REFUGEES FROM MYANMAR, AFGHANISTAN AND SOMALIA AND THEIR INDIAN NEIGHBOURS:
SEPTEMBER 2013 A COMPARATIVE STUDY. Joint IDP Profiling Service (JIPS) www.jips.org twitter.com/JIPS_profiling [email protected] www.jet.jips.org 23 Avenue de France www.parkdatabase.org facebook.com/JointIDPProfilingService CH-1202 Geneva
The full report and the profiling tools, including a tool for further analysis, can also be found at: http://www.jips.org/en/field-support/country-operations/india/india/delhi-urban-profiling
Printed in Switzerland in September 2013 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We are This report is a collaborative effort between the Joint IDP Profiling Service, the Feinstein International Centre (Tufts University) and UNHCR. The study was particularly fully funded by the US Department of State’s Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration.
The profiling exercise was conducted in close grateful to the collaboration with our implementing partner in Delhi the Development and Justice initiative (DAJI).
following for We are particularly grateful to the following for their excellent work and contribution to the profiling process: UNHCR in Delhi and their implementing partners Bosco and SLIC; Ravi Hemadri, Ipshita their excellent Sengupta, Madhuri Sastry and Subodh Singh; the team of survey enumerators and focus groups facilitators; and all the survey respondents who work and generously contributed their thoughts and time. CartONG provided valuable support throughout the exercise on the mobile data collection process.
contribution to The profiling process, including methodology design, training, data collection, analysis and report drafting was led by a team consisting of: Karen Jacobsen, the profiling Margharita Lundkvist-Houndoumadi, Eric Levron and Ivan Cardona.
process
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 1 1 2 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4
I. INTRODUCTION 7
II. BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT – REFUGEES IN INDIA 10
III. METHODOLOGY 14
IV. DEMOGRAPHIC AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS 20
V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI 22 1. Employment security 25 2. Housing security 31 3. Financial security 34 4. Physical safety and experiences of discrimination and harassment 38
VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY 40 1. Legal status and documentation 42 2. Human capital 43 3. Social capital 50 4. Length of stay in Delhi 58 5. Conclusion 59
VII. EDUCATION : CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH 60 1. Education currently available to refugees in Delhi 62 2. Children’s schooling patterns : access and experience 62 3. Limitations to school attendance 63 4. Conclusions 68
IIX. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 69
VIII. ANNEX: DATA OVERVIEW 75
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
4 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
UNHCR currently Conducted between January and June capital, and length of stay in Delhi. assists over 24,000 2013, the profiling study examined A particular focus was given to access urban refugees and the key components of refugee to education. asylum-seekers in livelihoods, namely employment, New Delhi originating housing, and financial security, as The study has been carried out through from non-neighbouring well as physical safety. collaboration between UNHCR, the Joint IDP Profiling Service (JIPS) countries and Myanmar. The study was based on mixed and the Feinstein International Centre This work has enabled UNHCR to research methods, namely a survey of (Tufts University), alongside our build up a strong understanding of over one thousand households as well partner in Delhi, the Development and the challenges facing these groups. as a series of focus group discussions Justice Initiative (DAJI). and key informant interviews. The This profiling exercise of Afghan, analysis of the collected data has In June 2013 our preliminary findings Somali and Myanmarese refugee allowed us to build a valuable picture were presented at a workshop in households alongside their local of the livelihood security of Afghan, Delhi, where recommendations were Indian neighbours was designed to Somali and Myanmarese refugees vis- developed in close collaboration supplement existing knowledge with à-vis their local Indian neighbours. with UNHCR and their implementing a new base of empirical evidence. partners, Bosco and SLIC. This will contribute to effective Within the report we use our findings programming and advocacy, in to examine the contributing and particular in relation to UNHCR’s work impeding factors to refugee groups on promoting self-reliance. securing a livelihood, looking at their legal status, social capital, human
KEY FINDINGS AND RESULTING RECOMMENDATIONS :
1. EMPLOYMENT AND FINANCIAL SECURITY:
Myanmarese refugees had a higher proportion of income earners Somali household heads had high levels of unemployment and in their households. However, they worked in a limited number a significant proportion of work related to NGOs, suggesting of professions and often faced discrimination at the work place restricted access to the job market. UNHCR provided allowances and unstable work conditions. Therefore, we recommend that were an important source of non-earned income. Engagement BOSCO should engage in employer sensitisation, with the aim with local communities by SLIC could improve the possibility of improving work conditions and security for refugees, and act of other forms of employment, and BOSCO could encourage as a mediator between employees and employers to prevent Somali refugees to start small businesses as an alternative to misunderstandings arising. agency-related work
Afghan household heads had high unemployment levels, but Finally, other cross-community initiatives such as engagement reported better working conditions and access to a greater with Indian industry and commerce associations, and exploring variety of jobs. At the same, time they had increased access to the possibility of small grants to set up businesses are savings and remittances. Afghans reported the lack of valid work recommended. visas and non-recognition of their skills as important obstacles to accessing jobs. UNHCR and partners should aim to increase awareness of the significance of the UNHCR issued refugee card and foreign issued degrees and diplomas.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
2. HOUSING SECURITY:
Myanmarese, Somali and Afghan refugees all reported varying As a result of these findings we believe that BOSCO and degrees of housing insecurity due to restricted access to SLIC should conduct sensitisation sessions with landlords, accommodation, discrimination by landlords, and evictions. neighbours and neighbourhood associations in areas where Primarily it was Myanmarese and Somali households who had refugees live to minimise and prevent conflicts. Particular experienced evictions and had less housing space. focus should be given to areas with high concentrations of Somali and Myanmarese refugees.
3. PHYSICAL SAFETY, HARASSMENT AND DISCRIMINATION :
Refugees from Myanmar and Somalia reported facing the most the strengthening of intra-community networks, as will the discrimination and harassment – in the neighbourhood, by identification of key community members from the Indian landlords, at work, in school, and by local authorities - and had community, who can facilitate relationship building with the worst relations to the local communities. We found that they refugees. were counterbalancing this by strong intra-community support networks. Afghan refugee households experienced less Finally, initiatives by UNHCR and its partners to bring discrimination and far fewer perceived their neighbourhood together Indian women with women from refugee groups, as unsafe. At the same time, they reported having less intra- and the establishment of joint youth workshops with Indians community networks. and refugees will further help to bridge gaps and increase communication. We recommend that UNHCR and its partners continue to bring together refugees and local Indian communities during cultural events to improve communication. On-going support of the formation of refugee community groups will support
4. EDUCATION :
Adequate access to all levels of education, including higher the admission of refugees at equal fees to Indian nationals, a education, was a concern for all the refugee groups included in topic which was brought up across all refugee communities. the profiling. Myanmarese children were, however, in greater numbers than Somali and Afghan children, not attending any Some refugees possess higher education but no job as their type of school. Harassment and discrimination was identified certificates are not recognised. Their knowledge could be used as a problem in government schools primarily by Myanmarese by engaging them in the classes provided by BOSCO, in order and Somali children. We recommend that UNHCR and BOSCO to expand the subjects offered and support knowledge transfer should continue to identify government schools in areas where and network building between refugee communities. refugees live, to advocate for admission of refugee students, and to strengthen engagement with local government schools Additional measures should include UNHCR and BOSCO and local communities to raise awareness about refugees. offering vocational training and job placement based on the skills in high demand, such as car repair, IT repair and mobile Distance learning opportunities should be combined with repair, and continue to promote language courses in Hindi income generation activities for children unable to regularly among refugee children, youth and adults. study as a result of work commitments, a challenge reported primarily by the Myanmarese refugees. Furthermore, UNHCR advocacy with higher educational institutions could facilitate
6 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI I. INTRODUCTION
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 7 I. INTRODUCTION
In India, as of July The profiling exercise took place Our primary aim was to explore 2013, UNHCR assists between January and June 2013 the livelihoods of the different over 24,000 urban and was a collaborative project refugee groups, in order to inform refugees and asylum- between UNHCR, the Joint IDP UNHCR’s work on promoting self- seekers from non- Profiling Service (JIPS) and the reliance. We therefore agreed to neighbouring countries Feinstein International Centre (Tufts collect the following information 1 University). The data collection from the targeted refugee groups, and Myanmar . was conducted together with as well as from a subsample In India, as of July 2013, UNHCR our implementing partner the of their Indian neighbours: assists over 24,000 urban Development and Justice initiative refugees and asylum-seekers (DAJI). The project was funded by from non-neighbouring countries the US State Department’s Bureau of Demographic and household and Myanmar . Most of these Population, Refugees, and Migration. characteristics, such as refugees live in the National Capital age, sex, ethnicity and Territory of Delhi, and comprise An important aspect of JIPS’ household composition. 0.001 percent of Delhi’s total profiling philosophy is to population of about 23 million. work through a collaborative Migration patterns. process both with respect to the In 2012 we decided to conduct a development of study objectives Livelihood information related profiling exercise in Delhi to analyse and the dissemination of the to employment security, different aspects of these refugees’ findings. Such a collaborative financial security, housing living situations, with the aim of process meant engaging with all security and physical safety. drawing comparisons between the stakeholders at an early stage, in experiences of different refugee order to agree on objectives, target Human and social capital, groups and those of Indian nationals groups, dissemination strategy such as education and living in the same neighbourhoods. and final recommendations. skills, health, local networks and relations with other This profiling exercise set out to Through this collaborative process, communities, particularly identify specific areas that could we decided to focus on refugees the Indian host population . be targeted for programming and from Myanmar, Afghanistan and advocacy. The objective to inform Somalia. Among the Afghans, we In addition, we were interested UNHCR programming meant the decided to exclude Hindu-Sikh in the access of refugee children profiling exercise focused only on Afghans, most of who had come to and youth to education and those refugee groups that were of Delhi more than twenty years earlier schooling facilities in Delhi. concern to UNHCR. The profiling and were much better integrated into exercise in Delhi was also intended Delhi than non-Hindu Sikh Afghans. to develop a more systematic approach to urban profiling for the benefit of the wider humanitarian and development communities.
1 Statistical Snapshot provided by UNHCR Delhi: http://www.unhcr.org/pages/49e4876d6.html
8 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI I. INTRODUCTION
This information was gathered The report is organized as follows: using mixed research methods (see chapter III on Methodology). After a presentation of the The analysis of the collected methodology, a background chapter information, which is presented in sets out the refugee context in Delhi this report, focuses on answering in terms of the legal framework of the following questions : refugee rights in India and UNHCR’s main programming priorities in Delhi. How do livelihood situations differ between the refugee The report is then organised around populations and the four thematic chapters : Indian neighbours ? Chapter IV outlines the demographic What factors contribute to or and household characteristics of the impede the livelihood security surveyed populations. of the different refugee populations ? To answer this Chapter V compares livelihood question we explored the situations across the targeted groups. role of the human and social capital in each community. Chapter VI analyses the factors contributing to or impeding What is the relationship between livelihood security. Indians and the refugees ? Chapter VII explores the education What programming and advocacy of refugee children and youth. recommendations can be derived from our findings ? Chapter VIII summarises the main findings and provides recommendations.
Annex 1 includes all the data used throughout the report.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 9 II. BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
REFUGEES IN INDIA
10 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT II. REFUGEES IN INDIA
India registers and UNHCR’s operation in India is based The refugee population that UNHCR provides direct in New Delhi and has an office in assists has changed over the past assistance to around Chennai supporting the voluntary years from a majority of Afghans 200,000 Tibetan and repatriation of Sri Lankan refugees. to include a high proportion Sri Lankan refugees of Myanmarese refugees. from neighbouring UNHCR assists refugees and asylum-seekers from Afghanistan, countries. Myanmar and Somalia in addition In the absence of a national legal to smaller percentages of people framework for asylum, UNHCR from the Democratic Republic registers, issues documentation to, of Congo, Eritrea, Sudan, Iran determines the refugee status of, and and other countries. As of assists over 24,000 urban refugees January 2013, the main refugee and asylum-seekers from non- populations registered by UNHCR, neighbouring countries and Myanmar. are as listed in below Table.
POPULATION ASYLUM-SEEKERS REFUGEES TOTAL
Afghan 958 10,046 11,004 Myanmar 2, 627 9,507 12,134 Somalia 19 715 734 Other 199 514 713 Total 3,803 20, 782 24,585
Source: UNHCR New Delhi
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 11 II. BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
INDIA’S LEGAL FRAMEWORK
India is not a signatory Adherence to international obligations important development is that the to the 1951 UN enshrined in these standard-setting Government of India recently decided Convention Relating to instruments has been accorded the that refugees registered with UNHCR the Status of Refugees necessary legal significance by the may apply for long term visas and work or its 1967 Protocol; Indian judiciary. The courts have permits. The modalities of this process 3 neither does the country actively used international legal are currently being developed and principles to protect human rights some refugees have already benefitted have a national legal in India when there is no domestic from this. This could result in improved framework for asylum. legislation to do so. In fact, the access to the formal job market, Instead India has developed ad Constitution of India has placed an especially for highly skilled refugees, hoc policies to provide sanctuary obligation on the Government to and improved access to higher to Tibetans and Sri Lankan Tamil observe international law 2. Several education for younger refugees. refugees. As far as refugee status of the treaties mentioned above have determination of asylum seekers been relied on by the Courts to bridge The UNHCR had already built a from elsewhere is concerned, India is the gap between international and strong understanding of the situation generally respectful of the decisions domestic law. of refugees in Delhi prior to this of UNHCR. profiling study by conducting meetings India allows refugees and asylum with refugee communities and their At the same time India is a signatory seekers access to healthcare, education representatives, and through protection to a majority of the international and justice. The Right to Education outreach facilities, and regular instruments that have a direct bearing Act 2012, for example, guarantees all participatory assessments. Through on refugee rights and protection. These children between the ages of 6-14 living this work, for example, it was known, include The International Covenant on the territory of India, the right to free that racial discrimination, especially on Civil and Political Rights and The and compulsory primary education. against the Somali and Myanmarese International Covenant on Economic, communities, obstructs access to Social and Cultural Rights, 1966, The One important concern, from a national health and education services Convention on Rights of the Child, 1989, humanitarian perspective, is that in to varying degrees4. The Convention to Eliminate all forms the absence of a national framework of Discrimination Against Women, 1980, for asylum, refugees come under the While India provides free access to The Convention against Torture, and purview of the Foreigners Act (1946), education for all children regardless Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading the main legislation that deals with of nationality, issues like financial Treatment or Punishment, 1984. the entry, stay and exit of foreigners constraints, racial discrimination in India. This act does not recognise and security concerns lead to low refugees as a special category of aliens enrolment and high dropout rates from with a special status and governed by government schools5. Our chapter on special circumstances. Therefore the children’s access to schools explores Act treats refugees in the same way as these issues further. other migrants and aliens. A potentially
3 UNHCR India Fact sheet 2013 : http://www.unhcr.org/50001ec69.pdf
4 Ibid
2 Article 51(c) provides that the state shall 5 See also : Pittaway E. and Maloney M., endeavour to “foster respect for international Protectors, Providers, Survivors: A Dialogue law and treaty obligations in the dealings of with Refugee Women and Girls, New Delhi, organized peoples with one another.” India, November 2010.
