sex, penile-vaginal intercourse, and phone/cyber sex as appropriate only after the couple had been dating for a minimum of 3 months. In contrast, for Euro-Americans, oral sex and foreplay are generally considered appropriate when a couple is just beginning to date.

The only exceptions are vaginal and anal intercourse, which are considered appropriate when the couple are, at least, dating steadily. Contrary to expectations, Euro-Americans considered both the female and male targets to be more promiscuous than Costa Ricans.

Type of sexual behavior proved not to be determinant of promiscuity ratings. Both Costa

Ricans and Euro-Americans considered deep kissing, petting of genitals, oral sex and penile-vaginal/anal intercourse to be similarly promiscuous.

Cross-Cultural Comparisons of Sexual Behavior

Foreplay.

In the case of foreplay, the cross-cultural differences are striking. It appears that foreplay is almost never considered sex for Euro-Americans, but for Costa Ricans it is considered to be sex in certain contexts. Costa Ricans consider foreplay to be appropriate within the context of steady dating. For Euro-Americans, foreplay can happen when the couple first few meetings. This coincides with the fact that foreplay is more likely to be considered „having sex‟ among Costa Ricans than Euro-Americans.

When a Costa Rican is in a committed relationship that is legitimized by the most Sexual Behavior Among 30

important circle of relationships (the family), and the initial sexual contacts begin to occur, the symbolic approval given by everyone makes the appropriateness barrier fade away. In this accepting environment of a relationship foreplay is considered as sexual behavior not because of what it leads to, but in terms of how it binds a couple that already has it‟s in group‟s approval. Thus, for Costa Ricans, sex is considered to be an experience that is a part of a relationship, rather than a progression toward an ultimate goal.

Consequently, within certain contexts, Costa Ricans may consider some acts of foreplay to be „sex.‟ On the other hand, in achievement oriented cultures foreplay is more likely to be viewed as a preparation for a sexual encounter (Gray, 1980). It follows that, for the more goal-oriented Euro-American, foreplay is perceived as a prelude to the sexual encounter, rather than the final objective.

Oral sex.

In terms of oral sex, the pattern of findings is consistent with those of foreplay.

As such, it is likely that many of the same value mechanisms underlie definitions of oral sex. Specifically, the results indicate that oral sex is almost always classified as sex to

Costa Ricans, regardless of the context, whereas for Euro-Americans, it is only considered sex in certain contexts. Furthermore, there is a tendency for Costa Ricans rate oral sex as more appropriate if it occurs within the context of steady dating or a formal commitment, whereas Euro-Americans find it appropriate when the couple is just beginning to date.

As in the case of foreplay, Costa Rican‟s perceptions of the definition and appropriateness of oral sex can be tied to a context that privileges bonding, relationship Sexual Behavior Among 31

strengthening and nurturance and care for those relationships. Oral sex may be seen by

Costa Ricans as a behavior that is overtly intimate, as opposed to one that fosters exploration and leads to the culmination of the sexual act. As such, it is only considered appropriate within a strong, nurturant relationship, in which intimacy has increased and commitment is high. On the other hand, for Euro-Americans, oral sex has been highly popularized as a recreational activity to foster sexual exploration outside of penetrative sex acts and of long-term relationships that involve commitment (Jayson, 2005; Curtis &

Hunt, 2007). This clearly supports the argument that oral sex is not as closely linked to relationship development in the US.

Penile-vaginal and anal intercourse.

In the introduction, it is mentioned that penile-vaginal intercourse and anal intercourse are two sexual behaviors that are almost always considered to be sexual behavior. Yet, in the current study cultural differences have been found. Costa Ricans consider both types of intercourse to be sex, but may be influenced by the relational contexts examined in this study. In contrast, for Euro-Americans penile-vaginal intercourse and anal intercourse are always considered sex, regardless of the context. It is appropriate for Costa Ricans to have penile-vaginal intercourse within a steady dating relationship, but Euro-Americans consider intercourse appropriate when the couple is getting to know one another. Therefore, when it comes to sex, perceptions of penile- vaginal intercourse as sex are considered more likely to be influenced by context by Costa

Ricans than for Euro-Americans. Sexual Behavior Among 32

The highly conservative foundation of Costa Rican society could also contribute to the importance of context in Costa Rica, when determining whether penile-vaginal intercourse may be defined as having sex. In accordance with the religious connotations associated with marianismo, a woman should also be almost non-sexual (like the Virgin

