Statebuilding Versus State Formation: the Political Economy of Transition in Iraq and Libya Irene Costantini

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Statebuilding Versus State Formation: the Political Economy of Transition in Iraq and Libya Irene Costantini Statebuilding versus state formation: the political economy of transition in Iraq and Libya Irene Costantini School of International Studies University of Trento 09/01/2015 Supervisor: Prof. Roberto Belloni Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Studies. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0) license. Statebuilding versus state formation: the political economy of transition in Iraq and Libya Irene Costantini ABSTRACT The international interventions in Iraq and Libya are exemplary of a decline in the expectations that statebuilding fervour can contribute to the full-fledged transformation of societies intervened upon. From the intervention in Iraq under the banner of “armed liberalism” to the “post-interventionist” approach that guided the intervention in Libya, international actors have renounced the grand transformative narrative traditionally sustaining post-conflict initiatives. This study investigates the impact of this changing statebuilding paradigm on state formation in Iraq and Libya. Bridging scholarship on post-conflict transitions as well as on the Middle East and North Africa region, this study addresses the question of the interplay between statebuilding and state formation from a political economy perspective: the emerging forms of economic governance of Iraq and Libya are illustrative of the broader problems affecting these countries. Through a process-oriented approach, this study moves beyond a narrowly-conceived institutional analysis and brings into focus actors in transition. Based on the theoretical discussion and the empirical findings, the study shows that an actor-oriented analysis has far more explanatory power than an institutionalist analysis. From a political economy perspective, the study focuses on the role of the private sector as an agent for change in transition: the emergence and consolidation of the policy prescription of developing the private sector has heralded a re-definition of the statebuilding agenda. Relying on a broad range of sources and data including interviews, policy papers, programmes’ reports, and evaluations, the analysis contends that this novel approach adds to the contradictory character of statebuilding: private sector development remains trapped between internationally held normative models and domestic power dynamics. Most importantly, private sector development entails a more interventionist approach that contradicts the principles of the self-regulating capacity of the This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0) license. market. The thesis’ main argument is that by building parallel agencies and mechanisms, statebuilding deviates from the process of building states. In other words, statebuilding creates a mode of governance that undermines Weberian notions of statehood in post-conflict countries: while it penetrates deeply into society, statebuilding fails to generate state authority. Rather, it favours a dispersion of authority across levels of governance and different types of actors. The dispersion of authority in post-conflict transitions generates hybrid forms of political economy: adaptation and resistance to neoliberal norms, institutions, and models are continuously negotiated by competing actors. At the same time, the dispersion of authority contributes to undermining the distinction between the public and the private spheres: alternative forms of authority consolidate informal institutions and repertoires, and increasingly come to exercise state authority and functions. The disjuncture between state and stateness––the exercise of state authority and functions––shows the limits of analysing post-conflict transitions through the narrow lens of Weberian interpretation of the state and points to a re-evaluation of institutional analyses in light of notions of authority and legitimacy. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0) license. Acknowledgement During the course of my research many people have helped me with their time, advice, and energy. I am particularly grateful to Professor Roberto Belloni for his invaluable comments and support during these three years of research: his advice has been precious. At the School of International Studies, University of Trento, I would like to thank all the academic and administrative staff. In particular, Professor Jens Woelk, Mark Beittel, Maria Rosaria Astarita, and Silvia Tomaselli helpfully assisted me with their time and dedication. A special thank goes to my PhD colleagues: in particular, Michele Bernini, Benedikt Erforth and Paula Guzzo Falci were great companions with whom I shared the ups and downs of my research. I am grateful to those institutions that hosted me as a visiting PhD student while doing my research. At the London School of Economics and Political Science, I would like to thank Professor Fawaz Gerges for his support during my visiting period. During my period of field work in Iraq, I was welcomed by the staff of Salahaddin University, Erbil: Dr. Mohammed Azeez Saeed and Dr. Sherzad A. Ameen were very helpful in making my period of research productive. I am also grateful to those people who, even without institutional obligation, helped me in different phases of this project: among them, Professor Charles Tripp, Professor George Joffé, and Professor Laura Guazzone gave me precious insights into my research. I have a debt of gratitude towards my family: they constantly and patiently supported my decisions and encouraged me to complete this thesis. Special thanks go to Michele Barbera whose support and love made this work possible. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-ND 4.0) license. Table of Contents Introduction.....................................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1.........................................................................................................................................9 The debate on statebuilding: a review of the literature...................................................................9 1.1 Revisiting the debate: building states, nations, and peace................................................. 11 1.1.1 Nation-building between societal change and social engineering..............................11 1.1.2 Peacebuilding: universal norms for conflict management......................................... 