12 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI II. BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
UNHCR’S ASSISTANCE AND LIVELIHOOD PROGRAMMES
The Government of UNHCR also provides grants to small live. For this work the UNHCR’s key India has recently businesses of 20,000 Rupees (315 implementing partners in Delhi are allowed UNHCR USD) each, and job placement incentive BOSCO, which provides support on job registered refugees schemes. The latter initiative aims to placement, education, health, psycho- to apply for long term help refugees secure employment on social support and youth groups; and visas and work permits, their own, and to earn a salary of up the Socio-Legal Information Centre to 6,000 Rupees (95 USD) per month. (SLIC), which provides legal aid and which will allow them Refugees in the scheme are also paid counselling. to seek employment in a monthly incentive of 1,000 Rupees the formal sector. (16 USD) for a period of nine months to In 2012, a subsistence allowance Before this refugees had access to encourage them to continue working. was provided to refugees who were employment in the informal economy unable to work and had no other form without work permits. UNHCR also addresses the of income or support. The monthly requirements of refugees with specific amount was 3,100 Rupees (49 USD) In the present context, UNHCR seeks needs by collaborating with community to the principal applicant and 950 to promote refugees’ self-reliance service providers, community-based Rupees (15 USD) per dependant (up through skills’ training and practice organisations and local NGOs. These to 7 persons)6. Refugees who receive (e.g. in tailoring, knitting, block printing, schemes are focused on time bound subsistence allowance include the jewellery making). Employment support employment/child-care, and income elderly, sick, persons with disabilities is also provided in cooperation with generation opportunities for refugees and unaccompanied minors. In 2012, UNHCR’s partner, BOSCO, and through with mental/physical disabilities or approximately 1,700 vulnerable refugees local institutions and civil society, protection needs. received financial assistance. including job placement support and limited work opportunities at production Protection is provided through outreach centres and home based production. centres in areas where urban refugees
6 As a comparison, the minimum wage in Delhi for unskilled work is approximately 4,000 Rupees (63 USD) per month (20 working days); see: http://labour.nic.in/upload/uploadfiles/files/ Divisions/wage_cell/Delhi.pdf
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 13 III. METHODOLOGY
14 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI III. METHODOLOGY
OVERVIEW
Our methodology utilised both structured this workshop but a household survey and focus could not attend. Instead, in group discussions, and had to be keeping with our collaborative adapted to the particular context approach, the workshop was run and challenges of the refugee by our local partners and UNHCR. populations in Delhi, the fourth largest Representatives from the following city by population in the world. groups and organisations attended amongst others the workshop : The survey took place between March and April 2013, with a total UNHCR of 1,063 households interviewed across the four target groups. Implementing partner of the The focus group discussions profiling exercise (DAJI) followed in April and May 20137. UNHCR’s implementing The profiling process entailed partners (Bosco and SLIC) three main phases: preparation and planning, data collection, and finally Members of the three refugee data analysis and reporting. The communities (Myanmar, Afghan, preparatory phase included a scoping Somali), who had participated mission to Delhi to develop the in the profiling exercise as profiling objectives and methodology. enumerators and focus groups During the data collection phase, discussion facilitators we trained staff, piloted and revised the survey tools prior to the data Centre for Refugee collection. The data analysis and Research from the New reporting phase entailed tabulation South Wales University and data processing in SPSS, systematisation of the qualitative data, Catholic Relief Services (CRS) and then merging the two types of data to produce a draft of the findings. BPRM/USAID
Once the draft was ready, a workshop After the workshop, the discussion, was held in Delhi (June 2013) to comments and recommendations review and discuss our findings were compiled and incorporated and develop recommendations into this final report. to inform the final report. JIPS
7 For a detailed methodology description, see: http://www.jips.org/en/field-support/countries/ The profiling process india/india/delhi-urban-profiling
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 15 III. METHODOLOGY
DATA COLLECTION METHODS
Target populations Household survey The profiling exercise aimed at All our respondents from Our survey began by identifying collecting information about the three Myanmar and Somalia the main areas of Delhi where the main refugee populations under the had refugee status. refugee populations were living. mandate of UNHCR in Delhi, namely We did this by working with key refugees from Myanmar, Afghanistan Our respondents from informants from UNHCR and its and Somalia. Since refugees live Afghanistan included partner Bosco, our implementing in the same neighbourhoods and registered refugees, partner DAJI and from the refugee share similar conditions with the asylum seekers and some communities. In addition, we used Indian urban poor, we included respondents who were not the data from UNHCR’s registration Indians in our survey. Accordingly, of concern to UNHCR, e.g. database (known as proGRES). we collected information from both traders, students, tourists, We then stratified the identified refugees and non-refugees in those patients seeking health care areas (wards) according to high, neighbourhoods of Delhi where the and not registered with medium and low densities of refugee concentration of refugees is high. UNHCR, or persons whose populations. Fourteen high-density asylum claims had been areas were selected for the survey: We selected survey respondents finally rejected by UNHCR. Burari, Tilak Nagar, Vikaspuri East, based on their country of origin, For our purposes, we Janakpuri West, Sitapuri, Hastsal, and only during the interview included only the registered Bindapur, Nizammuddin, Lajpat itself did we ask about their Afghans and the asylum Nagar, Bhogal, HauzKhaz, Madangir, documentation, which allowed us seekers in our analysis. East of Kailash and Laxmi Nagar. to discover their refugee status.
Sampling strategy We based our overall target survey Registered refugees (n=112) and primarily in specific neighbourhoods sample of 1200 households on project asylum seekers (n=64) from of West Delhi, while Somalis were resources and data analysis needs. We Afghanistan: 15.8% (n=176) highly clustered in South Delhi and in divided this roughly according to the Wazirabad, North Delhi. Afghans were proportions of Myanmarese, Afghans Refugees from Myanmar : more dispersed in South Delhi and and Somalis in UNHCR’s data base, 39% (n=435) in Wazirabad, North Delhi. Secondly, and included about a third Indians. We the size of the refugee populations interviewed 1,115 households, but after Refugees from Somalia : varied a lot (from about 200 Somalis elimination 8 our final sample for data 5.7% (n=64) to more than 9,000 Myanmarese). analysis comprised 1,063 households. Indians : 34.8% (=388) A simple random sampling in each These households were then ward would therefore not yield enough distributed across the four Defining the most appropriate sampling refugee respondents. Moreover, a refugee subsamples and one approach for the household survey single sampling strategy was not Indian subsample as follows: posed some challenges. Firstly, the appropriate for all the groups, so settlement patterns of the three target three different sampling approaches groups were highly heterogeneous. were devised, each one tailored to Myanmarese refugees were clustered the three surveyed populations.
8 We had to eliminate 12 households from the original sample of 1,115, who were from other countries, as well as 41 Afghan households, who were not registered refugees.
16 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI III. METHODOLOGY
Map Distribution of interviewed housholds in each district of Delhi
INDIAN AFGHAN MYANMARESE SOMALI
Note : Size of cycles indicates the total number of households interviewed in each targeted district.
18 NORTH WEST 32 23
NORTH
NORTH EAST
225 WEST 435 14 CENTRAL EAST
NEW 3 DELHI 20
SOUTH WEST
i 46 SOUTH 111 136
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 17 III. METHODOLOGY
The sampling approach for using UNHCR’s registration database, randomly identified address and Myanmarese refugees entailed two beneficiaries’ lists of implementing proceeded again with the interview steps. Firstly, we used UNHCR’s partners and field visits with key and snowballing. We ended up with registration database (proGRES) informants. We ended up with a a total of 217 Afghan households and a population proportional to size total of 64 Somali households. (of which 176 households were (PPS) strategy to randomly select registered as refugees with UNHCR. 20 enumeration areas out of the 30 The sampling strategy for the Afghan mapped Sample Sites9. PPS is useful communities had to address the Indian households were randomly when sampling units vary in size very low densities in Delhi’s wards. interviewed in the same because it assures that households in We randomly identified addresses neighbourhoods as our targeted denser enumeration areas have the from UNHCR’s registration database refugees. Specifically, Indian same probability of getting into the (using a random number generator). households were selected either from sample as those in smaller sites, and During the field visits, if no Afghan within the buildings where refugee vice versa. Secondly, we randomly nationals were living in the selected households were interviewed, or selected 20 households in each of the apartment building, the enumerators from neighbouring buildings 10. 20 Sample Sites, for a total sample selected up to two replacements from of 400. This selection occurred by neighbouring blocks or buildings. Mobile devices were used for the randomly selecting 6-7 apartment data collection, allowing a faster data buildings in each enumeration area, Once an Afghan household was processing and higher data quality11. then going to these locations and identified, enumerators used a randomly selecting the nearest 3-4 ‘snowball’ technique (often used dwellings with refugees from Myanmar in hidden populations which are plus 2-3 Indian/non-refugee dwellings difficult to access) by asking the for interviews. Our final sample of identified Afghan respondent to Myanmarese totalled 434 households. point us to other Afghans in the neighbourhood. In order to limit bias The sampling approach for Somali we only selected up to four households refugees entailed enumeration. In view through snowballing to complete the of the very limited number of Somali desired sample. Indian households refugees living in Delhi (around 200 were then randomly interviewed individuals in total) we targeted all of in the same neighbourhood. After them. We identified their addresses that, enumerators moved to the next
9 The Sample Site refers to the block, which was chosen as the statistical unit for this survey and identified through landmarks.
10 The questionnaire used can be found at: http://www.jips.org/en/field-support/ country-operations/india/india/
11 The software Open Data Kit was used to code the questionnaire on the smart phones and store the collected data
18 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI III. METHODOLOGY
Focus Group Discussions Limitations and key informant interviews In addition to the sampling challenges Furthermore, as is the case After concluding the survey, 12 focus mentioned above, following with household surveys, we had group discussions (FGDs) were limitations are relevant to mention : to rely on self-reporting, and conducted with men and women could not verify answers. and with young girls and boys from While the analysis in this report each refugee community12. The FGD provides a comparison of four target participants were selected randomly groups these groups have been sampled Feedback to communities from the surveyed households. We according to different strategies. This An important aspect of how we asked all survey respondents if they is often the case in urban settings, as communicate the findings from the would be willing to participate in focus target populations are usually diverse report is through feedback to the groups discussions and if they agreed, in terms of settlement patterns and refugee populations we have profiled. we noted their contact number. For numbers. Moreover the Indian sub This is important for ethical reasons the FGDs held with young refugees sample was included for comparative - informing the refugees about the the participants were identified purposes, meaning it was not findings contributes to building trust through the youth clubs of UNHCR’s composed with the aim of representing and two way communication with implementing partner, Bosco. the Indian population in Delhi. the humanitarian community - and also enables the validation of our The youth focus groups used a Additionally, the sampling approach findings through cross-checks. story board technique13, in which was not designed to estimate the total the participants were asked to number of the three targeted refugee A summarised version of the profiling make a series of drawings as part communities across Delhi, and the report will be distributed to all refugee of a situational analysis approach. results cannot be used to validate the centres, which are run by UNHCR and Some of the drawings from these total number of refugees in UNHCR’s their implementing partners across sessions are included in this report. refugee registration database. Delhi. Disseminating these findings to the communities will also help In addition, in order to focus the The focus group discussions and to challenge some misconceptions the objectives of the study and to refine some extent the survey responses different refugee groups had about the questionnaires we conducted key may have been constrained or biased each other that were encountered informant semi-structured interviews because the FGD facilitators and the during the research process. with thematic experts from UNHCR survey enumerators were to varying and their implementing partners. degrees linked with UNHCR. This made During the qualitative data collection it likely that some participants sought we interviewed individuals from to use the discussion in a strategic the refugee communities to provide way to communicate messages to additional in depth information. UNHCR. Facilitators sought to reduce this by stressing their independence and that they were not in any way involved in UNHCR programming.
12 The FGD question guides used can be found at: http://www.jips.org/en/field- support/country-operations/india/india/ delhi-urban-profiling
13 This methodology was developed by Eileen Pittaway and Linda Bartolomei from the Centre for Refugee Research (CRR) in the University of New South Wales; See : http://www.crr.unsw.edu.au/research-projects/ reciprocal-research/
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 19 IV. DEMOGRAPHIC AND HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS
20 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI DEMOGRAPHIC AND IV. HOUSEHOLD CHARACTERISTICS
Sex, age and ethnicity Somalis tended to have the youngest Household size and composition of household heads household heads, with a median age of On average, Afghan refugees and Most of our respondents were heads of 29, compared with 36 for Myanmarese Indians had the largest household household: just under 70% of Afghans, refugees, 39 for Afghans and 48 sizes, with a median of 5 members14. 82% of Myanmarese and 94% of for Indians. Indian and Somali male Myanmarese refugees had smaller Somalis, but only half of Indians (49%). household heads were approximately households (median 4), and Somali When the respondent was not the head 10 years older compared to female refugees had the smallest households of household, we asked for sex and household heads. There was no with a median of 2 members. age information about the head, as significant age difference between male well as other details. Most non-head and female headed households in the Somali households had the lowest of household respondents across our other groups. number of members under 18, sample were the spouse of the head. with a median of 1.1, compared Almost all (99%) Myanmarese with Indians (1.5) and Myanmarese Our overall survey sample included a household heads were of Chin ethnicity. refugees (2). Afghan households majority of male headed households, The Afghan head of households had higher numbers of children with a higher presence of female-headed were of a much more diverse ethnic under 18, with 2.6 members. households among refugee populations background: 64% were Tajik, 18% compared to Indians. Particularly Somali were Hazara and 18% were Pashtun. refugees showed a high percentage When looking at the Indian subsample, of female-headed households (43%), 42% were from Delhi, and 58% were 14 This compares with 4.48 for all Delhi, as estimated by the Delhi state survey. See p.i of compared to Myanmarese (3%), Afghans migrants from other states in India. “Employment And Unemployment Situation In (32%) and Indians, where only 14% had a Most Indian migrants came to find work Delhi”, Based On Nss 66th Round Survey (State Sample) (July 2009 – June 2010). female head. (87%), while 8% came for educational Directorate Of Economics & Statistics, Delhi – purposes (their own or their children’s). 110054. May 2012 Http://Des.Delhi.Gov.In
Figure 1 Distribution of household members by age cohorts
INDIAN AFGHAN % MYANMARESE 80 SOMALI
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Under 18 18 to 45 45 to 60 60 +
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 21 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
22 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI LIVELIHOODS OF V. REFUGEES IN DELHI
Paying rent is a Understanding the living and working Using this framework we analyse the “ priority. Sometimes conditions of refugee populations in factors that lead to greater or lesser we don’t eat at all. We Delhi was a primary objective of this livelihood security among refugee save the money for profiling exercise, and is crucial in groups. In addition, we provide a paying rent. helping identify effective responses better understanding of the survival and programming opportunities. strategies refugees use to cope with - Myanmarese man difficulties, such as evictions and lack In the following chapter we draw of income, with a view to supporting We can’t get a job, only on the urban profiling research of the design of program interventions in Income Generation the Feinstein International Centre 15 that can support these strategies. activities offered by to identify four different aspects of UNHCR and Bosco, refugee livelihood vulnerability and and the salary is resilience – employment, housing and financial security as well as not enough. 15 Karen Jacobsen and Rebecca Furst physical safety – and examine how Nichols, 2011. Developing and Urban Profiling – Somali woman these differed amongst our surveyed Methodology: Final Report. Feinstein International Centre Tufts University. groups, and between households (http://sites.tufts.edu/feinstein/files/2012/01/ headed by men and women. Developing-a-Profiling-Methodology-final.pdf)
KEY RECOMMENDATIONS :
1. Employment security : Myanmarese refugees had a higher proportion of income earners. However, they worked in a limited number of professions and often faced discrimination at the work place and unstable work conditions.
Afghan household heads had high unemployment levels, but reported better working conditions and access to a greater variety of jobs.