Mary). Thus, it is preferable for her to unfold her sexuality within an accepted religious context, rather than outside of it. Just as a marriage which occurs without the blessing of the Catholic Church would not be considered a real marriage, the acceptance of sexual intercourse as „having sex‟ without any regard to the context may be perceived as the equivalent of viewing it as appropriate behavior. Furthermore, in a culture where women embody family honor, it is not surprising that penile- vaginal intercourse is considered more appropriate within a committed relationship. Sexual intercourse is ultimately related to procreation, the ability to give life and to nurture the most weak and it is through penile-vaginal intercourse, that women may become mothers. Motherhood is not only firmly intertwined with marianismo, but mothers also hold an almost sacred place within a family, acting as symbols of strength, devotion and respect (Mealy, Stephan &

Abalakina-Paap, 2006).

In regard to the perceived appropriateness of anal intercourse, Costa Ricans find that it is appropriate only at a high level of commitment (like marriage) if ever, while

Euro Americans find it appropriate in steady dating or a high level of commitment (like marriage). One reason for the strong levels of commitment that Costa Ricans attach to anal intercourse may be that this behavior is seen as a last frontier, an ultimate way to bond, thus, the relationship has to be strong between a couple for it to happen. However, anal intercourse tends to be considered almost completely inappropriate for females, who Sexual Behavior Among 33

are least likely to consider anal sex as „having sex.‟ (generally rating it as either appropriate only within a committed relationship or never appropriate). They may see the anus as “dirty” and “sinful” place to use for sexual purposes. However, if they find themselves under constant pressure from a partner to engage in it, they may agree if the pre-condition of high levels of commitment is met. For Costa Ricans, it may be that anal intercourse violates some principle of nurturance (by being an inappropriate place to have intercourse with or its relation to homosexuality), while Euro-Americans see anal sex as the ultimate achievement in terms of sexual behavior. This goes in line with the consideration of sex as an achievement, which according to Hofstede (1998) is characteristic of masculine cultures.

It is the two penetrative behaviors which are most likely to be considered sex by

Euro-Americans, whereas they do not consider foreplay, oral sex and phone/cyber sex to be sex as much. This exemplifies the dichotomy of nurturance vs. achievement. For

Euro-Americans, penetrative behaviors speak of culmination and success in a context that focuses on achievement, so this explains the higher definitions of these as sex, while for

Costa Ricans, penile-vaginal and anal intercourse, like other behaviors, foster relationship enhancement. This cultural difference could also be due to the emphasis sex education in the US places on penile-vaginal intercourse and anal intercourse as sex in all situations

(CDC, 2002).

Phone/cyber sex.

The findings of this study concurred with those of earlier research by Trotter and

Alderson (2007), which suggested that sexual interactions via the telephone or the Sexual Behavior Among 34

internet are almost never considered sex among North American students. However, findings from this study also indicated that phone/cyber sex is considered „having sex‟ by

Costa Ricans (in a relational context), but not Euro-Americans. This cultural difference may be related to the accessibility of these services in each society. While in recent years both internet access and phone sex services have been increasing in Costa Rica, they remain an expensive service. College students, in particular, often have internet access.

However, this service is not unlimited. People must pay for the time they spend on the internet. Moreover, the majority of college students in Costa Rica still live with their parents and, consequently, have limited privacy within their homes. Thus, the likelihood of engaging in phone/cyber sex decreases because both computers and telephones are more susceptible to monitoring from family members. In contrast, these services are commonly talked about and even advertised on television in the United States.

For Costa Ricans, these restrictions on accessibility may limit familiarity with the behaviors and their costly nature may make them seem more “forbidden.” As a result, phone/cyber sex may be perceived as a highly intimate behavior. This increase in perceived intimacy may increases perceptions of phone/cyber sex as „having sex‟. On the other hand, in the United States, these services are commonly discussed and are even advertised on television. Moreover, internet and phone services are readily available, which could reduce the levels of intimacy associated with these behaviors among Euro-

Americans.

Interestingly, across both cultures, phone and cyber sex were generally viewed as appropriate within the context of steady dating or a formal commitment. However, Costa Sexual Behavior Among 35

Rican women tended to perceive this behavior as appropriate primarily within the context of a formal commitment. Thus, Euro-Americans and Costa Rican women tender to place more contextual restraints on the appropriateness of phone/cyber sex than on oral sex, or even penile vaginal intercourse. This may reflect the relative novelty associated with the integration of this technology into sexual behavior. Furthermore, these more limited ratings of appropriateness are unusual, given that the behaviors associated with phone/cyber sex were also rated as the least likely to be considered „having sex‟. Thus, it is also possible that these because these behaviors do not involve a touching another person‟s body they imply a level of sterility that somehow disassociates these behaviors from sexuality.