14 1.2 Statebuilding versus state formation..................................................................................17 1.2.1 The state: definitional problems.................................................................................20 1.2.2 State formation: conflict, negotiation, and compromise............................................23 1.3 The political economy of post-conflict transition.............................................................. 26 1.3.1 The limits of the “international–local” dichotomy.....................................................29 1.3.2 The limits of institution-building............................................................................... 31 Conclusion............................................................................................................................... 35 Chapter 2.......................................................................................................................................37 Analysing post-conflict transitions: spaces, actors, and mechanisms..........................................37 2.1 Beyond the “international” and the “local”........................................................................40 2.1.1 The “dispersed” character of post-conflict governance.............................................41 2.1.2 Between adaptation and resistance: hybridity............................................................45 2.2. Beyond formal institution-building...................................................................................48 2.2.1 From building institutions to shaping actors.............................................................. 48 2.2.2 Contested spaces and informality...............................................................................52 2.3 Research question.............................................................................................................. 56 2.4 Methodology...................................................................................................................... 57 Chapter 3.......................................................................................................................................62 Redefining the economic agenda for statebuilding: from institution-building to the shaping of actors.............................................................................................................................................62 3.1 The private sector in neoliberalism....................................................................................63 3.2 The private sector on the international agenda.................................................................. 66 3.2.1 International financial institutions: from economics to politics.................................66 3.2.2 The United Nation system: from politics to economics.............................................71
Recommended publications
  • Unscreportlibyanov2011eng1.Pdf
    Le Bureau du Procureur The Office of the Prosecutor SECOND REPORT OF THE PROSECUTOR OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT TO THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL PURSUANT TO UNSCR 1970 (2011) INTRODUCTION 1. On 26 February 2011 the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1970 (2011), referring the situation in Libya since 15 February 2011 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and stressing “the need to hold to account those responsible for attacks, including by forces under their control, on civilians.” 2. Paragraph 7 of the Resolution invites the Prosecutor to address the Security Council within two months of the adoption of this resolution and every six months thereafter on actions taken pursuant to this resolution. The Prosecutor first briefed the United Nations Security Council on 4 May 2011. 3. This second report provides a summary of the activities of the Office of the Prosecutor undertaken to implement Resolution 1970 (2011), including: a. The request to issue arrest warrants for Muammar Mohammed Abu Minyar Gaddafi (Muammar Gaddafi), Saif Al‐Islam Gaddafi, and Abdullah Al‐Senussi. b. Cooperation, and c. The ongoing investigation. 1. THE REQUEST FOR ARREST WARRANTS FOR MUAMMAR MOHAMMED ABU MINYAR GADDAFI (MUAMMAR GADDAFI), SAIF AL‐ISLAM GADDAFI, AND ABDULLAH AL‐SENUSSI 1.1 Notice to the United Nations Security Council 4. In its Resolution 1970, the Security Council rejected ʺunequivocally the incitement to hostility and violence against the civilian population made from the highest level of the Libyan government,ʺ and considered ʺthat the widespread and systematic attacks currently taking place in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya against the civilian population may amount to crimes against humanity.” 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy
    Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Christopher M. Blanchard Acting Section Research Manager June 6, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL33142 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy Summary Over 40 years ago, Muammar al Qadhafi led a revolt against the Libyan monarchy in the name of nationalism, self-determination, and popular sovereignty. Opposition groups citing the same principles are now revolting against Qadhafi to bring an end to the authoritarian political system he has controlled in Libya for the last four decades. The Libyan government’s use of force against civilians and opposition forces seeking Qadhafi’s overthrow sparked an international outcry and led the United Nations Security Council to adopt Resolution 1973, which authorizes “all necessary measures” to protect Libyan civilians. The United States military is participating in Operation Unified Protector, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operation to enforce the resolution. Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and other partner governments also are participating. Qadhafi and his supporters have described the uprising as a foreign and Islamist conspiracy and are attempting to outlast their opponents. Qadhafi remains defiant amid coalition air strikes and defections. His forces continue to attack opposition-held areas. Some opposition figures have formed an Interim Transitional National Council (TNC), which claims to represent all areas of the country. They seek foreign political recognition and material support. Resolution 1973 calls for an immediate cease-fire and dialogue, declares a no-fly zone in Libyan airspace, and authorizes robust enforcement measures for the arms embargo on Libya established by Resolution 1970 of February 26.
