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Neighborhood Effects on Use of African-American Vernacular English

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Neighborhood Effects on Use of African-American Vernacular English Neighborhood effects on use of African-American Vernacular English John R. Rickforda,1, Greg J. Duncanb, Lisa A. Gennetianc, Ray Yun Goud, Rebecca Greenea, Lawrence F. Katze,d, Ronald C. Kesslerf, Jeffrey R. Klingg,d, Lisa Sanbonmatsud, Andres E. Sanchez-Ordoñezh, Matthew Sciandrad, Ewart Thomash, and Jens Ludwigi,d aDepartment of Linguistics, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305; bSchool of Education, University of California, Irvine, CA 92697; cInstitute of Human Development and Social Change, New York University, New York, NY 10003; dNational Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA 02138; eDepartment of Economics, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA 02138; fDepartment of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School, Boston, MA 02115; gCongressional Budget Office, Washington, DC 20515; hDepartment of Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305; and iHarris School of Public Policy, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL 60637 Edited by Sara S. McLanahan, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, and approved July 28, 2015 (received for review January 8, 2015) African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) is systematic, rooted shape AAVE use by neighborhood (as discussed further below in history, and important as an identity marker and expressive and in SI Appendix). However, this correlation may not reflect the resource for its speakers. In these respects, it resembles other causal effect of neighborhood environments on language and vernacular or nonstandard varieties, like Cockney or Appalachian could instead be driven by the effects of unmeasured person- or English. But like them, AAVE can trigger discrimination in the family-level variables that jointly determine both residential lo- workplace, housing market, and schools. Understanding what shapes cation and speech patterns. Causal inference about the effects of the relative use of AAVE vs. Standard American English (SAE) is neighborhoods on speech is more convincing if based on a study important for policy and scientific reasons. This work presents, to our that uses a randomized experimental design to assign similar knowledge, the first experimental estimates of the effects of moving families to live in different types of neighborhood contexts. into lower-poverty neighborhoods on AAVE use. We use data on Evidence for neighborhood effects on AAVE use is relevant non-Hispanic African-American youth (n = 629) from a large-scale, for understanding the degree to which future changes in neigh- randomized residential mobility experiment called Moving to Op- borhood economic and racial segregation may affect the vitality SOCIAL SCIENCES portunity (MTO), which enrolled a sample of mostly minority fam- and use of this dialect (10, 11). This is a topic of importance to ilies originally living in distressed public housing. Audio recordings sociolinguists, because vernaculars have benefits as in-group of the youth were transcribed and coded for the use of five gram- markers and expressive resources (12). Such evidence is also matical and five phonological AAVE features to construct a mea- relevant for understanding how changes in segregation will affect sure of the proportion of possible instances, or tokens, in which disparities in other life outcomes because previous studies sug- speakers use AAVE rather than SAE speech features. Random as- gest that AAVE use could affect children’s school success—at signment to receive a housing voucher to move into a lower-poverty least given the way schools currently operate—and that AAVE area (the intention-to-treat effect) led youth to live in neighborhoods speakers are often victims of what Baugh calls “linguistic pro- (census tracts) with an 11 percentage point lower poverty rate on filing” (13)—discrimination in the workplace, housing markets, average over the next 10–15 y and reduced the share of AAVE tokens ∼ by 3 percentage points compared with the MTO control group Significance youth. The MTO effect on AAVE use equals approximately half of the difference in AAVE frequency observed between youth whose parents have a high school diploma and those whose parents do not. We provide, to our knowledge, the first experimental evidence of neighborhood effects on the use by low-income minority youth of African-American Vernacular English (AAVE). Rising neighborhood effects | segregation | language | U.S. residential economic segregation may be contributing to African-American Vernacular English | code switching growing differences within the population in AAVE use, which has benefits to in-group solidarity and identity but is associ- anguage is in many respects a socially constructed behavior, ated with discrimination in schools and workplaces and so may Ljointly influenced by exposure, identity, and peer group in- exacerbate the disadvantages of youth growing up in high- ’ ’ fluence (1). One s speech patterns