Last Updated: Monday, 14 June 2021, 06:54 GMT English | Español | Русский UNHCR Laws Case Law Country Information Browse by Resources My Profile Email this document Printable version Search Refworld Reporters Without Borders Annual Report 2002 - China by keyword Enter a word or phrase Publisher Reporters Without Borders and / or country All countries Publication Date 3 May 2002 Cite as Reporters Without Borders, Reporters Without Borders Annual Report 2002 - China, 3 May Clear Search 2002, available at: https://www.refworld.org/docid/487c523628.html [accessed 16 June 2021] Advanced Search | Search Tips Disclaimer This is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States. Countries China As a critical Congress of the Communist Party planned for 2003 draws near, the Beijing regime has started a purge of the media: at least five editors in chief have been sanctioned and twelve media censored. At the same time, police arrested sixteen cyber-dissidents. Foreign journalists are still prevented from covering sensitive Topics issues. Freedom of expression On 11 January 2001, Chinese President Jiang Zemin stated that "the news media are the spokespeople of the Party and Freedom of information the people" and that they have a duty "to educate and propagate the spirit of the Party Central Committee." According to him, this must be ensured by the "Publicity" Department (the former Propaganda Department) of the Chinese Communist Party. During the weeks following these statements, new instructions were sent to editors of the main media, saying especially that they were to concentrate on the coverage of "positive events." Sanctions are being imposed without any warning. The stakes of this purge are two-fold: avoid criticism as Jiang Zemin's departure from presidency draws near, and restructure the press to eliminate the overly independent provincial media. Fortunately, this tightened control did not lead to a wave of journalists' arrests, although some of them showed boldness by regularly testing censorship limits on sensitive topics. Several times, editorial staff overrode the Party's instructions by covering accidents, such as explosions in a mine or a school, without any authorisation. On the other hand, police have concentrated on controlling "subversive activities" on the Internet. No fewer than sixteen cyber-dissidents were arrested in 2001. As of 1 January 2002, at least fourteen journalists are still rotting in prison. Four of them have been imprisoned since the crackdown of Beijing in the spring of 1989. The Beijing regime had to speed up its media reorganisation to adapt the country's media to new competition resulting from China's entry in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). In December, China set up a huge public communication company that includes the leading public television channel, two official radio stations and some movie production companies. Its director is none other than the vice-director of the Party's "Publicity" Department. In July, the government authorised provincial authorities to sell their publications in other provinces and to develop partnerships. But these new rules shook the country. Several local authorities banned or blocked competing publications to protect their own, and especially to avoid losing control of the press their constituents read. Foreign investment in Chinese press is still forbidden, but, according to one of the managers of the new daily newspaper Jinghua Shibao, launched in May in Beijing, the country's entry in the WTO will require the government to authorise this investment. For the first time, in October, two foreign press groups (the American AOL-Time Warner and the Australian News Corp, owned by Rupert Murdoch) were authorised to broadcast television programs by cable in the Guangdong region, but under drastic conditions: these channels can only broadcast entertainment programs and must respect government rules on their content. The two press groups accepted this self-censorship, imposed by Chinese authorities, without any criticism. In January, the BBC World Service had already obtained authorisation to broadcast its programmes in hotels and residences of foreigners. In Hong Kong, self-censorship is strong but pressure from Beijing has not increased noticeably. However, the private press has been hurt by the city's economic slowdown. The weekly Asiaweek closed down in December. Finally, competition is being felt from newspapers from mainland China. In 2001, the battle for the airwaves continued between the Chinese government and international radio stations broadcasting in Mandarin, Tibetan or Uighur. Despite frequent jamming, programs in Uighur through the Voice of America (VOA), Radio Free Asia (RFA) and Radio Almaty (based in Kazakhstan) are much listened to by the population of Xinjiang. In October, RFA increased their broadcasts from one to two hours per day. Programmes in Tibetan broadcast by the Voice of Tibet, VOA, BBC and RFA became the target of the authorities, who used important means to block