    [Show full text]
  • The Syrian Civil War on Human Dignity: 1
    3 THE SYRIAN CIVIL WAR ON HUMAN DIGNITY: 1. INTRODUCTION 89 International approaches towards domestic quarrels The Arab Spring uprisings of 2011 triggered a wide set of social movements and regime change across the Middle East and North Africa. While interconnected, the uprisings in each nation took different forms and reached varied effects. This article focuses Leticia Raymundo Tavares on the development of conflict in Syria under Bashar al-Assad in Pedro Henrique de Souza Netto order to flesh out the main roots and consequences of the Syrian Qu Cheng Civil War – currently enraging across the country – and pinpoint Vitor Eiró Storino the political, humanitarian and international outcomes of the current situation in Syria. In order to better understand the aforementioned topic, this article will give an insight elapsing through different topics. First, an analysis of the changes in the logic of security will be intro- duced, in order to elucidate why the Syrian civil war can be con- sidered an international security issue. The traditional concept of security was too limited to deal with the new post-Cold War threats to international security. In this sense, wider conceptions of international security emerged, which included new sectors other than the military security as well as a variety of non-state ac- tors. In addition, the connection between human dignity, funda- mental rights and international security has also been examined. The political and historical context of the Syrian conflict will also been explored in the article. First, through the contextualiza- tion of the civil war within the larger framework of the Arab Spring, bringing up the notion of spillover effect.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE the Arab Spring Abroad
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Arab Spring Abroad: Mobilization among Syrian, Libyan, and Yemeni Diasporas in the U.S. and Great Britain DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Sociology by Dana M. Moss Dissertation Committee: Distinguished Professor David A. Snow, Chair Chancellor’s Professor Charles Ragin Professor Judith Stepan-Norris Professor David S. Meyer Associate Professor Yang Su 2016 © 2016 Dana M. Moss DEDICATION To my husband William Picard, an exceptional partner and a true activist; and to my wonderfully supportive and loving parents, Nancy Watts and John Moss. Thank you for everything, always. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ACRONYMS iv LIST OF FIGURES v LIST OF TABLES vi ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii CURRICULUM VITAE viii ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION xiv INTRODUCTION 1 PART I: THE DYNAMICS OF DIASPORA MOVEMENT EMERGENCE CHAPTER 1: Diaspora Activism before the Arab Spring 30 CHAPTER 2: The Resurgence and Emergence of Transnational Diaspora Mobilization during the Arab Spring 70 PART II: THE ROLES OF THE DIASPORAS IN THE REVOLUTIONS 126 CHAPTER 3: The Libyan Case 132 CHAPTER 4: The Syrian Case 169 CHAPTER 5: The Yemeni Case 219 PART III: SHORT-TERM OUTCOMES OF THE ARAB SPRING CHAPTER 6: The Effects of Episodic Transnational Mobilization on Diaspora Politics 247 CHAPTER 7: Conclusion and Implications 270 REFERENCES 283 ENDNOTES 292 iii LIST OF ACRONYMS FSA Free Syria Army ISIS The Islamic State of Iraq and Al-Sham, or Daesh NFSL National Front for the Salvation
