A Burmese Spring
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Reform in Myanmar: One Year On
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°136 Jakarta/Brussels, 11 April 2012 Reform in Myanmar: One Year On mar hosts the South East Asia Games in 2013 and takes I. OVERVIEW over the chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. One year into the new semi-civilian government, Myanmar has implemented a wide-ranging set of reforms as it em- Reforming the economy is another major issue. While vital barks on a remarkable top-down transition from five dec- and long overdue, there is a risk that making major policy ades of authoritarian rule. In an address to the nation on 1 changes in a context of unreliable data and weak econom- March 2012 marking his first year in office, President Thein ic institutions could create unintended economic shocks. Sein made clear that the goal was to introduce “genuine Given the high levels of impoverishment and vulnerabil- democracy” and that there was still much more to be done. ity, even a relatively minor shock has the potential to have This ambitious agenda includes further democratic reform, a major impact on livelihoods. At a time when expectations healing bitter wounds of the past, rebuilding the economy are running high, and authoritarian controls on the popu- and ensuring the rule of law, as well as respecting ethnic lation have been loosened, there would be a potential for diversity and equality. The changes are real, but the chal- unrest. lenges are complex and numerous. To consolidate and build on what has been achieved and increase the likeli- A third challenge is consolidating peace in ethnic areas. -
1 Myanmar Update
Myanmar Update – 15 February 2021 Summary • The Myanmar coup will likely lead to escalating civil resistance and a consequent heavy- handed military response. • The military will continue to expand control over the internet – leading to frequent “blackouts” • Monitoring the human rights situation as well as providing aid and development support will become increasingly difficult in the months ahead. Background to the November 2020 Elections Myanmar experienced five years of relative political stability after the Tatmadaw (Myanmar Armed Forces) handed power to State Counsellor (a position roughly analogous to Prime Minister) Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) following the November 2015 elections – which ended almost 50 years of military rule. Even then, however, the Tatmadaw retained substantial power, including the right to appoint a quarter of parliamentarians and control of key ministries. Elections to both Myanmar’s upper house - Amyotha Hluttaw - and lower house - Pyithu Hluttaw – took place on 8 November 2020. Suu Kyi’s NLD won a popular landslide, taking 161 (of the 224) seats in the Amyotha Hluttaw and 315 (of the 440) in the Pyithu Hluttaw, an even larger margin than in 2015. This equated to 83% of the available seats, while the Tatmadaw’s proxy, the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), won a total of just 33 seats. The USDP immediately began making accusations of fraud after the vote although the Union Election Commission said there was no proof to support these claims and there has been little or no independent evidence either. The Tatmadaw also disputed the results, claiming that the vote was fraudulent, perhaps fearing that the NLD, with its majority, would amend the constitution to reduce the Tatmadaw’s political influence – a longstanding NLD campaign pledge. -
Mm-Ami-Conference2015-Chitwin-Passing the Mace
AUSTRALIA MYANMAR INSTITUTE Passing the mace from the Myanmar’s first to the second legislature Chit Win 1/29/2016 When the five year term of the first legislature “Hluttaw” in Myanmar ends in January 2016, it will be remembered as a robust legislature acting as an opposition to the executive. The second legislature of Myanmar is set to be totally different from the first one in every aspect. This paper looks at three key defining features of the first legislature namely non-partisanship, the role of the Speakers and the relationship with the executive and how much of these would be embedded or changed when the mace of the first term of the Hluttaw is passed to the second. Contents 1. Introduction .........................................................................................2 2. Highlights of the first legislature ................................................................2 3. Non-Partisanship ...................................................................................4 4. The role of the Speakers ..........................................................................5 5. Relationship with the executive .................................................................6 6. Conclusion ...........................................................................................8 Annex 1 ...................................................................................................9 Annex 2 .................................................................................................10 !1 Passing the mace from -
Unlocking Civil Society and Peace in Myanmar