Cultural and Gender Interactions

Costa Rican females were less likely to consider both penile-vaginal and anal intercourse as sex than Euro-American females and males from either culture. However, the perceived appropriateness of these behaviors varied in inverse directions. In Costa

Rica women generally reported a perception of penile-vaginal intercourse as „having sex.‟

However, they also associated higher levels of contextual importance with this definition.

They also indicated that they felt that the act of penile-vaginal intercourse was appropriate in a dating relationship, and did not necessitate a formal commitment. Thus, while women in Costa Rica may choose to engage in penile-vaginal intercourse in a dating relationship, to preserve their image and their honor, they may also choose to

„count‟ a person as a sexual partner only if they meet the appropriate relational criteria.

For example, if a dating relationship, in which a woman chose to engage in penile-vaginal Sexual Behavior Among 36

intercourse one time, should end sooner than expected she may choose not to define it as sex.

On the other hand, while women in Costa Rican were less likely to define anal intercourse as sex, they also tended to view it as a behavior almost never appropriate

(regardless of context). Thus, one possible reason that Costa Rican females did not classify anal intercourse as sex may be because it is perceived as so inappropriate that it should not be contemplated as having sex. This possibility is supported by the fact that over 80% of the responses from Costa Rican females rated anal intercourse as either never sex or always sex. More specifically, of the 52 respondents 14 viewed the behavior as never sex and 29 viewed it as always sex. Thus, anal intercourse was not generally viewed as a behavior whose definition as sex was context dependent.

The image of the anus can evoke an image of a “dirty” place to have intercourse and as a place that is perceived as non-pleasurable (Ndinda, Chimbwete, McGrath and

Pool, 2008). Thus, the concept of anal intercourse may trigger painful and disgusting images to many Costa Rican women, who are generally the ones in charge of the cleaning and asepsis of the domestic environment. In addition to these associations with dirtiness, the view of anal intercourse as inappropriate among Costa Rican females may be explained by prevalent Catholic values in the country: Anal intercourse is not procreative and Costa Rican women are the guardians of moral and religious values according to marianismo. Thus perceived as a behavior that goes against what God intended, it would be understandable that women in Costa Rica reject definitions of anal intercourse as sex

(Arroba, 2006). Sexual Behavior Among 37

Promiscuity

Linked with the appropriateness of sexual behavior, evaluations of female and male promiscuous sexual behavior showed some interesting cross-cultural differences.

However, Euro-Americans and Costa Ricans perceptions of these issues did not differ as expected. Contrary to the hypotheses, Euro-Americans were harsher in their judgments of female and male promiscuity than Costa Ricans.

One possible explanation for this is that because more nurturing (feminine) cultures emphasize caring in relationships, Costa Ricans prefer to avoid conflict and to appear non-judgmental. Furthermore, because a relational orientation is accentuated in

Costa Rica, they may look to others‟ behaviors as a reference for their own. As such,

Costa Ricans may not want to judge others harshly, given that they could be in that position themselves someday and they would not like others to judge them harshly. In this case, the more individualistic orientation of Euro-American culture could enable individuals to pass judgments which are personally beneficial, rather than inhibit those judgments out of concern for the other.

Sexual and Intercourse Partners

Results from this thesis found that across both gender and nationality, participants reported, on average, more sexual partners than the number of people with whom they had engaged in penile-vaginal intercourse. This suggests that in both cultures penile- vaginal intercourse is not the only behavior that defines a “sexual partner.” Further analyses of sexual and intercourse partners in terms of gender and nationality revealed that Costa Rican females reported having had fewer partners during the last year than Sexual Behavior Among 38

Costa Rican males, and that Euro-American males and females reported a similar number of partners during the past year. Similar results were found for the number of lifetime sexual and intercourse partners.

In addition, Costa Rican females reported significantly fewer partners than their male counterparts, while Euro-American females reported only 1 lifetime sexual and intercourse partner less than Euro-American males. Across all four categories (sexual partners in the last year, sexual partners in the lifetime, penile-vaginal intercourse partners in the last year, and penile-vaginal intercourse in their lifetime), Costa Rican females reported the lowest number of partners. Consistent with this finding is the fact that the majority of Euro-American male participants (81%), Euro-American female participants

(76%), and Costa Rican male participants (62%) reported having had penile-vaginal intercourse at some point in their lifetime. However, the majority of Costa Rican females reported that they had not had penile-vaginal intercourse (56%).