Somali household heads had high levels of unemployment and a significant proportion of work related to NGOs, suggesting restricted access to the job market.
2. Housing security : Refugees from Myanmar and Somalia reported more crowded living conditions than Afghans or local Indians, and higher levels of evictions.
3. Financial security : Afghan and Somali households tended to have fewer income earners than their Myanmarese equivalents, but displayed greater access to unearned income sources such as savings, remittances, and UNHCR subsistence allowances..
4. Physical safety : The proportion of refugees who had experienced theft, robbery or physical assault was much higher than that of Indians, with Myanmarese and Somali respondents reporting far higher levels of assault and lack of neighbourhood safety than Afghans.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 23 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
URBAN SKILLS
LANGUAGES
PHYSICAL EDUCATION ABILITY TO WORK
BONDING SOCIAL CAPITAL BRIDGING SOCIAL CAPITAL
LEGAL STATUS & HUMAN SOCIAL LENGTH DOCUMENTATION CAPITAL CAPITAL OF STAY
EMPLOYMENT HOUSING SECURITY SECURITY
Housing Evictions and Occupation of household conditions Number of moves income earners heads
Type of Employment work conditions FINANCIAL SECURITY
Savings, remittances and Household PHYSICAL assets SAFETY allowances
Experience of physical assault Perceptions of neighbourhood safety
Livelihood security components, factors and their indicators
24 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
1. EMPLOYMENT SECURITY
We define household employment Length of time income earners Number of income earners security as a sufficient number of spent working over the past The number of household income adult income earners (to ensure six months and reasons earners varied by group and sex. adequate income for the household), for not working – to assess Indian and Myanmarese households who are employed in decent work 16 underemployment and overwork. had on the average the highest which means not being exposed to number of income earners: more capricious employers, physical risks Work stability, including than half the surveyed households or verbal abuse, and having time off possession of a work contract. had one income earner, and more to rest. Measures of employment than 30% had two income earners. security used in this study include : Work conditions – we looked There was no difference between at harassment at work as well male and female headed households. Number of income earners – as unstable working conditions households with one income earner illustrated by experiences of Afghan and Somali households had can be more prone to shocks, being fired or not paid. fewer income earners: 40% of Afghan and having a second earner is a households and 28% of Somali measure of employment security. The information presented in this households had no income earners, chapter refers to income earners and whereas that was the case for less Occupational status of household household heads. We defined income than 5% of Myanmarese and Indian heads – we looked at whether earners as ‘’people who contribute households. About half of Somali the household heads were income to the household through a households though had one earner, working, looking for a job, or job’’. We collected information about also with no difference between were inactive (i.e. not looking up to two main income earners per female and male headed households. for a job, disabled or retired). household. At the same time we also enquired into the occupational status of In all groups with the exception Type of occupation – we looked the household heads, who most often of Somalis, female headed at whether income earners were were one of the two income earners. households were more likely not self-employed or employees, to have any income earners. which may indicate different In this chapter we describe degrees of entrepreneurship. our findings, disaggregated by 16 See ILO’s ‘Decent Work Agenda’ found at: population group and sex of the http://www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/decent- household head, when relevant. work-agenda/lang--en/index.htm
Figure 2 Distribution of households according to number of income earners
INDIAN % AFGHAN 60 MYANMARESE SOMALI 50
40
30
20
10
0 Female-headed HH Male-headed HH
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 25 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Occupation of household heads In the Indian sub-sample of 386, 77% Afghan household heads were job at a call centre and was invited of household heads were working, with in higher numbers unemployed for an interview but then rejected about one third self-employed and 44% and looking for a job (35%), while when he could not show a valid visa. with salaried employment. Only 2% of 47% were working. In focus Indian household heads were looking groups, Afghans said a common Somali household heads had the for jobs, and another 9% were retired. obstacle to employment was lack lowest levels of employment (16%), of documentation, in the form of with 14% in salaried work. Seventeen In the Myanmarese sample, more valid visas. This could indicate that per cent of the household heads were than half (54%) of the household Afghan refugees were applying for unemployed and looking for a job. heads were in salaried employment more formal sector jobs compared to and only 3% were looking for jobs. those the Myanmarese refugees were Of the employed household heads, pursuing. For example, one Afghan very few were self-employed (6%). informant said he had applied for a
Figure 4 Distribution of households heads by occupation categories
INDIAN AFGHAN % MYANMARESE 80 SOMALI
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Working Looking for a job Inactive
26 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
In all groups, male household heads were more likely to be employed than female household heads, as shown in the Figure below.
Figure 3 Proportion of household heads working, by sex
INDIAN AFGHAN % MYANMARESE 80 SOMALI
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Female-headed HH Male-headed HH
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 27 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Type of work The occupation of the primary two In these jobs, however, Hindi and Notably, half of the Somali earners income earners varied by group. English skills were a prerequisite. were employed in income generation Indians’ occupations were diverse: Very few Myanmarese refugees activities provided by UNHCR’s about 25% run a small business (7%) were self-employed or had implementing partners, primarily whereas a majority of the others started their own business. Micro- Bosco, and a few worked as worked as employees (salaried/ entrepreneurs started a business interpreters (often in UNHCR or their work for an organisation, clerk, after getting a grant from UNHCR implementing partners). That Somalis teacher, driver, IT specialists, etc.). and others after getting a loan from had not entered the local job market, their Church, or a ROSCA (Rotating indicates employment vulnerability Refugee employment was less Savings and Credit Association). These and reduced self-reliance. One diverse. About a third of Myanmarese small businesses were likely not to Somali woman reported during a income earners (33%) worked in be secure livelihoods, as less than focus group: ‘’we can’t get a job, factories and another quarter in half (45%) were full-time activities. only in Income Generation activities shops/ restaurants /beauty salons / offered by UNHCR and Bosco call centres/ night parties (26%). Afghans’ salaried occupations […] and the salary is not enough. Our focus groups with Myanmarese consisted of three main types: Some women are working there, described factory work as washing translation/interpretation, employment the rest can’t work due to security and cutting clothes from 9:30 to in shops/restaurants and income problems [referring to discrimination 19:30 (including a 30 minute break), generating activities in the UNHCR experience in other jobs]’’. which earned them 100 Rupees refugee centres. Other employment (1.5 USD) per day. The advantage included work as drivers, tailors and of this work was that no Hindi was in clerk/office jobs. Entrepreneurship necessary. Work in restaurants was was more widespread: 40% of paid more, 4,000 Rupees (63 USD) Afghan earners were self-employed, a month, but no holidays were given, usually as interpreters and in not even Sundays, which posed a activities that did not require initial challenge for church attendance. capital (like service professions).
28 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Employment conditions When asked about work history When asked about conditions of Discrimination and harassment at the within the past 6 months, more than employment, working Myanmarese work place was a recurrent topic in half of all groups except Somalis had and Somali refugees reported the all focus groups with Myanmarese income earners who had worked on most unsafe conditions: 32% of refugees, for adults and youth of both average between 5 and 6 months. Myanmarese and 22% of Somali sexes. They reported that Indians Of Myanmarese income earners, income earners felt physically unsafe were paid more than refugees for the 68% had worked most of the time at work; whereas 50% of Myanmarese same work -- in some cases Indians compared to 94% of Indians. and 46% of Somalis felt unsafe received 6,000 Rupees(95 USD) for going to or returning from work. The work Myanmarese refugees would be Those who had work contracts equivalent figures for Afghans were doing for 4,000 Rupees (63 USD). tended to have skilled jobs (IT less that 10% for both questions, workers, engineer, accountants), or and for Indians less than 4%. In focus groups, Myanmarese women, work for government/organisations. both adult and youth, stressed their Very few employed refugees had Myanmarese income earners experience of harassment at work, work contracts. This included also reported in higher numbers which often forced them to stay at home interpreters, office workers/clerks, experiences of not having with a resulting loss of salary. They said social workers and teachers (most been paid or having been fired they could not afford to quit their jobs. of them were likely to work with a within the past 6 months. The FGDs revealed general concern UNHCR implementing partner). that little could be done to address the discrimination and harassment because discussants reported that nothing happened, even if the incident were reported to the police and SLIC.
Figure 5 Proportion of employed income earners with negative experiences
INDIAN AFGHAN MYANMARESE SOMALI
%
50
40
30
20
10
0 Not received salary within Fired within past 6 months past 6 months
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 29 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Conclusion
In sum, employment reflected mixed employed. Entrepreneurship was patterns. Myanmarese refugees more widespread among Afghan had more income earners in the income earners when compared household and had spent more to Myanmarese. Afghan income time working, similar to that of earners also reported better working Indians. However, they faced more conditions with fewer incidents discrimination and harassment in of being unsafe at work, or not the workplace and more tenuous receiving salary and/or being fired. job security (no work contracts). Myanmarese income earners Myanmarese refugees had the least faced more unstable and more diverse types of jobs – indicating hazardous employment conditions: more restricted access to the job they had a higher likelihood of market-- whereas Afghans had being fired, increased likelihood almost as much diversity as Indians. of not being paid, and insecurity Half of the Somali income earners at or on the way to work. were involved in subsidised Income Generation Activities at NGOs, Afghan and Somali households suggesting restricted access to the had fewer income earners and job market and reduced self-reliance. more household heads not being
30 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
2. HOUSING SECURITY
Housing is a source of physical frequency of evictions. In this Refugees were much more likely than shelter and stability and a significant chapter we first show differences Indians to share their dwellings: almost productive asset in urban settings between groups, disaggregated half (42%) of Somalis and 13% of because it underpins income and by sex of household head. Myanmarese refugees said they shared employment. Housing can generate their dwelling with non-family members, income through home-based whereas only one Indian respondent did. production activities, rental of a room, Housing conditions or it can provide secure storage of Households from Myanmar (90%) More than two thirds of the Myanmarese goods for vending or trade. ‘Housing and Somalia (81%) tended to live in and more than half the Somali vulnerability’ could be defined as only one room, whereas half of the respondents said they shared toilets a situation where one is at risk Afghans occupied 2 rooms, as did and/or kitchens with non-family of losing one’s home, or where about a third of the Indians. According members, reflecting a pattern of these the household’s living situation is to information shared in the focus two groups clustering in the same potentially risky for some members. groups, rent for one room was about buildings. The Afghans lived in less An example of the latter is shared 3,000 Rupees (47 USD) in West Delhi, clustered patterns; only 10% shared housing – when households are where most Myanmarese people live. their dwelling with non-family members obliged to share kitchen or latrine The average rent for Afghans in the and 11% shared toilet and/or kitchen. facilities with non-family members. Afghan residential areas was 10,000 Rupees (158 USD) for two rooms. In Delhi we measured tenancy and housing conditions, rent and
Figure 6 Distribution of households according to number of rooms occupied
INDIAN AFGHAN
% MYANMARESE SOMALI 100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 ROOMS
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 31 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
More than half (51%) of Indian respondents owned their dwelling, but no refugees did. Almost all the refugees rented, with the exception of a few who lived in dwellings without paying rent.
Figure 7 Proportion of households sharing housing facilities
AFGHAN MYANMARESE % SOMALI 80
70 Note : Indian households are 60 not included, as very few shared any housing facilities 50
40
30
20
10
0 Share dwellings Share toilet Share kitchen
Evictions & moves Our focus groups reported that landlords One focus group said refugees who Somali refugees reported in the focus seldom gave written rent agreements. got rejected by UNHCR kept it secret, groups that they were dependent on This meant that many households had fearing that if the landlord heard of UNHCR subsistence allowances for to move because the rent increased it, he would raise the rent, and they covering the rent. Somalis mentioned by 10-20 % once or twice a year. would be forced to pay more, since that some evicted individuals, often finding a new apartment with no valid single men, ended up homeless for a Evictions were faced in very different identity documents is very difficult. few months, living in parks and the degrees by the refugee populations. 80% mosque until they found a new room. of Myanmarese households and 62% Payment of the rent was a recurrent During a FGD, a Myanmarese man said: of Somali households had experienced problem for all refugee communities and ‘’Paying rent is a priority because if evictions. Reported reasons for evictions one of the more challenging expenses it is not paid the house owners throw were mostly related to inability to pay as it had to be paid regularly; paying late us out. Picking up vegetable garbage the rent, the presence of their children, or not at all often led to eviction. During from the markets at night is a common visitors, or big families, and in general focus group discussion, average reported practice to save money. Sometimes discrimination by the landlord. amounts for rent were: Myanmarese we don’t eat at all. We save the money refugees 2,000 – 3,000 Rupees (31–47 for paying rent’’. Across communities, In comparison, less than 5% of Indians USD) for one room, while for Afghans refugees agreed that they were charged and Afghans reported having been 10,000 Rupees (158 USD) for two rooms. more rent than their Indian neighbours. evicted from their homes.
32 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Conclusion
In sum, refugees from Myanmar same buildings. By contrast, the vast and Somalia appeared to be majority of Afghans did not share more vulnerable when it came to any facilities. Refugee households housing than Afghans or Indians. from Somalia and Myanmar also They had less living space, with had higher rates of evictions when most households occupying only compared to Afghan households. one room and were more likely to share toilets and kitchens with non-family members. This reflects the pattern we observed of the two refugee groups to cluster in the
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 33 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
3. FINANCIAL SECURITY
We define financial security as Savings, remittances & allowances having enough financial resources to Income includes household members’ and to a lower extent by Myanmarese adequately fulfil the needs and some earnings through employment and (46%). The aid received by Somalis wants of a household. We assessed ‘unearned income’ from external was in 80% of the cases from UNHCR, the financial security by looking sources such as remittances or whereas for Myanmarese, the aid at the following proxy indicators: financial assistance. Household income was from UNHCR half of the times. number of income earners (analysed is often difficult to ascertain and we did previously), access to unearned not directly ask about income amounts, Remittances were received by more income sources such as savings, as this is a notoriously unreliable than a third of Afghans, more than remittances, allowances and aid, as measure of income. We asked instead 40% of Indians, and 22% of the well as household assets. We also about different sources of income, surveyed Somali households. The asked our respondents about their including ‘unearned’ income, such likelihood of receiving remittances expenditures, specifically in relation to as, subsistence allowance provided was comparatively the lowest rent and medical bills. However, our by UNHCR, government transfers or amongst Myanmarese; only 14.5% results showed a high dispersion of benefits, savings and remittances. of the interviewed households. values, indicating that these were not very reliable indicators; we therefore Somali households reported most A difference was observed here decided to omit them from the analysis. frequently access to unearned between female and male headed income sources. Almost 60% households’ access to remittances, of Somali households received with the former having more access UNHCR’s subsistence allowances, than the latter (18% vs. 12.5%) For all compared with only 2% of Afghan other unearned income sources there and Myanmarese households. seemed to be no difference between Humanitarian aid was received male and female headed households primarily by Somali households (80%) across the population groups.
34 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Savings were mentioned primarily Unearned income is an indicator of by the Afghan households (22%). household dependency on external One Afghan housewife described sources and thereby of lower self- during an interview, how her family reliance. Whether allowances, as had arrived in Delhi with 15,000 amongst Somali households, or dollars in savings. After two years the savings and remittances, as amongst savings were coming to an end, as Afghan households, these sources only one person in the household was provide only temporary financial employed, while the rent amounted security, and may not be permanent. to 10,000 Rupees (158 USD).
Very few Indian households reported receiving government transfers. About 8% of Indians received a social protection programme benefit (or allowance), such as Old Age Pension Scheme (IGNOAPS) and Widow Pension Schemes (IGNWPS).