are shaped not only by one s poverty areas. To the extent that the association between ’ family, but also by one s broader regional and social environ- AAVE use and income represents a causal effect of AAVE use, ment. For example, people who immigrate from non-English- our illustrative calculations suggest that neighborhood effects speaking countries to the United States at an early age wind up on speech could increase lifetime earnings by approximately speaking English with nearly the same proficiency as those who $18,000 (∼3–4% of lifetime income). were born in the United States, even though their older siblings and parents do not (2, 3). Less clear is whether different local Author contributions: J.R.R., G.J.D., L.A.G., R.Y.G., R.G., L.F.K., R.C.K., J.R.K., L.S., M.S., and social environments within a city, state, or country exert causal J.L. designed research; J.R.R., G.J.D., L.A.G., R.Y.G., R.G., L.F.K., R.C.K., J.R.K., L.S., A.E.S.-O., M.S., E.T., and J.L. performed research; J.R.R., R.Y.G., R.G., J.R.K., L.S., A.E.S.-O., M.S., E.T., effects on the use of dialects such as African-American Lan- and J.L. analyzed data; and J.R.R., G.J.D., L.F.K., R.C.K., J.R.K., L.S., M.S., E.T., and J.L. wrote guage (4) or African-American Vernacular English (AAVE), the paper. which is the most vernacular variety of African-American English Conflict of interest statement: The authors declare no conflict of interest. and is used across the country (5–7). This article is a PNAS Direct Submission. This work presents what, to our knowledge, is the first study of Data deposition: A restricted-access version of the data used in this paper will be provided how much social environments—neighborhoods—exert a causal to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). At the time of writ- effect on the use of AAVE. Previous research in sociolinguistics ing, HUD plans to make the data available to responsible researchers through a data license (details at www.huduser.org/portal/research/pdr_data-license.html). HUD expects has documented substantial variation in AAVE use by socio- to arrange for alternative archiving of the data in the future. economic class, defined by using various combinations of occu- 1To whom correspondence should be addressed. Email: [email protected]. pational status, education, and income or residence quality (8, 9). This article contains supporting information online at www.pnas.org/lookup/suppl/doi:10. There are theoretical reasons to believe any or all of these measures 1073/pnas.1500176112/-/DCSupplemental. www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1500176112 PNAS Early Edition | 1of6 and schools (7, 14–18). Of course, efforts to modify how social pronounced for youth than adults (22–24). Because our focus institutions interact with people using different dialects are in- in this paper is on use of AAVE, we restrict attention to non- dependently important, regardless of any relationship between Hispanic African-American youth (n = 629). Table 1 presents the neighborhood segregation and AAVE use. average baseline characteristics for the youth in our study sample Our study capitalizes on a unique opportunity to understand by randomized group (LPV and control; see also SI Appendix, neighborhood effects on speech (AAVE use) by incorporating Table S3). The study sample is very economically disadvantaged; sociolinguistic measures of speech and language patterns into the at baseline, four of five households were receiving cash welfare. long-term follow-up of participants in a large-scale government The average poverty rate in the baseline neighborhoods (census residential-mobility experiment called Moving to Opportunity tracts) was almost 60%, and >70% of residents were African- (MTO). We believe this type of language measurement has never American. Statistical tests fail to reject the null hypothesis that before been incorporated into a large, randomized social exper- the average baseline characteristics are the same for the LPV and iment. We provide estimates of the causal effect of changes in control groups, confirming that MTO randomization was carried neighborhood environments on speech patterns by using MTO’s out correctly. randomly assigned variation in opportunities for poor families to All families in the LPV group were offered the opportunity to move to low-poverty areas. move to a low-poverty neighborhood. However, of non-Hispanic African-American youth assigned to the LPV group who are in MTO our speech analysis sample, only 52% of their families used an The MTO experiment was designed and carried out by the U.S. MTO voucher to relocate to a low-poverty census tract. Fig. 1 Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Eli- shows that random assignment to the LPV rather than control gibility was limited to families with children living in public group generated larger differences in neighborhood disadvan- housing projects located in selected distressed neighborhoods in tage than in neighborhood racial composition. One year after five cities (Baltimore, Boston, Chicago, Los Angeles, and New random assignment, LPV group youth lived in neighborhoods York City).
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