The low number of both sexual and intercourse partners reported by Costa Rican females is worth noting. This may be explained by the more conservative tendencies found in Costa Rica. As a result of these conservative cultural values, Costa Rican women are more likely to have been involved in long-term committed relationships, thus decreasing their overall number of sexual partners. Furthermore, as noted by Arroba

(2001), there is a contradiction in Costa Rican women‟s view of sexuality. The country appears to be progressing toward a greater level of acceptance of sexual matters, as evidenced by the increasing secularization and the weakening of the control males used to have over their sisters, daughters and wives (Arroba, 2006). However, there is still an Sexual Behavior Among 39

inability to accept that women want sex for pleasure or satisfaction (Arroba, 2001; Rye &

Meaney, 2007).

The tendency of Costa Rican males to report significantly more partners contrasts greatly with the female tendency to report the least. This dichotomy exemplifies machismo and marianismo: An overtly sexual male and an almost non-sexual woman.

The higher numbers of sexual and intercourse partners among Costa Rican males can be explained by the need to comply with the ideals of machismo, in which males are supposed to be highly sexual. In fact, the ideal presented to Costa Rican males is characterized by pressure to express masculinity in every context possible: at work, in public, when courting, and in bed. This need to demonstrate one‟s manhood often results in a man having multiple partners, sometimes even whole additional families outside committed relationships (Arroba, 2006). Consequently, although a Costa Rican female may be in a long-term committed relationship with a Costa Rican male, it does not necessarily imply that the male has been faithful.

A related possibility suggests that since marianismo emphasizes a woman‟s devotion to her family as the primary context in which to nurture relationships and be aware of other‟s emotions and desires. Thus, Costa Rican women may report less partners because they filter their own personal histories in terms of how significant past relationships were for them and for their significant others. Hence, for a Costa Rican female, a sexual partner may be someone who her family and friends know, has some level of approval within those circles, had a considerable time dating with, and even was thinking of marrying. In other words, a Costa Rican woman may be less likely to Sexual Behavior Among 40

consider context when determining whether certain behaviors (foreplay, oral sex, penile- vaginal intercourse, and anal sex) should be defined as “having sex.” As such, it is possible that the Costa Rican woman has engaged in these types of activities with several people, but if the relational context permits her to not „count‟ the experience as „having sex‟ she is able to lower her ultimate number of partners and preserve her own self- concept as well as social desirability.

Implications

The cross-cultural differences in definitions of sex and the appropriateness of sexual behavior have fascinating implications for designing comprehensive sex education and prevention programs, as well as intercultural relations. The United States, being a multicultural country, has an incredible cultural diversity among its teenage population.

This diversity extends to attitudes toward sexual behavior and, in turn, behaviors themselves. At times, the variation in behaviors can lead to severe consequences. For example, among Hispanic teenagers there is a 1 in 5 chance of an unwanted pregnancy, as compared to the 1 in 12 chance of non-Hispanic Whites (CDC, 2008). Even when socioeconomic status is taken into consideration, the unintended pregnancy rate among

Hispanics in the United States appears to be higher than that of non-Hispanic Whites. In fact, in one study of women (aged 15-44) above the poverty line, approximately 22.5% of

Hispanic women had experienced an unwanted pregnancy, as compared to only 15% of

White women above the poverty line (Finer & Henshaw, 2006). To adequately serve this multicultural population and to facilitate educated decisions regarding sexual activity, comprehensive sex education must confront notions of appropriateness as well as Sexual Behavior Among 41

culturally normative definitions of sex. Perhaps sex education programs in the United

States would have a stronger impact on the Hispanic population if they integrated a cultural component, addressing the role of relationship nurturance in contraception and sexual behavior.

Furthermore, the cultural influences evidenced in this thesis can aid in the design of culturally sensitive prevention strategies. It is clear that what is considered sex by

Euro-Americans may not be considered sex for other cultures. Given that templates of prevention programs developed in the United States may be imported by other countries, it is important that health professionals take these differences into account for their programs, thus strengthening their impact on target populations. For example, a prevention program for unwanted pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases that focuses exclusively on penile-vaginal intercourse may cause confusion to Costa Rican recipients of the program, who may consider other behaviors to be sex. It would also important for prevention programs in Costa Rica to carefully consider their approach to behaviors such as anal sex.