Figure 8 Proportion of households with access to unearned income
INDIAN AFGHAN % MYANMARESE 80 SOMALI
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Remittances Hum. assistance Benefits/allowances Benefits/allowances
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 35 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Household assets Household assets can be divided into For example, Afghan homes could Almost half our Somali respondents productive assets, which increase have carpets and no beds, but this (46%) had a score of zero, compared household productivity - such as a could simply be a cultural preference. to only 9% of Indians. About two computer or electricity – and which What has value in one setting may thirds of Myanmarese refugees (60%) the household either owns or has have less or none in another. had scores of 1-2 (indicating access to access to; and transferable assets, only one or two of the listed assets). which can be sold to increase cash In Delhi we asked about eleven types More than half of the Afghan refugees flow (the household must own these of assets: television, smartphone 17, scored between three and five. in order to utilise their value). table/chairs, computer, access to Indians had the highest scores with internet, car, motorcycle/scooter, 42% having scores of 6-8, and 18% Assets are potentially an indicator of DVD/VCD player, refrigerator and/ having scores of 9-11. These scores wealth or poverty, but it is important or washing machine, cooler, and air suggest that Somali and Myanmarese to understand the cultural and condition. We calculated an asset refugees are poorer in terms of social context. The items found in score for each household by assigning assets than Afghans and Indians. refugee homes need not necessarily each type of asset one point. Thus, mean the household can afford scores ranged from zero to 11. to purchase them. They could be 17 We did not ask about mobile phones, inherited from other refugees, who which most households possess. Asking about return to their countries or depart on smartphones gave us more variation: 11% of Afghans owned a smartphone, compared with resettlement. Cultural factors should 41% of Indians, 1% of Myanmaree and 5% also be taken into consideration. of Somalis..
Figure 9 Distribution of households by number of assets owned
INDIAN AFGHAN MYANMARESE % SOMALI
50
40
30
20
10
0 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ASSETS
36 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Conclusion
When looking at unearned income Unearned income, whether in the sources, Somali households had form of subsistence allowances, the highest access to subsistence savings or remittances is an allowances and aid. Amongst the indicator of household reliance on refugee groups, Afghan households external sources and thereby of received the most remittances, lower self-reliance. However, less overtaken only by Indians, and self-reliance, as observed among had most often access to savings. Somali and Afghan households, is not Relatively few Myanmarese equal to less financial security. As households reported having we saw in the previous chapter on savings, receiving allowances, or employment security, Myanmarese remittances; though slightly fewer household have more income than half received aid (either from earners, but they face insecure job UNHCR or other sources- which stability and salaries. Therefore, could be their own community). relying on subsistence allowance and remittances or savings, as Somali and Afghan households respectively do, may offer more stability.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 37 V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
4. PHYSICAL SAFETY AND EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION AND HARASSMENT
We asked survey respondents what Experience of physical assault they thought about the safety of their Asked whether anyone in their neighbourhoods compared to other household had experienced theft, neighbourhoods in the city, and about robbery, or physical assault in the their experience of crime (robbery and past year, less than 1% of Indians assault) in the past year. It was observed said they had, indicating very low that the perceptions of safety were levels of crime. The Afghans also closely linked to the relations between experienced relatively low levels: refugees and the Indian host population, 6% said they had experienced theft which particularly for the Myanmarese or robbery, and 13% said they had and Somali communities were experienced physical assault. characterised by discrimination based on their different physical appearance. By contrast, more than half of the Myanmarese (54%) had experienced theft or robbery, and 80% said they had experienced physical assault. The Somalis also had experienced relatively high levels of crime: 19% had experienced theft or robbery, and 37% said they had experienced physical assault
Figure 10 Proportion of households finding their neighborhood « unsafe »
%
100
80
60
40
20
0 Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali
38 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI V. LIVELIHOODS OF REFUGEES IN DELHI
Perceptions of neighbourhood safety Most (92%) of the Myanmarese heads described their neighbourhood Focus group participants reported and 76% of Somalis thought their as unsafe, compared to only 12% that their landlords overcharged neighbourhood was “unsafe”, compared of the male household heads. the bills and did not allow visitors, to 6% of Indians and about 17% of which according to the focus group Afghans. We also controlled across These stark differences in perceptions participants ‘’is part of our culture’’; the the surveyed neighbourhoods (i.e. of safety were also reflected in the way landlords often threw belongings out we compared responses within each the different refugee groups described of the room and told the Myanmarese different neighbourhood to account their relationships to the local population to vacate the place within two days. for differences in the location across during the focus group discussions. the city). We found that the refugee According to FGDs with Myanmarese, populations in each neighbourhood Myanmarese experienced harassment some of the evictions reported during tended to find it more unsafe than and discrimination due to their physical the survey resulted from discrimination did the Indians living there. appearance as part of their daily lives: or intolerance of some social practices. ‘’in the companies where we work, Experiences of discrimination and We also compared the reported sometimes we get salary, sometimes harassment are further analysed perceptions of safety between female we don’t’’; ‘’the boss often hugs and in the following chapter, when and male household heads. Here we kisses the Burmese ladies’’. It was discussing social capital and relations found almost no differences with the reported that children were beaten by to the local host community. exception that among Afghan household local children at school and therefore heads 26% of the female household were often kept home by the parents.
Conclusion
The perceptions of physical safety Myanmarese and Somalis had for in the different neighbourhoods, example experienced many more as reported by the refugee incidents of physical assault, theft household heads, were closely or robbery, when compared to linked to the relations between Afghans and Indians. Consequently, each refugee community and a great majority of Myanmarese the Indian host population. The and Somalis perceived their relations between Myanmarese neighbourhoods as being ‘’unsafe’’, and Somali refugees and their local as opposed to far fewer Afghans. neighbours were characterised by discrimination and harassment:
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 39 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
40 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI
EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES VI. IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
No one from the The previous chapter explored Thirdly, at the household/ “ community can help differences in livelihood security of individual level - where specific us. This is because the surveyed groups, by looking at characteristics, resources everyone is in need. If employment, finances, housing and and experiences, including one can’t pay the rent, physical safety. We will now attempt human and social capital, to explain these observed differences. documentation and length of stay, all they can do is pray. influence livelihood security. – Afghan woman Three distinctive features of urban settings determine access to Earlier in this report we outlined Everything around us livelihood assets and security: the refugee policy context in India, [in Delhi] is changing and the harassment suffered by to the better; new Firstly, the policy/institutional refugees was briefly described buildings … but we don’t level - where the state an above (in the section on Physical change. In 10 years other institutions determine Safety). We now focus on the third they [Indians] will be in access to resources such as set of household level factors. These housing and employment; factors, diagrammed below, play out heaven and we in hell. both prior to migration and on arrival, – Myanmarese woman Secondly, at the level of civil and change over time, suggesting society - where policy is that length of stay may also be an No one goes to the implemented, and where wider important intervening variable. police, neither locals nor social processes including Somalis. After a fight, what we call a ‘culture of everyone just dusts off harassment’ influence refugees’ their boots and ability to move around freely, compete in markets and send goes home. their children to school, and – Somali young man
THROUGH OUR ANALYSIS WE FOUND THAT :
Not all forms of human capital lead to greater employment security. While Afghan refugees displayed good levels of education, they had the lowest employment levels.
Social capital in the form of intra community networks did not necessarily lead to greater employment security, but it has helped Myanmarese refugees to be more secure by offering strong safety nets. Afghan households have to rely much more on their own households, and remittances from abroad, whereas the relatively small size of the Somali community meant that networks were less effective than those of the Myanmarese.
Relations to the Indian host population were weakest amongst Myanmarese and Somalis, with both groups of refugees experiencing high degrees of discrimination that affected their access to employment.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 41 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
1. LEGAL STATUS AND DOCUMENTATION
A potentially important determinant The Government of India has recently Both male and female Afghan refugees, of livelihood security is an individual’s decided to allow refugees registered for example, mentioned during FGDs legal status and whether s/he has the with UNHCR to apply for long term that lack of valid visas was an obstacle documentation to support this status. visas and work permits. This will be to accessing housing, jobs or buying Documentation includes refugee an important improvement in term of a SIM card for mobile phones. The certification, birth certificates, and accessing the job market, primarily for UNHCR refugee card seemed not to legal residence cards, depending the more highly skilled refugees aiming be a replacement for a valid visa, and on the urban context. Having at entering the formal job market. Afghans highlighted in several focus formal refugee status (i.e. where groups that an expired visa was often refugees have undergone individual In Delhi, all of but 6% (45) of the 722 more valuable than a refugee card. or group status determination) can non-Indian residents surveyed had During FGDs, Myanmarese refugees mean refugees are less likely to be either UNHCR refugee ID cards or the did not mention documentation as a arrested or deported and, in most asylum seeker certificate. All but one concern to the same degree. They host countries, it allows refugees or two of the Myanmarese and Somalis tended to live clustered in areas where to pursue livelihoods with less risk had UNHCR ID cards. Of the Afghans, landlords are used to the UNHCR of being stopped by authorities. 112 had UNHCR ID cards, while 64 refugee cards. Documentation was had asylum seeker certificates. not an issue for employment either, Refugees must pursue economic as employers in the informal sector activities in order to survive, Effective protection from legal status did not require such documents. regardless of their status, and if they not only requires that refugees have are not officially permitted to do the documentation to prove it, but Lack of needed documentation so it becomes a matter of whether also that state authorities (such as for accessing schools, including authorities enforce the law or not. immigration officers and police) are college, was a concern in many Legal status makes less of a difference trained to recognise the documents and FGDs, although more for Afghan when work and self-employment accord refugees their rights. In Delhi, refugees and to a lower degree for opportunities are largely in the informal during the focus groups, refugees Somali and Myanmarese refugees sector, where law enforcement is often mentioned that their UNHCR (this will be further discussed more lax, and where refugees find ID cards were often not recognised in Chapter VIII on education). employment through networks, as valid documentation by the police, community-based organisations their landlords, or employers. and local institutions, rather than through formal mechanisms.
42 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
2. HUMAN CAPITAL
Household human capital refers to police officer), and enables migrants/ missed other household members, the education, skills, knowledge, refugees to join local organisations whose human capital could have health and other productive capacities and networks. We therefore expect contributed to livelihood security. (such as the number of working households to be more livelihood However, household heads can serve age members) that contribute to a secure if an adult member of the as proxies for the human capital of household’s livelihood security. Higher household speaks the local languages18. the household. Households that are levels of human capital are likely to headed by children, elderly, physically decrease vulnerability and poverty. In Delhi we measured education of disabled or sick will be less secure. household heads, skills of income Similarly, households with large Language abilities are particularly earners (including languages and numbers of dependents, or those important in urban settings that are urban skills), and physical ability of who cannot earn income, are less characterised by a mix of people household members to work, wee secure. Gender is a more complicated of different origins. Speaking an compared differences between factor. Conventional wisdom portrays international language can be households headed by men and women female headed households as more useful for securing employment in and explored whether these variables economically disadvantaged, but this international agencies, or in negotiating influenced employment, housing is not always the case, particularly onward migration. Speaking the local situation and financial security. in urban areas where the risks or most widely spoken language of arrest and detention are faced increases access to employment Our survey focused primarily on disproportionately by young men. Race and ability to engage in business. It household heads rather than all or ethnicity also influences access also helps to enhance protection (for household members in order to save to livelihood assets when certain example, if a person is stopped by a time and resources. This meant we groups are subject to discrimination.
18 Often, children speak the local language if they are enrolled in school or more locally integrated than their adult family members. Children’s language skills can be an important asset to the household if they assist adults with translation; however, for the purposes of assessing livelihood security we consider adult household members’ language ability because of its relationship specifically to employment and protection.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 43 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Education Our survey found that the education We looked at whether there was employment status, working conditions level of household heads varied a difference between female and and experience of evictions. by group. The lowest education male household heads and as levels of household heads were expected, a larger proportion of We found no relation between encountered among Somalis, where female household heads had no the education level of household 35% had no education. The majority education (over 30% vs. less than heads and the likelihood for having of Myanmarese (69%) had some 15% of male heads).The situation experienced evictions. Evictions were primary education, whereas 21% was particularly uneven for Somali primarily reported by Myanmarese and had no education. Afghans had the households, where 64% of female Somalis regardless of the education highest proportion of household heads of households had no education level of their household heads. heads having completed secondary compared to only 12% of male heads. education (41%) and the most We then explored whether the household heads, when compared In order to better understand how education level affected the to the other refugee groups, having education is a factor of livelihood employment conditions of household completed a university degree (17%). security, we cross correlated the heads as expressed by two variables: education levels of household experiences of being fired and of heads with different indicators not being regularly paid. Again we of livelihood security, such as found no strong correlations.
Figure 11 Distribution of households according to education level of household head
COMPLETED UNIVERSITY OR POSTGRAD
COMPLETED SECONDARY SOME OR COMPLETED PRIMARY
NO SCHOOL
%
100
80
60
40
20
0 Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali
44 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Finally, we looked at the links between On the contrary, language skills, education level and employment as we will see next, are closely of household heads. As the figure linked to the ability to find work shows, higher education levels among and access better paid work. refugees were not linked to higher likelihood of having work. Somali refugees were the exception, as the majority of employed household heads had a university degree. Afghans, for example, during the focus groups lamented the fact of not being able to use their education and certificates.
The general lack of links between education levels and livelihood security, be it employment or housing security, imply that previous education has limited significance.
Figure 12 Proportion of household heads working, by education level
% NO SCHOOL SOME OR COMPLETED 100 PRIMARY
90 COMPLETED SECONDARY COMPLETED UNIVERSITY 80 OR POSTGRAD
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 45 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Languages One possibility for refugees’ difficulty The focus groups discussed the with finding employment could be link between language skills and lack of language skills. In Delhi the salary levels, and agreed that better key working languages are Hindi paid jobs required both Hindi and and English. We asked our survey English skills. Similarly, refugees respondents whether any income from Myanmar reported in the earners in the household spoke FGDs how limited Hindi skills often these languages. Somalis had the led to misunderstandings with the highest proportion (89%) of English- employer and at times resulted speakers, but only 39% of them spoke in receiving less in salary. Hindi. Myanmarese had the lowest proportion of English speakers (15%), but more than half spoke Hindi. About 94% of Afghan income earners had Hindi skills and 44% English skills. Afghan refugees told us that many learned Hindi in Afghanistan, often thanks to Bollywood movies.
Figure 13 Proportion of households by language spoken by income earners
INDIAN AFGHAN MYANMARESE SOMALI
%
100
80
60
40
20
0 English Hindi
46 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Urban skills In addition to languages, urban skills, which contradicts the usual life requires specific skills. In a assumption that a rural background commoditised urban economy, implies farming skills. More than households coming from rural areas half of the Myanmarese and Somali are likely to lack skills that are easily respondents reported that no-one in transferable to the urban setting. their household had any job skills. A Such ‘transferable skills’ include small proportion of Somalis reported business, trade, a profession, office having computer skills and translation or factory work, or services. skills. The Afghan population had a wider range of skills: IT, teacher, Of our respondents, 80% of Indians driver, tailor, interpreter, cook. and 85% of those from Myanmar were from rural backgrounds compared to about a third of Afghans (38%) and fewer than 2% of Somalis. Nevertheless, as the graph below illustrates, very few Myanmarese reported having farming
Table 1 Proportion of households by skills of their members (%)
Note : Only the skills most frequently reported are presented here. Multiple answers were possible.
