'Being Maasai' in Markets and Trade, the Role of Ethnicity-Based

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'Being Maasai' in Markets and Trade, the Role of Ethnicity-Based See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/301339976 ‘BEING MAASAI’ IN MARKETS AND TRADE: THE ROLE OF ETHNICITY-BASED INSTITUTIONS IN THE LIVESTOCK MARKET... Article in Nomadic Peoples · February 2017 CITATION READS 1 50 1 author: Antonio Allegretti Augustine University of Tanzania (SAUT) 6 PUBLICATIONS 3 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Fisheries and climate change: the fishermen of lake Victoria View project All content following this page was uploaded by Antonio Allegretti on 06 June 2016. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. All in-text references underlined in blue are added to the original document and are linked to publications on ResearchGate, letting you access and read them immediately. Forthcoming in Nomadic Peoples. Cite as ‘forthcoming in Nomadic Peoples ’. http://www.whpress.co.uk/NP/NPart.html Copyright White Horse Press ‘BEING MAASAI’ IN MARKETS AND TRADE: THE ROLE OF ETHNICITY-BASED INSTITUTIONS IN THE LIVESTOCK MARKET OF NORTHERN TANZANIA Abstract The strong cultural and ethnic identity awareness among the Maasai of Tanzania is very well known, as are the recent diversification and market integration processes that Maasai are undertaking. It has seldom been highlighted, however, how the first is involved in the second, i.e. if and how being Maasai ‘matters’ in market exchange. Here I argue that practices, values and social relationships underlying Maasai ethnic identity are crucial when applied to the realm of the livestock market. They are part of the structural organization of the livestock market in that they aid Maasai market actors in minimizing risk and costs, maximizing returns, and dealing with the constraints of the market. A better understanding of the local dynamics of market exchange has important policy implications in that it can open policy-makers' eyes to the benefits of the traditional pastoral system for raising livestock. Keywords: market, ethnicity, pastoralism, Maasai, Tanzania INTRODUCTION Ethnicity has historically had and continues to have a strong influence on various aspects of the social and political life of Africa (Berman 1998, Chimhundu 1992, Lentz 1995, Ranger 1983, Vail 1989). Today in Tanzania, despite the abolition of ethnicity as an administrative category as used by the British colonial authorities for the purpose of ‘indirect rule’ (Coulson 1982, Iliffe 1979), ethnic labels and categorizations persist. The pastoralist Maasai are only one among almost one hundred and twenty ethnic groups in Tanzania, yet they are probably the best known group in the country, and certainly one of the best known in the African continent. In this article, I will discuss one particular area in which Maasai ethnicity ‘matters’, namely, the dynamics and organizational structure of the 1 livestock markets in the northern part of the country, which hosts the greatest share of Maasai communities. This article focuses on a series of cultural institutions and social relationships characteristic of ‘being Maasai’ and how they aid Maasai producers, sellers, buyers, and traders to minimize costs, maximize returns, minimize the risk of purchasing stolen animals, and deal with the constraints of the market. Some of these practices and institutions are: decision-making processes in livestock sales, elders as custodians of livestock within the traditional family, customary law and ethnicity-based trust. The article intends to move beyond a purely ‘instrumental’ role of Maasai ethnicity by focusing on practices, values and social relationships that are not intended to be market-oriented (existing prior to the market), but that nevertheless deeply affect its organization. Instrumentalists tended to highlight a conscious manipulation of identity for private and group gains (Cohen 1969); this analysis resonates with some researchers highlighting the ‘instrumental’ role of Maasai ethnic identity in accessing either natural or financial resources (Igoe 2006, Spear & Waller 1993). In this article, ‘traditional’ practices, values, and social relationships at the base of Maasai ethnic identity resemble more the kind of ‘market institutions’ depicted by Douglass North and the economists of the New Institutional Economics, in that they are generated away from the pure economic realm, but nevertheless “reduce uncertainty by establishing a stable (but not necessarily efficient) structure to human interaction” (North 1990: 1). This approach does more justice to cultural and social relations and networks that connote a deeply grounded sense of ethnic identity, as opposed to ethnicity as a label which the individual can use for personal