Furthermore, prevention programs in Costa Rica should carefully consider their approach to behaviors like anal sex. Women in Costa Rica tend to view anal sex as never being an appropriate act and, in fact, do not even consider the behavior to be sex.

As a result, they may be less likely to engage in it, which could lower their risk of contracting the HIV/AIDS infection. On the other hand, sex educators in Costa Rica may underestimate the frequency of anal sex and avoid discussing it, thereby permitting ignorance, propagating stigma, and increasing the possibility of infection among Costa

Ricans who practice anal sex. Sexual Behavior Among 42

The findings from this thesis also have implications for the formation of health practitioners in the United States, especially those who might interact with Costa Rican immigrant women. For example, if health practitioners inquire about a female patient‟s sexual history, he or she may be unaware that Costa Rican females tend to lower their number of partners or that they count their partners in terms of relationship significance.

Hence, this may bias the health practitioner‟s perception of the patient‟s sexual history. If a health practitioner asks a female or male if he or she has had sex, referring only to penile-vaginal intercourse only, the health practitioner‟s perceptions are biased too. In addition, this hypothetical practitioner may make the patient feel uncomfortable if he dismisses foreplay or oral sex as not being considered sexual behavior. Finally, the phrasing of a question such as “How many sexual partners have you had?” may draw very different answers than more specific questions regarding behavior.

Cross-cultural differences like the ones noted in this study can also result in difficulties for bicultural romantic relationships. For example, if an intimate behavior happens between a couple composed of a female Costa Rican international student and a

Euro-American male, she may view the male as uncaring because of his emphasis on proceeding directly to penile-vaginal intercourse, rather than the relational bonding which is familiar to her. Misunderstandings may also occur because he does not attach high levels of significance to other sexual behaviors, like oral sex. Likewise, a Costa Rican male may perceive a Euro-American female as “easy” if she readily engages in sexual behaviors, like oral sex, which are defined as sex among Costa Ricans, but not Euro-

Americans. He might also feel confused by her willingness to engage in oral sex, but Sexual Behavior Among 43

restraint in penile-vaginal intercourse. These examples and their possible variations can cause friction and embarrassment in intercultural relations.

Within an intercultural marriage, friction and embarrassment over sexual matters can lead to a decline of the quality of the relationship and even mental health issues. If a husband‟s culture does not emphasize foreplay but the wife‟s culture does, she may feel used by her husband and a sexual encounter may not be as fulfilling. Unless therapists are aware of these cultural differences in views of foreplay, they won‟t be able to help their clients appropriately and assist them in achieving a balance to make sex pleasurable for both.

Limitations of This Study

A limitation present on this study has to do with the differentiated procedures of data collection for the United States and Costa Rica. For the United States, the data was collected by an online survey, while in Costa Rica, it was done by a paper survey completed during class time. This was done in order to deliver the instruments in a way that each culture was comfortable with. However, it can‟t be underestimated that this can have an effect on confidentiality, since Euro-American students were allowed to complete the survey outside the classroom setting. In addition, Costa Rican students did not receive any course credit to complete the study, while Euro-American students did. It remains a question if this would make Costa Rican students less willing to complete a survey on such sensitive matters. Further research is needed on these matters.

Sexual Behavior Among 44

Concluding Comments

In conclusion, this study‟s findings show effects on perceptions of sexual behavior as a product of both gender and nationality. Costa Ricans defined foreplay, oral sex, and phone/cyber sex as sex more frequently than Euro-Americans. Costa Ricans also rated foreplay, oral sex, and penile vaginal intercourse as being appropriate when a couple has, at a minimum, been dating steadily for 3 months to a year. On the other hand, Euro-

Americans rated all categories of sexual behavior (foreplay, oral sex, penile-vaginal intercourse, anal intercourse, and phone/cyber sex) as appropriate earlier in a relationship, as compared to Costa Ricans. Yet, Euro-Americans were also more negative in their judgments of male and female promiscuity, regardless of gender and sexual behavior than

Costa Ricans.

These differences may explained by the culture-specific variables. Costa Rica values traditionally feminine cultural values, which privilege the nurturing of relationships. The significance attributed to relationships facilitates the likelihood of

Costa Ricans waiting until a romantic relationship is stable and has gained approval from family members, to engage in sexual behavior. On the other hand, Euro-American culture emphasizes achievement and personal satisfaction. Thus, members of this culture may be more concerned with physical activity and personal satisfaction than with the emotional nature of relationship enhancement. This issue is a matter that needs further research.