NATIONALITY SKILL Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali No Skill 7 28 55 52 Computer 19 23 6 19 Cook 22 10 4 5 Small Business 24 1 5 2 Tailor 3 20 13 3 Driver 12 8 2 0 Farming 8 1 8 0 Office job/clerck 12 5 0 2 Teacher 4 8 3 5 Interpreter 0 12 2 27
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 47 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Physical ability to work Human capital also refers to the 2011, according to a 2012 World Bank In the survey we also asked the physical capacities to work; these report 20. We found that the average working-age unemployed household depend on age and health. age dependency ratio for our surveyed members, what the main reasons Indian sub-group was 57% (close to were for not working. The answers To explore the age factor in households, that of India), while that of the refugee validated the above figures, as health we used a measure called the age groups was higher, with the exception problems were cited by Somalis dependency ratio. This is a ratio of the Somalis. The score was and especially the Myanmarese. of the number of dependents, i.e. highest for refugees from Afghanistan people younger than 15 years or older (127%) and Myanmar (96%). Interestingly, the communities with than 64 years, to the working-age lower dependency ratios had the population, i.e. those between 15 Health is another decisive factor highest proportions of household and 64 years of age. The higher the for the physical ability to work, as members unable to work due to health ratio, the greater the burden is on the health problems can be an obstacle in reasons. This could indicate that productive part of the population to getting and keeping a job. Compared Myanmarese and Somali households, maintain the economic security of the to Indians, refugee groups were despite the high numbers of members economically dependent19. For example, more than twice as likely to have not being able to work due to their a dependency ratio of 100% could household members unable to work health, still had enough able members represent a household with two adults because of health reasons. About a to counterbalance this tendency, and in working age and two non-working even obtain a low dependency ratio. age persons, e.g. a child and an elder. quarter of Afghans, more than 61% of 19 The dependency ratio is often expressed as Myanmarese and 41% of Somalis said a percentage: The age dependency ratio in India they had sick household members, (Total) Dependency ratio = was last reported to be at 54% in compared with 12% of Indians. (nr. of people aged 0-14 & over 65 ) x 100 nr. of people aged 15-64
20 http://www.tradingeconomics.com/india/ age-dependency-ratio-percent-of-working- age-population-wb-data.html and http://data. worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.DPND
Figure 14 Average age dependency ratio per household
Note : The dependency ratio shows the number of dependents vs. the working age members of a household. The higher the ratio, the higher the proportion of dependents over % working age members.
150
120
90
60
30
0 Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali
48 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Figure 15 Proportion of households with members unable to work due to health
%
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali
Conclusion
Among the refugee groups we appear to experience harassment and surveyed, Myanmarese and Somali discrimination at the work place as households had the highest proportions well as on their way to and from work. of income earners and the lowest dependency ratios but they also had Afghans appear to have the most human the lowest education levels and fewest capital, with the highest education skills. One explanation for this apparent levels, wider range of skills, better Hindi contradiction could be that households skills and few health issues preventing with little human capital require more household members from working. members to work. However, lack At the same time, Afghan households of education and skills mean they had the lowest number of income must accept insecure employment. earners. One explanation is that higher We found that many Myanmarese human capital allows more selective and Somali refugees do not get paid approaches to employment. For regularly or have been fired (primarily example, one Afghan respondent who Myanmarese). In addition, both was trained as a doctor reported that he Myanmarese and Somali refugees would not accept to work as a cleaner.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 49 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
3. SOCIAL CAPITAL Bonding social capital Social capital is the store of support, In our survey we measured bonding ‘’Direct assistance is knowledge and experience held by capital by asking if any household only provided from the a community that is known to and member belonged to community community and the trusted by each other as a result groups, and where people would church. From Bosco of networks of kinship, nationality, go if they had economic difficulties and UNHCR it can take ethnicity or religion. Having access and needed help, for example if they time, you ask for an to social capital can assist with couldn’t pay the rent, medicine or food. securing employment and housing, Responses varied strongly by group. appointment. Through providing access to financing (both Myanmarese refugees were most the church, it is direct ; during household emergencies and likely to belong to groups (especially 2-3 days until the pastor for investment), and protecting against religious and community-based convenes with the elders harassment or other forms of abuse. organisations) and Afghans were and grants money‘’. least likely to belong to any group. For new arrivals, having a community The money provided by the community in the destination city can assist Religious groups were most and churches was sometimes a loan with livelihood resources, and over frequently mentioned, especially by and sometimes a gift. Most Myanmarese time, social networks improve the Myanmarese, of whom 72% said contribute to these safety nets by integration and self-reliance. Social they belonged to one, compared to 5% paying 10% of their income to the capital and networks must be built of Indians, one percent of Afghans, church. One Myanmarese female and maintained and this occurs as a and no Somalis. Myanmarese were informant said: ‘’if you are Christian result of participation in community also more likely than other groups you will pay, if you don’t do it, it is groups and organisations such as to belong to community – based like stealing money from God’’. religious organisations, savings organisations. Of the Myanmarese, groups, unions or associations. almost 60% said they belonged to Somalis also showed high levels of Participation in such groups increases such groups, compared to 11% of social capital, but although there was involvement in the daily social life Somalis, less than 3% of Indians and willingness to support each other, lack of the city or neighborhood and no Afghans. Other groups, such as of resources prevented such support increases access to local networks. women’s groups, youth organisations, from being effective. One woman’s savings groups, neighbourhood response captured the general view : There are two types of social capital, committees and migrant bonding and bridging: Bonding capital organisations, were mentioned by ‘’Refugees try between or intra-community networks refers fewer than 3% of respondents, themselves to donate to the capital that exists within single to each other; but communities of family and friends, The discussion of community it is difficult to get co-ethnics, or co-nationals. Bridging networks during the focus groups the required amount capital refers to the social relations reflected the diverse experiences together. If one built across different communities, of refugees. Myanmarese i.e. inter-community networks. In refugees valued their community household can’t pay their Delhi, bridging capital is built amongst networks highly, particularly the rent they have to vacate refugee groups and with the Indian churches. A Myanmarese woman the house. Then they community. Bonding social capital compared the community support have to stay with other provides safety nets for newcomers, to what they get from outside: refugees’’. and can help with finding a job21.
21 See: Nakagawa and Shaw, 2004; Pelling and High, 2005
50 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
The Afghan community demonstrated Afghans similarly reported not telling We asked all income earners how a relatively high degree of distrust, others if they got evicted as sharing they got their job. More than 70% of and most Afghan survey respondents such information might make them Afghan and Myanmarese employees said there would be no one to turn more vulnerable. However, it is said they found their job though the to in sudden need. Some Afghans interesting to note, that this lack of community, friends or relatives. during the FGDs said they would be trust did not prevent Afghans from unwilling to start a business with using their community when looking another Afghan as they would not for a job (see below). Similarly, distrust trust them not to run off with the seemed not as the only reason for start-up capital. Others said they lack of intra community safety nets, would keep it secret if not granted as one woman during an FGD said: refugee status, as some Afghans “No one from the community can could approach their employer to help us. This is because everyone let them take over the job if they is in need. If one can’t pay the had the required documentation. rent, all they can do is pray”.
Figure 16 Distribution of employed income earners by way of accessing their job
INDIAN AFGHAN MYANMARESE % SOMALI 80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Networks/friends/relatives Applying Job placement/BOSCO
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 51 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
In response to the question of available to them for such help. About A Somali informant was not aware where household heads would go a third of Indian respondents said that she had been flown to Delhi for help, Afghans demonstrated they would ask relatives in Delhi until a local confronted her with a the least confidence in their and another third (32%) said they map. Several Afghan informants communities, and Myanmarese and would ask neighbours or friends. told us that on arriving at the Delhi Indians showed the highest levels. airport, they took a taxi to the area Given the importance of existing with many private hospitals, where Of the Afghan respondents, almost networks for new arrivals, we Afghans were known to work as a third said they would ask relatives asked whether respondents had interpreters for wealthy “health abroad and half said they would friends or relatives already in Delhi tourists” from Afghanistan. In those have no options available to them before they arrived. A much greater areas they expected to find other for such help. Over half (56%) of proportion of Indians, almost 64%, Afghans that could advise them on our Myanmarese respondents said said they had relatives in Delhi where to find an apartment and they would turn to their church before arriving, compared with how to navigate in the first days. or community association for less than 20% of all other groups, assistance and 21% said they would ask neighbours or friends from the The focus groups shared diverse same ethnic group. About a third experiences of arriving in Delhi. (34%) of Somali respondents said Some Somali refugees said they they would ask aid agencies for help. were brought to Delhi by agencies More than a quarter (28%) of Somalis that were not transparent about the said they would have no options destination they offered.
Table 2 Distribution of households according to source of support in case of difficulty (%)
NATIONALITY SOURCE OF SUPPORT Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali Community association -Church 0 1 56 3 None of the options would be available 17 51 10 30 Relatives here in Delhi 37 2 2 0 Neighbors-friends in general 24 6 6 17 Neighbors/friends of same ethnic group 9 2 20 0 Relatives abroad or other part of India 13 32 1 15 Aid/humanitarian organization 0 6 5 35
52 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Bridging social capital
Urban refugees often live mixed with upon the reason for such that primarily their daughters and local and other populations in the widespread discrimination, told us: single women faced and incidents same neighbourhoods and usually were recounted of fights between face similar challenges. The types “If we were more rich Afghan boys and locals, as well as of relationship that develop between and could pay rent on assaults on Afghan shop owners these communities affects many time and were more by Sikh Indians. However, overall aspects of everyday life, including educated and worked in the Afghans described their perceptions of safety, conditions in better jobs, the problems relationship to Indians as decent. the work place, and the environment would be fewer. We are at schools for refugee children. Good When we asked Somali refugees relationships with other communities no benefit for them; during the focus groups about their sharing the same neighbourhoods they [the locals] think, relations to the local populations, create ‘bridging’ social capital that they are very poor, they the usual answer was that there contributes to better livelihoods. are nothing, we are not was no relationship, as they tried to afraid of them”. keep a distance to avoid conflicts. Bridging social capital is reflected This attitude was based on daily in the extent to which refugee This feeling of inferiority may experiences of discrimination and groups have contact with locals, be another reason for avoiding harassment taking place in the often indicated by whether refugees engagement with locals. Some neighbourhood, at school, in the speak the local language. In Delhi, Myanmarese expressed a shops, at the hospital and the local speaking Hindi, and the desire to sense of stagnation in their authorities. Mediation by UNHCR and learn Hindi, can be a proxy for community when compared to their implementing partner SLIC in bridging social capital. Furthermore, the developing Indian society : such conflicts was seen as being in we explored bridging social vain, since the informant reported capital by asking about refugees’ ‘’Everything around us that justice was seldom served. perceptions of safety, and their [in Delhi] is changing to experiences of discrimination and the better; new buildings harassment, which was a salient … but we don’t change. topic in focus group discussions. In 10 years they [Indians] will be in heaven and Our Myanmarese focus groups participants said their community we in hell’’. had little contact with locals. A few who spoke Hindi had Afghan refugees said they felt better relationships with Indians, discriminated against mainly however, one informant said: ‘’it because of their religion; landlords might be better not to understand would refuse to rent apartments what the Indians say about us’’. A to Afghans for that reason. Some Myanmarese woman, reflecting mentioned the physical harassment
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 53 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
This drawing shows a Somali girl discriminated at school.
Even though many fights took place “Locals claim we are As a result, several Somalis during daytime, no bystanders thieves. The media has expressed an unwillingness to learn interfered, and the Somalis being been blaming Nigerians Hindi. Like the Myanmarese, some always in a minority were subjected for a lot of criminality older women said not speaking the to assaults. ‘’No one goes to the and locals can’t tell the language is an advantage, as then police, neither locals nor Somalis. difference between they don’t understand what Indians After a fight, everyone just dusts off say about them. A young man who their boots and goes home’’. Most Nigerians and Somalis, had lived five years in Delhi, stated preferred not to report incidents so they also blame us”. he didn’t want to learn Hindi ‘’I hate to the police as this could lead to the language, without any reason’’. further discord and enmity with neighbours and landlords. Somalis were aware of Indians’ view of them:
54 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
This group highlighted discrimination as a major said that if they had the power to change things, they challenge in the community (first drawing). This would ensure a just judiciary (fourth drawing). Their manifests itself, when locals comment on and make fun response to what they think could be done to address of their different dresses and touch their hair (second the discrimination and harassment was recommending drawing). Somalis are often assaulted by locals; the more meetings between the local community, Somali other Somalis can’t do anything but look and call UNHCR, refugees, UNHCR and the police (fifth drawing). SLIC and the police for help (third drawing). The boys
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 55 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
This drawing shows a Myanmarese young woman harassed at her workplace by colleagues.
The degree of harassment and an attempt to delimit their neighbours The Myanmarese refugees also discrimination experienced by the and surrounding environment so experienced a high degree of different refugee populations was as to ensure greater safety. The discrimination and harassment in quite varied. For Myanmarese and suggestions, made by the focus their daily lives; at work, in school, by Somalis the issue came up in most group participants in order to landlords and neighbours. However, of the topics we discussed during the address discrimination, were either this did not prevent them from focus groups, whereas it came up to to provide separate neighbourhoods accessing the informal local job market a much lower extent for the Afghan and schools for refugees only, or, in – though under very unequal conditions refugees. These different relations with a more optimistic vein, to conduct and with recurring experiences of the local community reflected different additional community mediation. being fired, not paid, and sexually degrees of bridging social capital. harassed in case of women. A general The high degree of discrimination perception in the focus groups was Somali refugees reported having faced by Somalis could explain why that there was little that could be almost no contact to the local most preferred to avoid the job market. done in order to improve the situation. community in order to avoid Instead, over 50% of the Somali Many felt that it was futile to report harassment, which was a daily income earners were employed in harassment and discrimination to experience for them. A Somali the income generation activities of UNHCR, SLIC or the police. The woman reported in a focus group UNHCR’s implementing partner and Myanmarese community networks that the reason for the very high 23% were working as interpreters; were not capable of addressing this clustering of Somali families in the again primarily for UNHCR and issue either, as they themselves had same areas and even buildings was their implementing partners. no voice in the local community.
56 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Afghan refugees experienced less discrimination and were not stigmatised, perhaps because of their physical appearance and because they were better educated and spoke the local language. They were able to access apartments in better neighbourhoods among Indians without clustering in refugee neighbourhoods as Myanmarese and Somalis did. They were able to apply for better jobs, though lack of work permit and documentation was most often a barrier to actually getting those jobs. Some Indians told us that the discrimination that Afghans faced was similar to what Muslim Indians face in certain neighbourhoods.
Conclusion
Having access to social capital can FGDs, many described how secretive increase the likelihood of securing Afghans were about problems such as employment, housing and financing. eviction or not getting refugee status. Social capital can potentially also Somali refugees did report higher protect against harassment or other levels of intra-community support. forms of abuse. We looked at the social However, the community was small capital of the refugee groups in terms and had few resources, which made of bonding and bridging capital. the support offered less effective.