    [Show full text]
  • Brookings Doha Center - Stanford University Project on Arab Transitions
    CENTER ON DEMOCRACY, DEVELOPMENT & THE RULE OF LAW STANFORD UNIVERSITY BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER - STANFORD UNIVERSITY PROJECT ON ARAB TRANSITIONS PAPER SERIES Number 4, March 2014 PERSONNEL CHANGE OR PERSONAL CHANGE? RETHINKING LIBYA’S POLITICAL ISOLATION LAW ROMAN DAVID AND HOUDA MZIOUDET PROGRAM ON ARAB REFORM AND DEMOCRACY, CDDRL B ROOKINGS The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s) and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its scholars. Copyright © 2014 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu BROOKINGS DOHA CENTER Saha 43, Building 63, West Bay, Doha, Qatar www.brookings.edu/doha T A B LE OF C ON T EN T S I. Executive Summary ...........................................................................................................1 II. Introduction ......................................................................................................................3 III. The Political Isolation Law and its Alternatives ...............................................................4 IV. Assessing the PIL and its Reconciliatory Alternatives ....................................................7 Establishment of a Trustworthy Government ..........................................................,..7
    [Show full text]
  • Challenges Facing the Libyan Government | the Washington
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1883 Challenges Facing the Libyan Government by Andrew Engel Dec 19, 2011 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Andrew Engel Andrew Engel, a former research assistant at The Washington Institute, recently received his master's degree in security studies at Georgetown University and currently works as an Africa analyst. Brief Analysis In light of its experience in Iraq and Afghanistan, Washington should be able to do more to facilitate the transition in Libya. scalating militia clashes and protests are challenging the legitimacy of Libya's interim government at a crucial E period of transition from the chaos of the post-Muammar Qadhafi phase to that of statebuilding. Yet the National Transition Council (NTC) can successfully execute the last seven months of its statebuilding mandate before elections are held, as long as the government gets access to Libya's frozen assets, some of which were released last week. Foreign expertise, particularly U.S. experience, should also help. Libya's Interim Government L ibya's interim prime minister, Abdul Rahim al-Keib, has charted a bold course. Choosing neophyte candidates over those with experience, he has formed a government of technocrats drawn from across Libya, a country where east-west tension runs deep. He also resisted the urge to nominate to his cabinet powerful Islamists from the Tripoli Military Council (TMC) or the Tripoli Revolutionists Council (TRC), even though these entities had pressed hard for portfolios, particularly in the Defense and Interior ministries. For Keib, delaying the announcement of the new government paid off: The arrest of Saif al-Islam al-Qadhafi on November 19 by fighters of the Zintan Military Council enabled the prime minister to nominate the group's leader, Usama al-Juwaili -- hitherto not considered a candidate -- for minister of defense.