This study demonstrates the importance of considering culture as a prime factor that effects sexual behavior. Cultural differences do predict sexual behavior and they Sexual Behavior Among 45

have to be acknowledged as such, and with the acknowledgement of other cultures‟ ways of perceiving and experiencing the world. This will increase our understanding and respect of how other people choose to see give meaning to sex, which is a universally, hard-wired, biological function. Further research is indeed needed to explore the linkage between culture and definitions of sex and appropriate sexual behavior. Sexual Behavior Among 46

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Table 1

Correlations between definitions of sex, appropriateness of sexual behavior, intercourse partners and promiscuity measures

Sexual Sex Intercourse Appropriateness Partners Definitions Partners

Costa Rican Sex Definitions -.25 Males

Appropriateness .20 .33^ Intercourse .86** -.34* .16 Partners Promiscuity -.39* -.01 -.20 -.39* Euro-American Sex Definitions -.17 Males Appropriateness .03 .38* Intercourse .96** -.20 .01 Partners Promiscuity -.42** .39* .06 -.43** Costa Rican Sex Definitions .37* Females Appropriateness -.28^ -.28^ Intercourse .78** .23 -.05 Partners Promiscuity -.37** -.16 .07 -.36* Euro-American Sex Definitions -.16 Females Appropriateness -.32** .29* Intercourse .84** -.16 -.36** Partners Promiscuity -.14 .13 .05 -.18 Notes: * Significant to the .00 level ; ** Significant to the .05 level; ^ Significant to the .10 level Sexual Behavior Among 56

Table 2

Means and standard deviations for sexual partners and penile-vaginal intercourse partners

Sexual Partners Intercourse Partners

Past year Lifetime Past year Lifetime

Costa Rican 2.11, (2.65) 6.06, (8.60) 1.51, (2.16) 4.46, (7.98)

men

Costa Rican 1.09, (1.08) 2.44, (3.24) .67, (.88) 1.49, (2.68)

women

Euro-American 1.54, (1.08) 5.29, (6.25) 1.22, (.99) 4.29, (6.38)

men

Euro-American 1.69, (1.69) 3.97, (3.87) 1.37, (1.54) 3.13, (3.47)

women

Sexual Behavior Among 57

Table 3

Means and standard deviations for definitions of sex by gender and culture

Foreplay Oral Sex Penile- Anal int. Phone/cyber

vaginal int. sex

Costa Rican 1.50, (.60) 1.78, (.53) 1.81, (.40) 1.67, (.68) 0.71, (.85) men

Costa Rican 1.28, (.70) 1.58, (.65) 1.70, (.46) 1.29, (.87) 1.05, (.94) women

Euro- .60, (.80) 1.02, (.92) 1.91, (.30) 1.76, (.68) 0.39, (.75)

American men

Euro- .44, (.70) .99, (.92) 1.96, (1.19) 1.71, (.67) 0.46, (.77)

American women

Sexual Behavior Among 58

Table 4

Means and standard deviations for the perceived appropriateness of sexual behavior by gender and culture

Foreplay Oral Sex Penile- Anal int. Phone/cyber

vaginal int. sex

Costa Rican 2.15, (.68) 2.23, (.70) 2.21, (.57) 2.73, (.79) 2.31, (.97) men

Costa Rican 2.24, (.50) 2.40, (.70) 2.25, (.53) 3.33, (.85) 2.80, (.80) women

Euro- 1.71, (.46) 1.73, (.47) 1.83, (.50) 2.35, (.85) 2.17, (.67)

American men

Euro- 1.83, (.55) 1.96, (.56) 2.00, (.44) 3.03, (.98) 2.32, (.76)

American women

Sexual Behavior Among 59

Figure Captions

Figure 1: Reported number of sexual and penile-vaginal intercourse partners for the past year by gender and culture.

Figure 2: Reported number of lifetime sexual and penile-vaginal intercourse partners by gender and culture.

Figure 3: Means on cross-cultural definitions of sex according to context (Always, in some contexts, never) by gender and culture.

Figure 4: Means on cross-cultural ratings on appropriateness of sexual behavior according to context (Never, formal commitment, three months to one year of dating, early stages), by gender and culture.

Sexual Behavior Among 60

Biographical Statement

Miss Gloriana Rodríguez Arauz is a Fulbright Scholar and a professor of the Psychology

Department at the University of Costa Rica. Prior to completing her Master‟s Degree in

Health Psychology at Central Connecticut State University she earned a B.S. in

Psychology and a B.S. in Sociology at the University of Costa Rica. She currently lives in San José, Costa Rica.