Myanmarese refugees had more Bridging capital was weakened by bonding capital in the form of strong the discrimination and harassment safety nets. For example, they could experienced by the refugee access money from the church when communities. Somali and Myanmarese in need, and they were hosted by refuges reported the highest degrees neighbours if evicted. Afghans appeared of discrimination and harassment in to have much less social capital, with their daily lives – in the neighbourhood, more than half reporting they would by landlords, in the school, by local have nowhere to go if in need, other authorities, at the workplace etc. than turning to relatives abroad. During
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 57 VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
4. LENGTH OF STAY IN DELHI
Length of stay is potentially an and integration. We therefore The majority of the surveyed Afghan important factor in urban livelihood explored whether length of stay refugees had been in Delhi for either security. The longer a refugee affected such livelihood indicators as less than a year (38%) or between 1 household lives in a city, the better employment of the household head. and 3 years (36%). Of the Myanmarese they understand how to survive refugees, 60% had been in Delhi (by developing or strengthening Of our surveyed sample, all the between 4 and 10 years, whereas urban skills such as language, refugee groups were migrants, and another 35% between 1 and 3 years. urban business practices etc.). of our 388 Indian household heads, Most Somali refugees had been in 54% had been born in Delhi or had Delhi for either 1-3 years (45%) or With length of time, people’s social come before the age of 16, and 26% between 4 and 10 years (44%). capital and networks become stronger, had lived there more than ten years. which also helps with livelihoods
Figure 17 Distribution of households according to length of stay in Delhi
INDIAN (MIGRANTS) AFGHAN MYANMARESE % SOMALI 80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 less than 1 year 1-3 years 4-10 years More than 10
To explore the impact of length the employment of household heads of stay, we chose to look at the according to their stay in Delhi. employment status of household However, a decrease is then noticed heads in correlation to the duration for those having been in Delhi the of their stay in Delhi. Among the longest (this could be related to older Indian migrants and the Afghan age as well). Among Myanmarese refugees and asylum seekers there and Somalis an increase is also is a similar pattern of increase in clear, though to different degrees.
58 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VI. EXPLAINING DIFFERENCES IN LIVELIHOOD SECURITY
Figure 18 Proportion of heads of household working, by length of stay in Delhi
LESS THAN 1 YEAR 1-3 YEARS
4-10 YEARS % MORE THAN 10 YEARS 80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0 Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali
5. CONCLUSION
Not all forms of human capital lead not necessarily lead to greater Relations to the Indian host population, to greater employment security. employment security, but it did make so-called bridging social capital, were Despite good education levels among the Myanmarese refugees more weakest amongst Myanmarese and the Afghans, they had the lowest secure by offering strong safety nets, Somalis. High degrees of discrimination employment levels. One explanation whereas Afghan households had to and harassment affected their access is that high education leads to rely to a much higher degree only to work and housing as well as their high expectations for employment. upon their own household and support general physical safety. Only certain However, accessible urban jobs from abroad in form of remittances. types of employment (e.g. badly paid are low skilled, while better paid, Thus, both Myanmarese and Somali jobs in factories) were accessible to high skilled jobs require Hindi households had to counterbalance their Myanmarese; they experienced the language skills and documentation low human capital with stronger safety highest degrees of evictions and were beyond the refugee identity card. nets within the community. Myanmarese often harassed at the workplace, in had effective safety networks whereas the neighbourhood or at school. Similarly, social capital in the form the much smaller community of of intra community networks did Somalis had fewer resources to share.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 59 VII. EDUCATION
CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
60 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI EDUCATION CHALLENGES VII. AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
… the problem is the Through collecting information “ verbal abuse and being on all children in each household a minority, kids are between 5 and 18 years our survey being beaten, we worry explored the types of education about their security, refugee children are receiving, the not talent. level of school attendance, and the reasons for low attendance. — Somali woman In addition, we held focus group If we don’t study or go discussion with the youth based to college, our future on the storyboard technique (see will be to become a methodology chapter III). Girls waiter or a driver. and boys between 15 and 24 years attended separate groups — Afghan boy according to sex and origin.
THROUGH OUR ANALYSIS WE FOUND THAT:
Almost half of Myanmarese children (41%) are not enrolled in any type of school, a significantly higher number than Afghan refugee children (14%) and Somalis (13%).
Reasons for non-attendance differed across these groups. While significant numbers of responses across all groups mentioned financial constraint as a factor limiting their school attendance, more Myanmarese children reported the need to work as a constraint, while Somali children reported language difficulties as a more prevalent factor.
Discrimination at school was a problem, with Somali and Myanmarese girls and boys reporting that they were often verbally and physically abused by their classmates and teachers.
Across the target groups we saw a continuity of human capital levels. For example, Afghan households with the highest education levels amongst household heads had the lowest percentage of children not attending school.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 61 VII. EDUCATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
1. EDUCATION CURRENTLY AVAILABLE TO REFUGEES IN DELHI
In India all refugee and asylum seeker various education options in Delhi: Lack of required documentation limits children have access to government bridge classes, which aim at getting refugees in accessing higher education, primary schools, where the medium students admitted in government as either enrolment is prevented, of instruction usually is Hindi, with schools, and tuition classes, which or it necessitates the payment of refugee children placed in a class grade help the enrolled children to keep pace higher overseas student fees rather depending on their proficiency in the with school classes. Children can also than domestic fees. The only option language. As a result of often limited enrol in the National Institute of Open available is the DAFI Scholarship Hindi skills, many children are placed Schooling (NIOS), which is a distance (offered by the German Government in grades that do not correspond to learning programme. The study material to refugee students); as of June their age or the level of education they can be in English, which makes it a 2013, UNHCR supported 52 DAFI completed in their home country. preferred option for refugees. The scholars, which included graduating, Government of India has vested NIOS continuing and new students. Currently the UNHCR and their with the authority to examine and certify implementing partner, Bosco, offer students registered with it.
2. CHILDREN’S SCHOOLING PATTERNS : ACCESS AND EXPERIENCE
In the survey school access patterns observed across the different population groups were shown to be highly diverse, and revealed the different challenges faced by refugee children.
Table 3 Proportion of children by access to education (%)
Note : Children of the age 5 - 18 are included. Multiple answers were possible.
NATIONALITY EDUCATION TYPE Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali Not enrolled anywhere 7 16 41 13 Governmental school 51 17 8 24 Private school 39 24 4 29 English class 1 38 5 19 Church school 0 1 24 0 Vocational training 0 13 6 13 Bridge school 0 10 3 17 National Open School 0 13 0 0
62 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VII. EDUCATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
The survey responses showed that Among refugees, Somalis attended In general, there were no significant almost half (41%) of Myanmarese Government schools in higher differences between male and female children were not enrolled in any numbers (24%). Private schools were children in any population group, type of school, compared with, 16% attended primarily by Indian children though there was a tendency for more of Afghan refugee children and 13% (39%), followed by Somali (27%) and male children in all population groups of Somali children (only 7% of Indian Afghan (24%) children. Very few to be enrolled in private school. children were not enrolled). Myanmarese children attended private school, whereas a significant number Of those children attending school, More than half of the Indian children (24%) attended Church schools. most did so, on a daily basis, attended Government schools.
3. LIMITATIONS TO SCHOOL ATTENDANCE
The reasons why children were Child work was significant among not enrolled in school differed by Myanmarese children (38%); this population group. Indian, Afghan and was also confirmed during the focus Myanmarese children did not attend groups; Myanmarese girls reported school mostly because of financial that most children less than 18 years constraints. Language was a limiting were needed to work. All the girls in factor for a majority of Somali the Myanmarese female youth focus children not attending school (63%). group were working, and only a few were attending any type of school.
Table 4 Proportion of children not attending school according to reasons (%)
Note : Children of the age 5 - 18 are included. Multiple answers were possible.
NATIONALITY REASONS FOR NOT ATTENDING SCHOOL Indian Afghan Myanmarese Somali financial constraints 56 49 63 38 child is working 3 2 38 13 medical reasons 12 5 10 0 Language issues 0 21 1 63 discrimination/hostility 0 0 6 13 distance/no school 9 13 1 0 drop out/failure 18 0 0 0 security – not safe 0 2 2 13 lack of documentation 0 6 1 0
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 63 VII. EDUCATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
When looking at the differences in Some very interesting points emerged Afghan girls said a main challenge faced access to education across the refugee during the focus group discussion held by youth was lack of awareness about communities interesting patterns arise. with the youth from the three refugee the programs and courses available in The Afghan and Somali community communities. Afghan boys and girls India. They felt that there was no one invested in the human capital of the expressed strong motivation to pursue to advise them about possible future future generation and sent their children higher education and lack of access to career plans, and the tuition classes at to school in much higher numbers than colleges was raised as a challenge by Bosco, offered only limited subjects, the Myanmarese community. almost all Afghan youth in the focus such as economics, business, English, groups. Several said they had not been cooking etc. If students wanted to The relatively high attendance of Somali able to enter college because they pursue a different direction they had children in Government schools, despite lacked the required documentation to find the relevant books and teach the discrimination and harassment (often a valid visa was requested by themselves. In addition, some curricula reported by all youth, is worthy of the university). were only partly taught, placing a great notice. At the same time, the disparity responsibility on the students for fully between age and grade, the reported Many Afghan girls and boys explained preparing for the exams. The Afghan exclusion by the teachers, and the that the Hindi language, particularly girls stressed that Open School tuition difficulties in understating the class due written, was too difficult and they classes were attended only by strong to challenges with the Hindi language, preferred to attend the tuition classes students or those with educated parents all pose questions about the actual in English at Bosco, which serve as a who could support their children. The learning outcomes enjoyed by the preparation for the Open School exams. weaker students would not be able to Somali children attending Government Some Afghan boys expressed worries get through the curriculum with so schools. that the few hours of classes would not little teaching. make them competitive enough in the The Myanmarese community had the final national exams, and that this would highest number of children not going be a setback to being able to proceed to school. In the survey the main with college education. There was little reasons reported for not attending to no awareness among the Afghan school were financial constraints and students about the DAFI Scholarship the need to work. The focus groups and in general the youth seemed not reported discrimination and harassment to have any ideas as to how to enter by local children and teachers as an college. The alternative though seemed important factor as well. Although many clear, as an Afghan boy said: Myanmarese children attended Church ‘’If we don’t study or go to college, our school, this would not provide them future will be to become a waiter or with a certificate recognised in India. a driver’’.
64 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VII. EDUCATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
Discrimination in the Government Somali and Myanmarese girls and Despite the reported discrimination schools was reported most often by the boys reported that they were often against Somali and Myanmarese Somali and Myanmarese youth during verbally and physically abused by their children and youth, many, primarily the focus groups. The Somali girls classmates and teachers. A Somali boy Somalis (24%), kept attending reported that they were made to sit at reported that the local Indian students Government schools. The frustration the back of the classroom or sometimes told Somali children that they would and sadness caused by these daily in a class without chairs, where they never be like them, no matter how they experiences though were clearly often did not receive instruction. Girls dressed or how much they studied. A communicated by the youth in the of 16 and 17 years in the focus group Somali woman expressed her concerns focus groups. explained that they were placed in very succinctly: ‘’… the problem is the classes with children of 6-7 years of verbal abuse and being a minority, kids age due to their inadequate Hindi skills. are being beaten, we worry about their It is interesting to note that Somali security, not talent’’. youth did not attend the Open school, which is in English. One explanation is Women reported that their kids often that many Somali women were illiterate came home from school with injuries. and therefore not able to support their Both women and youth in the focus children attending the more demanding groups said ‘’UNHCR should maintain a Open School process (as indicated by school just for refugees’’. Afghan girls previously).
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 65 VII. EDUCATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
The girls identified lack of access As the girls said : to higher education as an important concern they had (first drawing). ‘’Women will then [when illiterate] stay at home, The results of lacking access work in warehouses or for refugees are illustrated in not even get a job’’. the difference between literate and illiterate persons, who The Afghan refugee community accordingly either get a good job was not able to respond to this in an office or need to work in a challenge (third drawing). warehouse (second drawing).
66 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI VII. EDUCATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
The girls suggested that a one What the community can do, in order good idea would be to introduce to better respond to the challenge some exams that could place the of not being able to access college, students at the right level and is to attend the Open School thereby recognise their previous classes ; nevertheless, this does education (fourth drawing). not address the challenge of not accessing college (fifth drawing).
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 67 VII. EDUCATION CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR CHILDREN AND YOUTH
4. CONCLUSIONS
All communities showed a tendency The Myanmarese community, with the to transfer the existing either high or lowest education levels of household low human capital levels to the next heads, also showed the largest generation (even if Afghan parents percentage of children not attending in the focus groups expressed school. The Myanmarese youth in worries about their children being FGDs mentioned only once the lack less educated than themselves). of access to college as a serious concern. The Somali community was In general, we see a continuity somewhere in between: the adults of human capital levels in the had low levels of education; however, different target groups (sometimes the children did attend school in a decrease). Thus the Afghans, relatively high percentages. However, with the highest education levels it is important to add, that the Somali amongst household heads, had youth in the focus groups did mention the lowest percentage of children that their attending school often not attending school, and the brought few actual learning outcomes Afghan youth expressed very and that their primary concern was strong motivation to enter college, discrimination in school and not considering it decisive for their future. future plans for entering college.
68 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI IIX. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 69 IIX. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
The principle objective of this profiling report has been to build an eampirical base to help design and improve programming and advocacy. While we have found that some of our findings reflected existing UNHCR understanding of the challenges facing refugees in Delhi, this knowledge can now be reinforced with data about the lives of refugees from Myanmar, Somalia and Afghanistan from over 1,000 households and many in depth focus group discussions.
This profiling exercise focused on how refugee livelihoods compare vis-à-vis the living conditions of local Indians. For this we broke down livelihood security into the component parts of employment, housing and financial security, as well as physical safety. Subsequently, we explored the factors that affect livelihoods, such as documentation and legal status, human and social capital, as well as length of stay. This helped us to then identify impeding and conducive factors to improved livelihood security. An additional focus was then given to education of youth and children.
During the exercise it became evident that each refugee community faced different challenges in terms of access to employment, housing and finances as well as in relation to physical safety. It is therefore recommended that different livelihood strategies are developed to target each of the refugee groups. Accordingly the below programming and advocacy recommendations are outlined separately for each refugee community.
Our recommendations, listed here, are addressed to UNHCR in Delhi and their implementing partners, Bosco and SLIC, and were developed in close collaboration with them.
70 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI IIX. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
1. EMPLOYMENT AND FINANCIAL SECURITY
Refugees from Myanmar : A high degree of discrimination and harassment at the BOSCO should strengthen their engagement in work place as well as job instability were reported as sensitisation of employers with the aim of improving key challenges. the working conditions and job security. Mediation between employees and employers could also prevent misunderstandings over work and salary arrangements. This should be targeted specifically at work places where many refugees from Myanmar are employed.
BOSCO should explore work placement of groups, as this could potentially decrease the risks to personal safety faced on the way to and from work, as well as in the work place.
Refugees from Afghanistan: Afghan refugees often attempt to access the more formal BOSCO should sensitise employers on the significance job market. Possessing accepted documentation is of the UNHCR issued refugee card. therefore often a challenge. Employers often require a valid visa, not recognising the UNHCR issued refugee certificate. UNHCR should advocate with the Government to In addition, the certificates and diplomas of refugees are recognise certain diplomas or opportunities for not acknowledged. recertification.
Refugees from Somalia: Somali refugees face serious difficulties in entering SLIC should sensitise local communities with the aim the labour market in Delhi, often the main reason for of increasing local employment options. this being discrimination and the lack of valid visas. Most Somali refugees are therefore engaged in income BOSCO should encourage Somali refugees to start generation activities offered by UNHCR and partners. small businesses and apply for small grants. This could possibly provide a longer term path to entering the local labour market.