    [Show full text]
  • Al-Qaeda in Libya: a Profile
    AL-QAEDA IN LIBYA: A PROFILE A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the Combating Terrorism Technical Support Office’s Irregular Warfare Support Program August 2012 Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 205404840 Tel: 2027073900 Fax: 2027073920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/ 64 Years of Service to the Federal Government 1948 – 2012 Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Al-Qaeda in Libya: A Profile PREFACE This report attempts to assess al-Qaeda’s presence in Libya. Al-Qaeda Senior Leadership (AQSL) and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) have sought to take advantage of the Libyan Revolution to recruit militants and to reinforce their operational capabilities in an attempt to create a safe haven and possibly to extend their area of operations to Libya. Reports have indicated that AQSL is seeking to create an al-Qaeda clandestine network in Libya that could be activated in the future to destabilize the government and/or to offer logistical support to al- Qaeda’s activities in North Africa and the Sahel. AQIM has reportedly formed sleeper cells that are probably connected to an al-Qaeda underground network in Libya, likely as a way, primarily, to secure the supply of arms for its ongoing jihadist operations in Algeria and the Sahel. This report discusses how al-Qaeda and its North African affiliate are using communications media and face-to-face contacts to shift the still-evolving post-revolutionary political and social dynamic in Libya in a direction that is conducive to jihad and hateful of the West.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Libya in a New Climate: Charting a Sustainable Course for the Post-Gaddafi Era Francesco Femia and Caitlin E
    BRIEFER No. 05 | October 24, 2011 A New Libya in a New Climate: Charting a Sustainable Course for the Post-Gaddafi Era Francesco Femia and Caitlin E. Werrell There is an atmosphere of heady optimism But amidst that optimism and sense of empower- amongst the Libyan public, and there should be. ment there walk shadows of anxiety about the fu- Muammar Gaddafi, after over 40 long years in ture. Will Libya be a real democracy? Will Eastern power, has fallen. His peculiarly brutal brand of and Western Libya set aside their differences? Will government (essentially a Ceausescu-style surveil- the foundation of Libya’s constitution be secular or lance state with a neo-bedouin fashion veneer) has sharia law? Whose vision for a Libyan future will fallen with him, to join the same sands of history ascend, and will it be a broadly shared one? Will that have swept away Libyan rulers for centuries, Berber minorities have a voice in an Arab- from Roman governors to Ottoman pashas. dominated society? Will the long years of political violence die with Gaddafi? How will a new gov- Mahmoud Jibril, de facto head of the rebellion’s ernment manage the country’s natural resources – National Transitional Council (NTC) has vowed to and, perhaps, the challenges of climate change? form a caretaker government that will hold elec- tions for a constitutional assembly in eight months’ First questions first time. Then, provided that all goes according to plan, the assembly will draft a new constitution, It would be perfectly understandable if during this constructing new pillars and structures of govern- exciting, yet anxious process of charting a course ment, and addressing Libya’s unique challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • Ghosts of the Past: the Muslim Brotherhood and Its Struggle for Legitimacy in Post‑Qaddafi Libya
    Ghosts of the Past: The Muslim Brotherhood and its Struggle for Legitimacy in post‑Qaddafi Libya Inga Kristina Trauthig ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author of this paper is Inga Kristina Trauthig. She wishes to thank Emaddedin Badi for his review and invaluable comments and feedback. The opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own. CONTACT DETAILS For questions, queries and additional copies of this report, please contact: ICSR King’s College London Strand London WC2R 2LS United Kingdom T. +44 20 7848 2098 E. [email protected] Twitter: @icsr_centre Like all other ICSR publications, this report can be downloaded free of charge from the ICSR website at www.icsr.info. © ICSR 2018 Rxxntxxgrxxtxxng ISIS Sxxppxxrtxxrs xxn Syrxx: Effxxrts, Prxxrxxtxxs xxnd Chxxllxxngxxs Table of Contents Key Terms and Acronyms 2 Executive Summary 3 1 Introduction 5 2 The Muslim Brotherhood in Libya pre-2011 – Persecuted, Demonised and Dominated by Exile Structures 9 3 The Muslim Brotherhood’s Role During the 2011 Revolution and the Birth of its Political Party – Gaining a Foothold in the Country, Shrewd Political Manoeuvring and Punching above its Weight 15 4 The Muslim Brotherhood’s Quest for Legitimacy in the Libyan Political Sphere as the “True Bearer of Islam” 23 5 Conclusion 31 Notes and Bibliography 35 1 Key Terms and Acronyms Al-tajammu’-u al-watanī – Arabic for National Gathering or National Assembly GNA – Government of National Accord GNC – General National Council Hizb al-Adala wa’l-Tamiyya – JCP in Arabic HSC – High State Council Ikhwān – Arabic for
    [Show full text]
  • Luis Reyes SEESHOP6 Yearbook