them. Foreign radio stations are still a "breath of fresh air" for Uighurs and Tibetans. Listeners are conscious of the risks they take and usually chose to listen in secrecy. "We never get news about Xinjiang on television nor on the national radio. Just songs, dances and political propaganda. We are bombarded with the government's political opinions. It is useful to listen to diverging opinions on free radio stations," said one Uighur. However, in March, the official news agency Xinhua said that, "infiltration by hostile foreign radio stations is becoming increasingly dangerous." Instructions are strictly applied in Tibet. In November 2001, the propaganda director of the province reminded people that "at all administrative levels, the Party's newspapers must be read and studied." Control is also very strict in Inner Mongolia. Authorities are still forbidding the publication of the dissident magazine The Voice of Southern Mongolia, banned in 1995. In 2001, the Chinese government again showed its determination to prevent the foreign press from covering sensitive topics. The Chinese Communist Party denies foreign correspondents the right to investigate freely on dissidence, illegal religious movements, corruption, AIDS in Henan province, natural disasters, or Tibetan and Uighur separatists. According to the rules imposed by the Beijing regime, foreign journalists must ask the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for an authorisation to leave the capital, and this must be done in advance. Once in a province, they are placed under the control, often very strict, of local representatives of the ministry. A journalist killed On 15 January 2001, Feng Zhaoxia, journalist with the daily Gejie Daobao, published in Xian (Shanxi province), was found dead, his throat slit. One week after his body was discovered, police concluded that it was a suicide, despite assertions to the contrary by Feng's family, colleagues and local journalists' associations. According to them, this was a murder related to articles the journalist had published. According to the Guangzhou daily Yangcheng Wanbao, and the Hong Kong newspaper Ming Pao, Feng Zhaoxia had investigated the activities of local organized crime groups and had denounced complicities between these groups and some authorities. According to his wife, Feng Zhaoxia, 48 years old and father of two children, had no reason to commit suicide. On the eve of his disappearance, Feng received a phone call. He left his home and never came back. Moreover, his corpse had deep gashes in the throat and it was very unlikely that he could have cut himself that way. Feng's family and colleagues, incensed at the police's hasty conclusions, have asked several times that the case be re-opened and that a serious investigation be carried out. In addition, a few days after the murder, the province's public department of information prohibited the publication of new articles about Feng's death. Fourteen journalists jailed As of 1 January 2002, at least fourteen journalists are imprisoned. Yu Dongyue, art critic with the Liuyang News, was arrested on 23 May 1989 and sentenced to 20 years in prison. He is held in prison no. 1 in Hunan province, and suffers from serious psychological problems following long periods of isolation. Hu Liping, journalist with the Beijing Daily, was arrested on 7 April 1990 and sentenced to ten years in prison. Accused of "propaganda and counter-revolutionary incitement," he is said to be held in Beijing's prison no. 2. Chen Yanbin, co-publisher of the clandestine magazine Tielu, was arrested in late 1990 and received a double sentence: eight years in jail for "incitement to rebellion" and eight years for "spreading counter-revolutionary propaganda" in an underground magazine. The two sentences were later reduced to 15 years. In 1998, his sentence was reduced by three months for "good behaviour" by the authorities of prison no. 2 in Beijing. Zhang Yafei, co-publisher of the clandestine magazine Tielu, was arrested in September 1990 and sentenced to eleven years in jail for "spreading counter-revolutionary propaganda." Zhang is held in a "prison factory" which repairs vehicles in Jinan, capital of Shandong province. Liu Jingsheng, union leader and co-founder of the clandestine magazines Inquiries (Tansuo) and Freedom Forum, was arrested on 28 May 1992 and sentenced to fifteen years in prison for "counter-revolutionary propaganda." In 2000, his sentence was reduced by one year and one month for "good behaviour" and for "expressing regrets." Liu is held in the Banbuqiao detention center in Beijing, and suffers from gastric problems and hypertension. Ma Tao, journalist with the magazine China Education and Health News, was arrested in October 1992 and sentenced to six years in prison for "illegally disclosing state secrets to people outside of the country." Wu Shishen, journalist with the Hong Kong daily Express and the Xinhua press agency, was arrested in October 1992 and sentenced to life in prison on direct orders from President Jiang Zemin.