CROSS-COMMUNITY RECOMMENDATIONS :
To establish community focal points for livelihood issues UNHCR should directly engage with industry and in order to enable a continuous dialogue between refugee commerce associations such as Federation of Indian communities and UNHCR and partners. Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) and Confederation of Indian Industry (CII). BOSCO should continue to educate employers on refugee rights and the value of UNHCR documentation, in order to BOSCO should explore revolving funds for groups of improve work conditions and stability. refugees for small businesses such as tea shops and restaurants or other vending enterprises. UNHCR and BOSCO should explore the option of linking refugees with public and private sector initiatives to build their skills.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 71 IIX. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
2. HOUSING SECURITY All three refugee groups reported varying degrees of housing BOSCO and SLIC should conduct sensitisation sessions insecurity due to restricted access to housing, discrimination with landlords, neighbours and neighbourhood by landlords, and evictions. Primarily it was Myanmarese and associations in areas where refugees live to minimise Somali households who had experienced evictions. and prevent conflicts. This is particularly needed in the areas where refugees from Somalia and Myanmar are residing.
3. PHYSICAL SAFETY – HARASSMENT AND DISCRIMINATION Refugees from Myanmar and Somalia reported facing UNHCR should provide information to newly arrived the most discrimination and harassment – in the asylum-seekers about available services in Delhi. neighbourhood, by landlords, at work, in school, and by This can be done partly by supporting community local authorities - and had the worst relations to their groups/initiatives to aid newly arrived refugees. local communities. Myanmarese were counterbalancing this by strong intra-community support networks. UNHCR and partners should continue bringing together refugee and local communities during Afghans experienced less discrimination from the local cultural events and festivals, in order to lessen community, however they reported having less community misunderstandings and improve communication. networks to access and had to rely more on support from abroad. Somali refugees had few established UNHCR should continue to support the community networks to provide a safety net, and faced a formation of committees/community groups high degree of racial discrimination and harassment. with good communication structures that can discuss and promote refugee interests. Somali men during a focus groups discussion mentioned the difficulties faced by Somali refugees upon arriving to Delhi, UNHCR should identify leaders and/or key community and they wished for some support in organising a receiving members of the local Indian community, who can and introducing mechanism within their community. facilitate relationship building with refugees and mobilise local communities to reduce harassment and discrimination against refugees.
UNHCR and partners should bring together Indian and refugee women on a common platform to bridge gaps, and to build communication to address gender based violence.
UNHCR and partners should organise joint youth workshops with Indians and refugees.
BOSCO should explore facilitation of basic skills training facilities in the refugee neighbourhoods, also open to Indian youth.
72 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI IIX. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
4. EDUCATION Access to education - primary, secondary as well as higher- UNHCR and BOSCO should continue to identify and education quality was a concern cutting across the three government schools in areas where refugees live and to refugee communities. Myanmarese children were, however, advocate for admission of refugee students. in greater numbers than Somali and Afghan children, not attending any type of school. UNHCR and BOSCO should strengthen engagement with local government schools and local communities Harassment and discrimination was identified as a problem to raise awareness about refugees, address issues of in government schools primarily by Myanmarese and discrimination and harassment and enhance parents- Somali children. Work commitments were reported by teachers associations. Myanmarese as the primary explanation for not attending school, while among Somalis the main reason was the UNHCR and partners should organise joint events for language barrier. The alternative to Government Schools, refugee and Indian children. the Open School classes provided by UNHCR’s partner, seemed to cover only a restricted array of subjects and BOSCO should offer more frequent classes and a greater target primarily stronger students. variety of subjects for Open School students.
Some refugees possess higher education but no job as their certificates are not recognised. Their knowledge could be used by engaging them in the classes offered by the Open School, in order to expand the subjects offered and support knowledge transfer and network building between refugee communities.
UNHCR and BOSCO should combine open schooling opportunities and income generation activities for refugee children and youth, who are unable to attend regular schools due to financial problems and engagement in paid work (primarily a concern among Myanmarese youth).
UNHCR should continue to advocate with tertiary educational institutions to facilitate admission of refugees and charge fees at par with Indian nationals.
BOSCO should organise information campaigns to increase awareness and knowledge of the DAFI scholarship.
UNHCR and BOSCO should offer vocational training courses and job placement based on the skills in high demand such as car repair, IT repair and mobile repair.
UNHCR and BOSCO should continue to promote language courses in Hindi among refugee children, youth and adults.
URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 73 74 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI URBAN PROFILING INDELHI VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW 75 VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW 76 natIonalIty (B. DEMOGRAHICS) Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali IndIcator / dIsaggregatIon Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali distribution of household heads according to ethnicity, by nationality a. saMPle dIstrIBUtIon somali sample size, by district Hawiya % n.a. n.a. n.a. 1.6 South Delhi # 111 136 0 46 West Delhi # 225 14 435 0 Bantu % n.a. n.a. n.a. 1.6
North Delhi # 32 23 0 18 Darod % n.a. n.a. n.a. 1.6 East Delhi # 20 3 0 0 Ashraf % n.a. n.a. n.a. 14.1 # 388 176 435 64 all districts Madiban % n.a. n.a. n.a. 15.6 % 36.5 16.6 40.9 6.0 Tuni % n.a. n.a. n.a. 10.9
Other % n.a. n.a. n.a. 54.7 B. DEMOGRAHICS Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali distribution of respondents according to relationship status afghan
head of household % 49.1 70.5 81.6 93.8 Tajik % n.a. 64.2 n.a. n.a. husband-wife of head % 27.9 23.3 14.7 0.0 Hazara % n.a. 17.6 n.a. n.a. son-daughter of head % 15.2 5.1 1.4 0.0 Pashtoun % n.a. 18.2 n.a. n.a. brother-sister of head % 2.1 0.6 0.7 1.6
URBAN PROFILING INDELHI father-mother of head % 0.0 0.6 0.2 0.0 Myanmarese
grandfather-grandmother of head % 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 Burmans % n.a. n.a. 1.2 n.a.
grandson-granddaughter of head % 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 Chin % n.a. n.a. 98.6 n.a. other relation head % 1.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 Kachin % n.a. n.a. 0.2 n.a. Friend-not related % 1.3 0.0 0.9 1.6 distribution of Indian household heads according to state of original residence son-in-law- daughter-in-law % 2.3 0.0 0.2 0.0 other % 0.3 0.0 0.0 3.1 Assam % 0.5 n.a. n.a. n.a.
distribution of household heads according to sex Bihar % 14.2 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Female % 14.5 32.4 37.2 42.9 Delhi % 42.4 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Male % 85.5 67.6 62.8 57.1 Haryana % 7.2 n.a. n.a. n.a.
age of household heads, by sex Jammu and Kashmir % 0.3 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Female HoH Jharkhand % 0.5 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Mean Yrs 55.3 40.5 37.3 37.1 Madhya Pradesh % 1.0 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Median Yrs 58.0 38.5 36.5 36.0 Maharashtra % 0.3 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Male HoH Mizoram % 0.5 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Mean Yrs 46.8 40.9 37.4 29.3 Punjab % 1.6 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Median Yrs 47.0 39.0 36.0 27.0 Rajasthan % 0.8 n.a. n.a. n.a.
all household heads Sikkim % 0.3 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Mean yrs 48.0 40.7 37.4 32.6 Uttar Pradesh % 27.9 n.a. n.a. n.a.
Median yrs 48.0 39.0 36.0 29.0 Uttarakhand % 1.8 n.a. n.a. n.a.
West Bengal % 0.8 n.a. n.a. n.a. VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW
(B. DEMOGRAHICS) Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali (B. DEMOGRAHICS) Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali
Household size, by sex of household head 45 to 60 years % 16.4 8.9 8.0 1.4
Female HoH More than 60 years % 2.1 1.3 0.7 0.0
Mean # 5.3 4.5 4.2 4.6 all HoH
Median # 5.0 4.0 4.0 4.0 Under 18 years % 28.7 48.9 43.8 35.7
Male HoH 18 to 45 years % 52.7 41.7 47.6 61.2
Mean # 5.3 5.7 5.0 2.0 45 to 60 years % 16.2 7.8 7.8 3.1
Median # 5.0 6.0 5.0 1.5 More than 60 years % 2.4 1.6 0.8 0.0
All HoH c. eMPloyMent secUrIty Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali
Mean # 5.3 5.4 4.7 3.1 distribution of households according to number of income earners, by sex of HoH
Median # 5.0 5.0 4.0 2.0 Female HoH
Household size dissagregated by age groups, by sex of household head 0 % 7.1 52.6 8.6 25.9 1 % 53.6 36.8 56.8 51.9 Female HoH 2 % 30.4 10.5 30.2 22.2 Under 18 years # 1.5 2.5 1.9 2.2
URBAN PROFILING INDELHI 3+ % 8.9 0.0 4.3 0.0 18 to 45 years # 2.8 1.7 2.0 2.1 Male HoH 45 to 60 years # 0.8 0.2 0.3 0.2 0 % 2.1 34.5 3.3 27.8 More than 60 years # 0.3 0.1 0.0 0.0 1 % 54.4 52.1 54.6 58.3
Male HoH 2 % 34.4 8.4 34.4 11.1
Under 18 years # 1.5 2.7 2.1 0.3 3+ % 9.1 5.0 7.7 2.8
18 to 45 years # 2.8 2.5 2.4 1.7 all HoH
45 to 60 years # 0.9 0.5 0.4 0.0 0 % 2.8 40.3 5.3 27.0
More than 60 years # 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 1 % 54.3 47.2 55.4 55.6 2 % 33.9 9.1 32.9 15.9 all HoH 3+ % 9.0 3.4 6.4 1.6 Under 18 years # 1.5 2.6 2.0 1.1 distribution of households heads (HoH) according to occupational status, by sex of HoH 18 to 45 years # 2.8 2.2 2.2 1.9 Female HoH 45 to 60 years # 0.9 0.4 0.4 0.1 Self-employed - Own % 7.1 14.0 6.8 0.0 More than 60 years # 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.0 business Employed-Salaried % 32.1 24.6 39.5 3.7 distribution of household size according to age groups, by sex of household head Unemployed but looking % 5.4 42.1 4.9 11.1 Female HoH for job
Under 18 years % 28.6 55.2 44.6 48.8 Unemployed but not looking % 21.4 15.8 5.6 44.4 for job 18 to 45 years % 51.9 37.5 47.1 47.2 Working for relatives % 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 45 to 60 years % 14.8 5.0 7.4 4.1 (unpaid) Domestic work % 14.3 1.8 0.6 40.7 More than 60 years % 4.7 2.3 1.0 0.0 Student % 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Male HoH Retired % 14.3 0.0 1.2 0.0 Under 18 years % 28.8 46.5 43.3 13.9 Disabled % 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
77 18 to 45 years % 52.8 43.3 47.9 84.7 VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW 78 c. eMPloyMent secUrIty Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali c. eMPloyMent secUrIty Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali
Dont know- Refused to % 5.4 1.8 41.4 0.0 creative arts (musician, dan- % 0.4 0.0 0.3 0.0 answer cer, theater, film) Male HoH driver % 4.8 0.7 1.4 0.0
Self-employed - Own % 36.9 24.4 5.1 2.8 tailor % 3.1 6.7 2.4 0.0 business religious cleric % 0.0 0.7 2.7 0.0 Employed-Salaried % 46.2 26.1 63.0 22.2 government admin % 2.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Unemployed but looking % 1.8 31.9 2.6 22.2 for job office job, clerk % 5.7 4.7 0.3 0.0 Unemployed but not looking % 4.2 9.2 0.0 13.9 interpreters % 0.0 19.5 1.2 23.1 for job social worker % 0.0 2.0 0.3 4.6 Working for relatives % 0.0 0.0 0.4 0.0 (unpaid) human right activist % 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0
Domestic work % 0.0 7.6 0.4 36.1 worker in factory (thread % 1.3 0.7 32.8 0.0 cutters) Student % 1.2 0.0 0.7 0.0 Office boys, in canteens or in % 0.5 1.3 3.4 0.0 Retired % 8.2 0.0 0.4 0.0 tea shops
Disabled % 1.2 0.8 27.1 2.8 Salaried-work for the govern- % 5.9 0.0 0.2 0.0 ment Dont know- Refused to % 0.3 0.0 0.4 0.0 Salaried-work for an orga- % 7.7 0.0 0.3 1.5 answer nization
URBAN PROFILING INDELHI all HoH Employees (shop, restaurant, % 3.3 10.1 14.9 0.0 beauty parlors, call center) self-employed - own % 32.6 21.0 5.7 1.6 business Catering, Waitress, night % 0.5 0.0 9.8 0.0 parties employed-salaried % 44.2 25.6 54.3 14.3 IGA Production Center % 0.0 12.1 2.4 50.8 Unemployed but looking % 2.3 35.2 3.4 17.5 for job Lawyer % 1.1 0.0 0.0 0.0
Unemployed but not looking % 6.7 11.4 2.1 27.0 Accountant % 2.2 0.7 0.0 0.0 for job Media-journalist % 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 Working for relatives % 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.0 (unpaid) Construction (mason, etc.) % 2.7 0.0 0.2 0.0
domestic work % 2.1 5.7 0.5 38.1 Domestic worker % 0.7 7.4 3.4 0.0
student % 1.0 0.0 0.5 0.0 Electrician % 2.2 0.0 0.3 0.0
retired % 9.0 0.0 0.7 0.0 Cook % 0.5 6.0 0.7 0.0
disabled % 1.8 1.1 32.4 1.6 Company % 0.0 0.0 5.6 0.0
dont know- refused to % 0.3 0.0 0.2 0.0 No job/retired % 0.7 16.1 0.3 4.6 answer other % 6.9 1.3 4.9 12.3 distribution of households heads (HoH) according to occupational status, by sex of HoH distribution of income earners according to type of job petty trade (food selling, % 5.3 4.0 5.4 0.0 produce, street selling) self-employed % 36.0 40.2 7.1 4.8