    Expertise side-lined: science, fraud and bogus molecular detectors in the Mexican ‘War on Drugs’ § Luis Reyes-Galindo** Abstract The paper presents a summarised chronology of the controversy surrounding the use of fraudulent handheld molecular detectors in Mexico, as well as the responses to the controversy from three critical sectors: the Mexican media, the different government branches and national scientific institutions. The paper also includes interview material with the most prominent critics and of the molecular detectors in Mexico and compares the voices of ‘scientific activists’ with the institutional responses. Finally, an analysis of all these different responses to the controversy is made, along with a short discussion of the relevance for expertise studies, as well as a critique of the application of existing expertise frameworks in developing country contexts such as Mexico’s. A brief history of molecular detectors Since the early 1990s, several devices marketed as handheld molecular detectors or using similar monikers began to be marketed in the police, security, rescue and military equipment market around the world. In 1993, after warnings from several law enforcement agents who had documented the widespread use of these seemingly miraculous apparatuses which were in fact nothing more than dowsing rods marketed under a veil of pseudoscientific jargon, the US government indicted the manufacturers of the earliest MD models – known as the Quadro Tracker – and subsequently banned their sale in the USA. Three years later the
    [Show full text]
  • Statement by President Barroso Following His Meeting with Mahmoud Jibril, Chairman of the Executive Board of the National Transitional Council of Libya
    SPEECH/11/521 José Manuel Durão Barroso President of the European Commission Statement by President Barroso following his meeting with Mahmoud Jibril, Chairman of the Executive Board of the National Transitional Council of Libya Press point Brussels, 13 July 2011 Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon! I just had a substantive meeting with Mahmoud Jibril, the Chairman of the Transitional National Council of Libya. We discussed developments on the ground in Libya and preparations for the post-conflict phase. I think this visit is a sign of the growing authority and credibility of the Transitional National Council on the international scene. It is also a sign of the EU's engagement in supporting the TNC as a key political interlocutor who represents the aspirations of the courageous Libyan people. A European flag has been flying in Benghazi for three weeks now, showing our support on the ground. I welcome the vision of the TNC for the future of Libya, which is based on the principles of inclusion and democratic representation. I also welcome the TNC's efforts to reach out beyond Benghazi and the East of the country. It is critical that the Council is seen as a genuine national movement with a clear commitment to an inclusive transition and national reconciliation. The EU and the Commission in particular have already started to mobilize our resources to support this political transition, in close cooperation with our international partners, especially the UN, and also the African Union and the Arab League. We are working towards a political resolution of the conflict which would result in the launch of a transition process in line with the aspirations of the Libyan people and respecting the unity and sovereignty of the country.
    [Show full text]
  • Phony Bomb Detectors the Decline of Violence Caffeine and Insomnia A
    Phony bomb detectors The decline of violence Caffeine and insomnia A night with a medium Bio-identical hormones Climate sensitivity BioMag and the ASA Herbal weight loss number 108 – winter 2013 content editorial For sale: Electronic Sniffer Dogs, noses not included 3 Something in the Good news from the Professor 7 water? Something to keep you awake at night 10 T TOOK Hamilton City Councillors about one hour to banish Ifluoride from the city’s water supply on 5 June, a move Waikato Newsfront 12 Medical Officer of Health Dr Felicity Dumble said discounted the One night out fishing 14 mainstream opinion of the vast majority of dentists and doctors in Hamilton and in New Zealand. ‘Natural’ hormones no better 15 A 2006 referendum showed 70 percent of participating Hamilton A climate of hope 17 voters supported continued fluoridation. The result was supposed to be binding. The most recent quarterly residents’ survey found 50.2 Forum 18 percent support, with 31 percent opposition, while a citizen’s panel Conference registration 19 on-line survey showed 56.1 percent wanting continuation, and 43.9 BioMag gets rude percent opposed. The sample sizes were small and margins of error awakening 21 large, but the community’s support for fluoridation was clear. ‘New Zealand’s #1 way to lose There are many who live outside the city boundaries who access weight’ – oh really? 18 the Hamilton water supply: I am one of them. But the effects of From the vaults: this decision are going to be felt even more widely. According to Skepticism and Miracles 18 the NZ Herald (7 June), Fluoride Action Network New Zealand spokeswoman Mary Byrne said other cities were discussing the removal of fluoride and her organisation would “definitely” be a ISSN - 1172-062X part of their conversations.
    [Show full text]