UNLOCKING CIVIL SOCIETY AND PEACE IN MYANMAR Opportunities, obstacles and undercurrents ABOUT THE COVER DESIGN: The cover design is a reflection of the dynamism of civil society in Myanmar, which is inherently complex, fluid, and interconnected. The bar charted along the outer circumference of the circle depicts the number of people working in each organisation. The inner lines meet when one of those people is engaged or connected with another organisation. The many crossings show how civil society interacts, networks, grows and expands. Alone they are each significant but together they make broad, impactful strokes. This visualisation was created using primary data collected throughout the research process for this Discussion Paper. CIVIL SOCIETY: A BRIDGE BETWEEN THE FAMILY & THE STATE FAMILY STATE RAPID GROWTH TRIGGERED BY TRANSITION & KEY EVENTS Cyclone Nargis 8888 Political Uprising 1980s 1990s 2000s 2010s EFFECTIVENESS IN KEY PEACEBUILDING FUNCTIONS Social Service Facilitation/ Socialisation Advocacy Protection Cohesion Monitoring Delivery Mediation Low Medium High ✁ CIVIL SOCIETY IN MYANMAR: TRENDS 1 2 3 NEW ORGANISATIONS REGISTRATION POLICY CSOs A boom in new CSOs More groups are Want to engage ocially registering more in policy 6 5 4 YOUTH GENDER NETWORKS Youth organisations are Women’s organisations are CSO’s build networks becoming more prominent advocating for gender participation 7 8 9 CEASEFIRES CROSSBORDER LITERATURE AND CULTURE Bi-lateral ceasefires Cross-border Groups that preserve transform relations organisations are -
Massacre in Central Burma: Muslim Students Terrorized and Killed in Meiktila Contents
Physicians for Massacre In Central Burma: Human Rights Muslim Students Terrorized and Killed in Meiktila May 2013 Burmese boys stand near a destroyed home on April 5, 2013, in Meiktila, Burma. Photo: Paula Bronstein/Getty Images physiciansforhumanrights.org About Physicians for Human Rights For more than 25 years, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR)’s use of science and medicine has been on the cutting edge of human rights work. 1986 2003 Led investigations of torture in Warned US policymakers on health Chile, gaining freedom for heroic and human rights conditions prior doctors there to and during the invasion of Iraq 1988 2004 First to document the Iraqi use Documented genocide and sexual of chemical weapons on Kurds, violence in Darfur in support of providing evidence for prosecution international prosecutions of war criminals 2010 1996 Investigated the epidemic of Exhumed mass graves in the violence spread by Burma’s Balkans for International Tribunals, military junta and sounded the alarm about refugee camps in Bosnia and 2012 Kosovo Trained doctors, lawyers, police, and judges in the Democratic 1996 Republic of the Congo, Kenya, and Provided evidence of genocide for Syria on the proper collection of the International Criminal Tribunal evidence in sexual violence cases for Rwanda 2013 1997 Won first prize in the Tech Shared the Nobel Peace Prize for Challenge for Atrocity Prevention the International Campaign to Ban with MediCapt, our mobile app Landmines that documents evidence of torture and sexual violence 2 Arrow Street 1156 15th Street, NW physiciansforhumanrights.org Suite 301 Suite 1001 Cambridge, MA Washington, DC ©2013 Physicians for Human Rights. -
Burma Briefing
Burma Burma’s 2015 Elections and the Briefing 2008 Constitution No. 41 October 2015 Introduction After the election, regardless of No. 1 Elections due on 8th November are obviously who wins: July 2010 significant, but they are unlikely to be the major turning point in a transition to democracy that • Military appoint Home Affairs Minister, many hope for or have talked them up to be. controlling police, security services and Rather, they will be another step in the military’s much of the justice system. So there could carefully planned transition from direct military rule still be political prisoners. and pariah status to a hybrid military and civilian government which is accepted by the international • Military are not under government or community and sections of Burmese society. Parliamentary control, so they could continue attacks in ethnic states, and use Burma’s 2008 Constitution is designed to present of rape as a weapon of war. the appearance of democracy, while maintaining ultimate military control. It is also specifically • 25% of seats in Parliament reserved for designed for the eventuality of the National League the military ensures a military veto over for Democracy (NLD) winning elections and forming constitutional democratic reforms. a government, without this being a threat to military control. They were not prepared, however, to risk • Military dominated National Defense having Aung San Suu Kyi, the most popular and and Security Council more powerful than influential politician in Burma, head that government. parliament or government. Clauses were put in the Constitution to prevent this. • Military have constitutional right to retake A government which is predominantly made up direct control of government. -
Old and New Competition in Myanmar's Electoral Politics
ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore |17 December 2019 Old and New Competition in Myanmar’s Electoral Politics Nyi Nyi Kyaw* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Electoral politics in Myanmar has become more active and competitive since 2018. With polls set for next year, the country has seen mergers among ethnic political parties and the establishment of new national parties. • The ruling National League for Democracy (NLD) party faces more competition than in the run up to the 2015 polls. Then only the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) represented a serious possible electoral rival. • The NLD enjoys the dual advantage of the star power of its chair State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and its status as the incumbent ruling party. • The USDP, ethnic political parties, and new national parties are all potential contenders in the general elections due in late 2020. Among them, only ethnic political parties may pose a challenge to the ruling NLD. * Nyi Nyi Kyaw is Visiting Fellow in the Myanmar Studies Programme of ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. He was previously a postdoctoral fellow at the National University of Singapore and Visiting Fellow at the University of Melbourne. 1 ISSUE: 2019 No. 104 ISSN 2335-6677 INTRODUCTION The National League for Democracy (NLD) party government under Presidents U Htin Kyaw and U Win Myint1 and State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has been in power since March 2016, after it won Myanmar’s November 2015 polls in a landslide. Four years later, the country eagerly awaits its next general elections, due in late 2020. -
Southeast Asia from Scott Circle
Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Southeast Asia from Scott Circle Volume VI | Issue 17 | August 20, 2015 Endgame to Myanmar’s Cease-fire Deal Inside This Issue Tests President Thein Sein’s Resolve phuong nguyen biweekly update Phuong Nguyen is a research associate with the Sumitro Chair for • Shwe Mann ousted as Myanmar ruling party Southeast Asia Studies at the Center for Strategic and International leader Studies in Washington, D.C. • Bomb blast in central Bangkok kills 20 August 20, 2015 • Jokowi reshuffles cabinet looking ahead President Thein Sein urgently wants to sign a nationwide cease-fire • Promoting Nuclear Safety Cooperation in agreement before Myanmar’s November elections. Yet nearly five months Northeast Asia after his government reached a tentative draft nationwide cease-fire agreement with representatives of the Nationwide Cease-fire Coordinating • Cautious and Conflicted: Singapore, Malaysia, Team (NCCT), an alliance of 16 ethnic armed groups, major sticking points and the U.S. Rebalance to Asia between the two sides remain unresolved. • CSIS discussion on Managing Cyber Risk and the Role of Insurance Following a high-profile ethnic summit in Karen State in early June, senior ethnic leaders decided to return to the negotiating table in hopes of extracting more concessions from a government they know is racing against time to conclude a deal. Unless the two sides can finalize an agreement by September—after which point Myanmar will be in full election mode—the peace process that was started under Thein Sein will face a much more uncertain future. The biggest disagreement relates to which armed groups will be signatories to the nationwide peace agreement. -
Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) Has Been the Country's First Experience of a Functioning Legislature for Almost Four Decades
Burma’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw: a young legislature in a changing state By Liam Allmark Beginning in 2011, the inaugural session of Burma's Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Assembly of the Union) has been the country's first experience of a functioning legislature for almost four decades. After General Ne Win's 1962 coup d'état abolished the post-independence parliamentary system, legislative power was exercised by the military through a succession of internal structures, appointed councils and single-party bodies. Tentative moves towards restoring an elected assembly in 1990 were quickly aborted by the ruling regime when the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) secured a resounding majority of the vote. Consequently many of those who won seats spent the following years in prison or exile. This picture finally began to change with the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 establishing today's system of 'disciplined democracy'. Elections were held to the new Pyidaungsu Hluttaw in 2010 and since members took their seats at a purpose-built complex in Naypyidaw the following year, this young legislature has become a focal point of Burma's shifting political landscape. Parties and elections Whilst the military no longer exercises direct and complete control over Burma's legislative system, it nevertheless retains considerable influence: 25% of members in the 440 seat lower chamber (Pyithu Hluttaw, or House of Representatives) and the 224 seat upper chamber (Amyotha Hluttaw, or House of Nationalities) are Defence Service personnel directly appointed by the Commander-in-Chief. This is particularly significant given the requirement for any constitutional amendments to be approved by more than 75% of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, effectively creating a military veto. -
The Generals Loosen Their Grip