advantage. MAASAI ETHNICITY IN HISTORY AND MARKETS The ‘market’ is at least as slippery a concept as ethnicity. Anthropologists have underlined the impossibility of separating the profit-making and self-interested motives of a market actor from the broader social context which can be the 2 reproduction of ‘community’ (Gudeman 2001) or of an alleged ‘moral economy’ (Scott 1976), the domestic realm (Godelier 1972[1966], Meillassoux 1981) or peasant production within a capitalist system (Bernal 1994). Contemporary studies of livestock markets in east Africa have acknowledged that traditional practices of livestock raising exemplifying collective and family values in fact exist side by side with highly individualistic and for-profit transactions (Eaton 2010, Fleisher 2000, Quarles van Ufford 1999, Quarles van Ufford & Zaal 2004). In the case observed here, these two sets of practices and registers of value have emerged (and merged) as a result of historical continuities and transformations. The British administration in Tanganyika pursued a policy of top-down interventions to support foreign and internal elite meat markets by targeting the Maasai purely as livestock producers rather than active actors (e.g. traders) (Kerven 1992, Raikes 1981), while confining them geographically to less fertile lands (Hodgson 2001). These discriminatory measures resulted in a strong sense of ethnic identity generated by the assumptions that ‘the Maasai’ are a homogeneous socio-cultural group and that ‘Maasai’ equals 'pastoralist' (Hodgson 2001). This strong socio-cultural awareness of the Maasai as an ethnic group is the foundation for socio-cultural traits of Maasai society that this article will show to be vital for the functioning of the livestock market. In the last two to three decades, conditions have arisen in which the customary or ‘traditional’ practices, institutions and social relationships that are at the core of (Maasai) ethnic identity can thrive within the market realm. Firstly, on the assumptions that pastoralists are eager to sell their animals and that better market services are the answer to challenges such as environmental degradation, poverty, and food insecurity, the East African livestock market sector has received the support of governments and donors (McPeak & Little 2006). Secondly, and most importantly, as a result of market liberalization, networks shaped from the bottom and ‘informal’ institutions have become part and parcel of market organization (Tripp 1997). With respect to the case described here, for instance, not only have Maasai individuals finally become active market actors after decades of top-down measures that worked in the opposite direction (Allegretti 2015), but they also 3 have been able to capitalize on their ethnic identity and take advantage of informal networks to pursue their career goals as small scale traders. Certainly, the foundations of the social relationships at issue here are in a state of transformation when compared with classical studies (Rigby 1992, Spencer 1965). I am referring here, for instance, to elders’ power and authority as well as enkanyit (respect), which form the basis for decision-making processes and customary law. Contrasting opinions exist among researchers as to the energy and vitality of these values in Maasai society today, that is to say, between those who document an increasing lack of enkanyit (Hodgson 2001) and lessening elders’ authority (Zaal 1999), and those who consider ‘traditional’ values an important capital to be used for more participatory development (Goldman 2014) or already in use for solving household conflicts (Holtzman 2001) 1. The point is not whether or to what extent these ‘traditional’ values are on the wane, but rather how they adapt to different domains and arenas, in this case, the market realm. In a country such as Tanzania where the greatest share of red meat sold and consumed comes directly from the traditional livestock raising system (Letare, MacGregor & Hesse 2006), a better understanding of the local grassroots dynamics of market exchanges and networks may be a useful tool for development. This article therefore proposes an ethnography-based analysis of today’s livestock market, organized on three different but overlapping levels, that intends both to advance anthropological knowledge on the topic and to aid the development of the market as a poverty reduction tool. The Maasai of Tanzania The Maasai are a pastoral Nilotic group living on both sides of the Kenya-Tanzania border, occupying east African rangelands over an area of roughly 150,000 km 2 (Homewood et al. 2009: 1) (fig 1.). Maasailand is a diverse and composite eco- system which hosts other ethnic groups. Today, east African rangelands have 1Holtzman refers to the pastoral Samburu
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