computers, IT, software, % 5.9 0.7 1.2 0.0 employee % 64.0 59.8 92.9 95.2 hardware etc Proportion of income earners that have felt physically unsafe (multiple answers) artist, design, architecture % 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 At work % 3.5 9.0 31.5 21.5 small business % 24.9 0.7 3.4 3.1 On the way to/from work % 2.2 7.5 50.2 46.2 teacher % 3.7 3.4 0.8 0.0 Proportion of employed income earners with negative experiences (multiple answers) medical profession incl psy- % 0.7 1.3 0.2 0.0 chotherapy No contract % 54.1 16.0 0.4 17.2
mechanic, bicycle repair % 1.5 0.0 1.0 0.0 Not received salary the past % 1.5 4.0 32.4 6.8 6 months engineer % 4.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 Been fired in the past 6 % 2.9 6.6 47.0 1.7 craftsman % 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 months VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW
d. HoUsIng secUrIty Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali (D. HOUSING SECURITY) Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali
distribution of households according to number of rooms occupied, by sex of HoH no relationship % 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.0
Female HoH other % 0.0 0.0 1.7 8.0
1 % 19.6 33.3 93.2 77.8 don't know % 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0
2 % 35.7 50.9 6.8 14.8 distribution of households according to dwelling ownership status, by sex of HoH
3 % 30.4 14.0 0.0 7.4 Female HoH
4+ % 14.3 1.8 0.0 0.0 own % 69.6 0.0 0.0 0.0
Male HoH rented % 30.4 98.2 100.0 100.0
1 % 26.6 27.7 87.9 83.9 other % 0.0 1.8 0.0 0.0
2 % 32.0 51.3 12.1 16.1 Male HoH
3 % 20.2 19.3 0.0 0.0 own % 48.3 0.0 0.0 0.0
4+ % 21.1 1.7 0.0 0.0 rented % 50.8 99.2 100.0 88.2
all HoH other % 0.9 0.8 0.0 11.8
1 % 25.6 29.5 89.9 81.0 All HoH
2 % 32.6 51.1 10.1 15.5 own % 51.4 0.0 0.0 0.0
URBAN PROFILING INDELHI 3 % 21.7 17.6 0.0 3.4 rented % 47.8 98.9 100.0 93.4
4+ % 20.2 1.7 0.0 0.0 other % 0.8 1.1 0.0 6.6
number of rooms occupied by household Proportion of households that have been evicted, by sex of HoH
Mean # 2.5 1.9 1.1 1.1 Female HoH % 5.4 5.3 80.2 66.7
Median # 2.0 2.0 1.0 1.0 Male HoH % 3.3 0.8 80.2 58.3
number of rooms occupied by household All HoH % 3.6 2.3 80.2 61.9
Female HoH Proportion of households that have been evicted according to reasons for eviction (multiple answers)
Sharing dwellings % 0.0 3.5 16.0 63.0 Could not pay rent any longer % 7.1 50.0 35.9 47.4
Sharing toilet % 7.1 8.8 82.1 51.9 Could not pay rent on time % 28.6 0.0 50.0 65.8
Sharing kitchen % 0.0 10.5 69.1 55.6 Owner did not want us here % 57.1 50.0 18.7 52.6
Male HoH Development projects in the % 0.0 0.0 0.6 0.0 area Sharing dwellings % 0.3 12.6 11.7 24.2 Because of discrimination/ % 0.0 0.0 11.8 2.6 Sharing toilet % 16.3 11.8 76.9 55.6 harassment
Sharing kitchen % 1.5 10.9 61.9 52.8 Because of children/visitors/ % 0.0 0.0 10.1 0.0 big family all HoH Increased rent/overcharged % 0.0 0.0 5.2 7.9 sharing dwellings % 0.3 9.7 13.3 41.7 by owner
sharing toilet % 15.0 10.8 78.9 54.0 Other describe % 7.1 25.0 6.6 5.3
sharing kitchen % 1.3 10.8 64.6 54.0
Proportion of households sharing dwelling according to economic relationship (multiple answers)
share rent % 0.0 64.7 91.4 84.0
share food % 100.0 35.3 81.0 4.0
share income % 0.0 23.5 10.3 0.0
share bills other than food % 0.0 52.9 37.9 88.0
hosted for free by other % 0.0 0.0 0.0 4.0 79 household VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW 80 e. FInancIal secUrIty Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali F. PHIsycal saFety Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali
Proportion of households receiving/with access to unearned income (multiple answers) Proportion of households that have experience unsecurity events, by sex of HoH (multiple answers)
Female HoH Female HoH
Remittances % 48.2 38.6 17.9 22.2 theft or robbery % 3.6 5.3 53.7 14.8
Assistance % 0.0 10.5 44.7 92.6 physical assault % 1.8 19.3 76.5 44.4
Social benefits, scholarship, % 19.6 3.5 3.1 88.9 Male HoH allowances theft or robbery % 2.7 5.9 54.2 22.2 Savings % 3.6 22.4 3.1 0.0 physical assault % 0.6 10.1 81.7 30.6 Male HoH all HoH Remittances % 40.8 33.6 12.5 22.2 theft or robbery % 2.8 5.7 54.0 19.0 Assistance % 0.0 3.4 47.4 69.4 physical assault % 0.8 13.1 79.8 36.5 Social benefits, scholarship, % 5.8 1.7 1.8 36.1 allowances Proportion of households finding their neighborhood «unsafe», by sex of HoH
Savings % 4.4 22.5 1.5 0.0 Female HoH % 7.1 26.3 91.4 70.4
all HoH Male HoH % 6.0 11.9 92.3 80.0 remittances % 41.9 35.2 14.5 22.2 all HoH % 6.2 16.6 92.0 75.8 assistance % 0.0 5.7 46.4 79.4
URBAN PROFILING INDELHI g. HUMan caPItal Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali Benefits/allowances % 7.8 2.3 2.3 58.7 distribution of households according to education level of household heads, by sex of HoH savings % 4.3 22.5 2.1 0.0 Female HoH Proportion of households sharing dwelling according to economic relationship (multiple answers) no school % 35.2 36.8 31.1 64.0 Female HoH
0 % 7.1 17.5 23.3 53.8 some or completed primary % 42.6 22.8 62.7 20.0
1 to 3 % 14.3 54.4 70.4 46.2 completed secondary % 5.6 28.1 3.1 12.0
4 to 6 % 26.8 28.1 6.3 0.0 completed university or postgrad % 16.7 12.3 3.1 4.0
7 to 11 % 51.8 0.0 0.0 0.0 Male HoH
Male HoH no school % 13.2 10.1 14.7 12.5
0 % 8.8 12.6 21.0 41.7 some or completed primary % 37.5 23.5 72.8 31.3
1 to 3 % 15.8 47.9 68.4 50.0 completed secondary % 27.4 47.1 9.8 43.8
4 to 6 % 27.7 34.5 10.3 8.3 completed university or postgrad % 21.8 19.3 2.6 12.5
7 to 11 % 47.7 5.0 0.4 0.0 all HoH
all HoH no school % 16.4 18.8 20.9 35.1
0 % 8.5 14.2 21.8 47.6 some or completed primary % 38.3 23.3 69.0 26.3
1 to 3 % 15.5 50.0 69.1 47.6 completed secondary % 24.3 40.9 7.3 29.8
4 to 6 % 27.5 32.4 8.8 4.8 completed university or postgrad % 21.1 17.0 2.8 8.8
7 to 11 % 48.4 3.4 0.2 0.0
number of assets owned by households
Mean # 5.8 2.9 1.5 0.9
Median # 6.0 3.0 1.0 1.0 VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW
H. socIal caPItal Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali
(g. HUMan caPItal) Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali H. socIal caPItal Unit H. socIalIndian caPItal afghan Myanmarese somali
Proportion of head of households working, by education level distribution of households according to educationH. level soc ofIal household caPItal heads, by sex of HoH
no school % 71.0 42.4 53.9 9.5 distributionFemale HoH of households according to education level of household heads, by sex of HoH
some or completed primary % 70.5 51.2 60.5 0.0 Femaleno schoolHoH % 35.2 36.8 31.1 64.0 no school % 35.2 36.8 31.1 64.0 completed secondary % 82.6 47.2 67.7 17.6 some or completed primary % 42.6 22.8 62.7 20.0 some or completed primary % 42.6 22.8 62.7 20.0 completed university or postgrad % 86.3 43.3 41.7 60.0 completed secondary % 5.6 28.1 3.1 12.0 completed university secondary or postgrad % 16.75.6 12.328.1 3.1 12.04.0 Proportion of households according to language spoken by income earners (multiple answers) Malecompleted HoH university or postgrad % 16.7 12.3 3.1 4.0 English % 30.3 43.7 15.4 88.9 Maleno HoH school % 13.2 10.1 14.7 12.5 Hindi % 99.5 94.1 55.2 38.9 nosome school or completed primary % 37.513.2 23.510.1 72.814.7 12.531.3 Proportion of households with rural background, by sex of HoH somecompleted or completed secondary primary % 27.437.5 23.547.1 72.89.8 43.831.3 Female HoH % 64.7 36.4 82.7 0.0 completed university secondary or postgrad % 27.421.8 19.347.1 2.69.8 43.812.5 Male HoH % 82.2 38.8 86.4 2.9 all HoHcompleted university or postgrad % 21.8 19.3 2.6 12.5
All HoH % 80.5 38.2 85.1 1.6 all HoHno school % 16.4 18.8 20.9 35.1
Proportion of households according to skills of its members (multiple answers) nosome school or completed primary % 38.316.4 23.318.8 20.969.0 26.335.1
completedsome or completed secondary primary % 38.324.3 40.923.3 69.07.3 26.329.8
URBAN PROFILING INDELHI No Skill % 7.0 28.3 54.5 51.6 completed university secondary or postgrad % 24.321.1 40.917.0 2.87.3 29.88.8 Computer % 19.1 22.5 5.8 18.8 Proportioncompleted of households university according or postgrad to community% groups participation21.1 of its members17.0 (multiple answers)2.8 8.8 Cook % 21.7 9.8 3.7 4.7 ProportionYouth organization of households according to community% groups participation0.8 of its members11.5 (multiple answers)3.5 3.1 Small Business % 23.8 0.6 5.3 1.6 YouthWomen’s organization group % 0.80.5 11.56.3 3.5 6.33.1 Tailor % 3.4 19.7 13.2 3.1 Women’sNeighborhood group committee % 0.51.3 0.66.3 0.23.5 6.33.1
Driver % 12.4 7.5 2.1 0.0 NeighborhoodSavings/ Credit/Self-help committee group % 0.01.3 0.00.6 0.00.2 0.03.1
Farming % 8.3 1.2 7.6 0.0 Savings/Refugees/migrants Credit/Self-help association group % 0.01.0 0.01.1 0.00.9 0.04.7
Office job/clerck % 12.4 4.6 0.5 1.6 Refugees/migrantsReligious group association % 4.91.0 1.1 71.90.9 0.04.7 ReligiousCommunity group based organization % 2.84.9 0.01.1 59.271.9 10.90.0 Teacher % 4.4 8.1 3.5 4.7 CommunityNone based organization % 88.72.8 84.50.0 59.219.1 10.981.3 Interpreter % 0.0 11.6 1.8 26.6 NoneOther % 88.70.5 84.50.6 0.019.1 81.30.0 Proportion of head of households evicted, by education level distributionOther of employed income earners according% to how they got their0.5 job 0.6 0.0 0.0 no school % 3.2 6.1 84.3 57.1 distributionNetworks/friends/relatives of employed income earners according% to how they got their31.7 job 73.7 78.9 7.4
some or completed primary % 5.5 2.4 79.6 60.0 Networks/friends/relativesApplying % 67.431.7 73.711.8 78.915.9 59.37.4
completed secondary % 4.3 1.4 74.2 76.5 ApplyingJob placement/BOSCO % 67.40.9 14.511.8 15.95.1 33.359.3
% 0.9 14.5 5.1 33.3 completed university or postgrad % 1.3 0.0 75.0 60.0 distributionJob placement/BOSCO of households according where they would go for help in case of difficulty (multiple answers) distributionCommunity of households association according -Church where they% would go for help in 0.3case of difficulty (multiple1.1 answers) 55.6 3.3 age dependency ratio per household CommunityNone of the options association would be -Church available % 16.60.3 51.41.1 55.69.5 30.03.3 Mean # 0.57 1.27 0.96 0.54 to me None of the options would be available % 16.6 51.4 9.5 30.0 Median # 0.40 1.00 1.00 0.00 toRelatives me here in Delhi % 37.2 1.7 2.4 0.0 RelativesNeighbors-friends here in Delhi in general % 37.224.1 5.71.7 2.46.4 16.70.0 Proportion of households with members unable to work due to health, by sex of HoH Neighbors-friendsNeighbors/friends of samein general ethnic % 24.19.4 5.71.7 20.46.4 16.70.0 Female HoH % 25.0 31.6 56.2 55.6 group-origin Neighbors/friends of same ethnic % 9.4 1.7 20.4 0.0 Male HoH % 9.4 21.8 64.5 30.6 group-originRelatives abroad or other part of India % 12.6 32.0 0.7 15.0 RelativesAid/humanitarian abroad or otherorganization part of India % 12.60.0 32.06.3 5.00.7 35.015.0 All HoH % 11.6 25.0 61.4 41.3 81 Aid/humanitarian organization % 0.0 6.3 5.0 35.0 VIII. ANNEX : DATA OVERVIEW 82 Proportion of households with friends or relatives already in delhi before they arrived (J. cHIldren edUcatIon) Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali
Female HoH % 58.8 12.1 11.1 11.5 church school % 0.2 0.8 23.9 0.0
Male HoH % 65.0 18.4 17.6 8.6 Vocational training % 0.2 12.7 6.1 12.7
All HoH % 64.4 16.9 15.2 9.8 Bridge school % 0.0 9.9 3.2 17.5
I. lengtH oF stay Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali national open school % 0.0 12.7 0.4 0.0
distribution of households according to length of stay in delhi Proportion of children (5 -18 years) not attending school according to reasons (multiple answers)
less than 1 year % 2.8 38.4 0.5 9.7 Female HoH
1-3 years % 7.9 36.0 35.4 45.2 financial constraints % 58.3 50.0 64.6 20.0
4-10 years % 32.6 21.5 61.1 43.5 child is working % 0.0 0.0 36.1 0.0
More than 10 yrs % 56.7 4.1 3.0 1.6 medical reasons % 25.0 6.3 11.6 0.0
Proportion of heads of households working, by length of stay in delhi Language issues % 0.0 18.8 0.0 80.0
less than 1 year % 40.0 15.2 50.0 28.6 discrimination/hostility % 0.0 0.0 5.4 20.0
1-3 years % 85.7 62.9 58.4 10.7 distance/no school % 0.0 15.6 2.0 0.0
4-10 years % 98.3 70.3 60.5 14.8 drop out/failure % 8.3 0.0 0.7 0.0
More than 10 yrs % 81.2 57.1 69.2 100.0 security – not safe % 0.0 0.0 2.0 20.0
J. cHIldren edUcatIon Unit Indian afghan Myanmarese somali lack of documentation % 0.0 0.0 0.7 0.0 URBAN PROFILING INDELHI Proportion of children (5 -18 years) according to access to education (multiple answers) Male HoH Female HoH financial constraints % 54.5 48.4 62.0 66.7 Not enrolled anywhere % 5.6 16.4 42.0 13.5 child is working % 4.5 3.2 41.1 33.3 Governmental school % 56.3 19.9 9.4 29.7 medical reasons % 4.5 3.2 8.5 0.0 Private school % 34.0 22.9 4.5 24.3 Language issues % 0.0 22.6 1.6 33.3 English class % 0.5 38.8 4.8 16.2 discrimination/hostility % 0.0 0.0 6.2 0.0 Church school % 0.5 0.5 22.2 0.0 distance/no school % 13.6 9.7 0.0 0.0 Vocational training % 0.0 11.9 5.7 13.5 drop out/failure % 22.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 Bridge school % 0.0 9.0 2.8 18.9 security – not safe % 0.0 3.2 1.6 0.0 National Open School % 0.0 12.4 0.0 0.0 lack of documentation % 0.0 12.9 0.8 0.0 Male HoH Male HoH Not enrolled anywhere % 8.2 16.1 39.5 11.5 financial constraints % 55.9 49.2 63.4 37.5 Governmental school % 46.1 14.5 7.4 15.4 child is working % 2.9 1.6 38.4 12.5 Private school % 42.8 25.9 3.9 34.6 medical reasons % 11.8 4.8 10.1 0.0 English class % 1.1 36.3 5.3 23.1 language issues % 0.0 20.6 0.7 62.5 Church school % 0.0 1.0 25.8 0.0 discrimination/hostility % 0.0 0.0 5.8 12.5 Vocational training % 0.4 13.5 6.5 11.5 distance/no school % 8.8 12.7 1.1 0.0 Bridge school % 0.0 10.9 3.6 15.4 drop out/failure % 17.6 0.0 0.4 0.0 National Open School % 0.0 13.0 0.9 0.0 security – not safe % 0.0 1.6 1.8 12.5 All HoH lack of documentation % 0.0 6.3 0.7 0.0 not enrolled anywhere % 7.0 16.2 40.8 12.7
governmental school % 50.6 17.3 8.4 23.8
Private school % 38.8 24.4 4.2 28.6
english class % 0.8 37.6 5.1 19.0 URBAN PROFILING IN DELHI 83