The Generals Loosen Their Grip Mary Callahan Journal of Democracy, Volume 23, Number 4, October 2012, pp. 120-131 (Article) Published by The Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: 10.1353/jod.2012.0072 For additional information about this article http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/jod/summary/v023/23.4.callahan.html Access provided by Stanford University (9 Jul 2013 18:03 GMT) The Opening in Burma the generals loosen their grip Mary Callahan Mary Callahan is associate professor in the Henry M. Jackson School of International Studies at the University of Washington. She is the author of Making Enemies: War and State Building in Burma (2003) and Political Authority in Burma’s Ethnic Minority States: Devolution, Occupation and Coexistence (2007). Burma1 is in the midst of a political transition whose contours suggest that the country’s political future is “up for grabs” to a greater degree than has been so for at least the last half-century. Direct rule by the mili- tary as an institution is over, at least for now. Although there has been no major shift in the characteristics of those who hold top government posts (they remain male, ethnically Burman, retired or active-duty mili- tary officers), there exists a new political fluidity that has changed how they rule. Quite unexpectedly, the last eighteen months have seen the retrenchment of the military’s prerogatives under decades-old draconian “national-security” mandates as well as the emergence of a realm of open political life that is no longer considered ipso facto nation-threat- ening. Leaders of the Tatmadaw (Defense Services) have defined and con- trolled the process. -
Myanmar Situation Update (12 - 18 July 2021)
Myanmar Situation Update (12 - 18 July 2021) Summary Myanmar detained State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, President U Win Myint and former Naypyitaw Council Chairman Dr. Myo Aung appeared at a special court in Naypyitaw’s Zabuthiri township for their trial for incitement under Section 505(b) of the Penal Code. The junta filed fresh charges against Suu Kyi, bringing the number of cases she faces to ten with a potential prison sentence of 75 years. The next court hearings of their trial have been moved to July 26 and 27, following the junta’s designation of a week-long public holiday and lockdown order. Senior National League for Democracy (NLD) patron Win Htein was indicted on a sedition charge by a court inside a Naypyitaw detention center with a possible prison sentence of up to 20 years. The state- run MRTV also reported the Anti-Corruption Commission (AAC) made a complaint against the former Chief Minister of Shan State, three former state ministers, and three people under the anti-corruption law at Taunggyi Township police station while the junta has already filed corruption cases against many former State Chief Ministers under the NLD government. During the press conference on 12 July 2021 in Naypyitaw, the junta-appointed Union Election Commission (UEC) announced that 11,305,390 voter list errors were found from the investigation conducted by the UEC. The UEC also said the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is investigating foreign funding of political parties and the investigation reports will be published soon with legal actions to be taken against the parties who violate the law. -
2017 Myanmar By-Elections IEOM Report
1 2017 Myanmar By-Elections: A Path to Myanmar’s 2020 General Election Final Report of the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) of the 2017 By-Elections in the Republic of the Union of Myanmar 2 Written by : Ryan D Whelan, Dr. Aulina Adamy, Amin Iskandar, Ichal Supriadi, Chandanie Watawala Edited by : Ryan D Whelan, George Rothschild, Karel J Galang Layout by : Sann Moe Aung Book cover designed by : Sann Moe Aung Printer : Mr.Print (Design & Printing) Photos without credits are courtesy of ANFREL mission observers The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) 105, Susthisarnwinichai Road, Samsennok, Huaykwang, Bangkok 10310, Thailand. Tel: (+66 2) 26931867 Email : [email protected] Website : www.anfrel.org ISBN : 978-616-90144-61 2017, Yangon, Myanmar This report reflects the holistic findings of the ANFREL Observation Mission in Myanmar and does not necessarily reflect the opinion of any of ANFREL’s individual observers, staff, donors, or CSO partners. No institution, nor a person acting on its behalf, shall be held responsible for the information contained herein. Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. 3 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The mission would like to thank the committed International Election Observers, whose hard work informed the production of this report. Their dedication to both their observation and our democratic mission is an encouraging sign for democracy’s continued growth in Asia. ANFREL is similarly grateful for the dozens of local staff members who generously gave their time and energy to make the mission a success, often having to overcome significant challenges encountered along the way. ANFREL would also like to thank the Union Election Commission of Myanmar, government officials, as well as candidates and representatives of political parties, civil society groups, and the media in Myanmar for the warm welcome and cooperation provided to ANFREL and its observers.