Some Basics of Capitalism and Socialism and Implications for Human Liberty, Morality, and Fairness
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FEMA Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local
Guide to Continuity of Government For State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments July 2021 Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments This page intentionally left blank Guide to Continuity of Government for State, Local, Tribal and Territorial Governments Table of Contents 1. Introduction and Purpose .......................................................................................................... 2 2. Principals of COOP, COG and ECG ............................................................................................. 3 2.1. Relationship Between COOP and COG ........................................................................... 5 3. Continuity of Government – A Coordinated Effort .................................................................... 5 3.1. COG - Representation and Cross Governmental/Jurisdictional/ Organizational Continuity Working Group ............................................................................................... 5 3.2. Branches of Government (Federal Model) .................................................................... 6 3.3. SLTT Departments, Agencies and Bureaus ................................................................... 8 4. Emergency Action Steps ............................................................................................................ 9 4.1. Emergency Resources .................................................................................................. 10 Annex A: NEF 1 Description .......................................................................................................... -
Democracy in the United States
Democracy in the United States The United States is a representative democracy. This means that our government is elected by citizens. Here, citizens vote for their government officials. These officials represent the citizens’ ideas and concerns in government. Voting is one way to participate in our democracy. Citizens can also contact their officials when they want to support or change a law. Voting in an election and contacting our elected officials are two ways that Americans can participate in their democracy. Voting booth in Atascadero, California, in 2008. Photo by Ace Armstrong. Courtesy of the Polling Place Photo Project. Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship 1 Becoming a U.S. Citizen Taking the Oath of Allegiance at a naturalization ceremony in Washington, D.C. Courtesy of USCIS. The process required to become a citizen is called naturalization. To become a U.S. citizen, you must meet legal requirements. You must complete an interview with a USCIS officer. You must also pass an English and Civics test. Then, you take the Oath of Allegiance. This means that you promise loyalty to the United States. When you become a U.S. citizen, you also make these promises: ★ give up loyalty to other countries ★ defend the Constitution and laws of the United States ★ obey the laws of the United States ★ serve in the U.S. military (if needed) ★ do important work for the nation (if needed) After you take the Oath of Allegiance, you are a U.S. citizen. 2 Your Government and You H www.uscis.gov/citizenship Rights and Responsibilities of Citizens Voting is one important right and responsibility of U.S. -
Resistance to Civil Government
Resistance to Civil Government 1849 Henry David Thoreau 1817–1862 YogeBooks 2008:11:20:20:02:59 2 Æsthetic Papers Art X.—Resistance to Civil Government A Lecture delivered in 1847 3 4 Resistance to Civil Government heartily accept the motto,—“That government is best Iwhich governs least;” and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe,—“That government is best which governs not at all;” and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have. Government is at best but an expedient; but most governments are usually, and all governments are sometimes, inexpedient. The objections which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and weighty, and deserve to prevail, may also at last be brought against a standing government. The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted before the people can act through it. Witness the present Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing government as their tool; for, in the outset, the people would not have consented to this measure. This American government,—what is it but a tradition, though a recent one, endeavoring to transmit itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its integrity? It has not the vitality and force of a single living man; for a single man can bend it to his will. -
Authority, Authoritarianism, and Education
"Hybrid with Projection #1 by Susan Hetmannsperger 17 Authority, Authoritarianism, and Education Bruce Romanish The achievement of political freedom in a democratic produced populations desirous of and supportive of such system results from the conscious plans and actions of a political leadership since various environmental causes are human community. Once political freedom is identified as as significant in explaining authoritarianism as are psycho- an aim, the true task inheres in developing social structures logical predispositions.1 This issue has been addressed as and institutional frameworks which create, nurture, and well in terms of personality development, family influences, sustain that end. These structures and frameworks themselves and from the standpoint of the effects of religions and are in need of care and support if the democracy they nourish religious movements, but scant attention has been paid to the is not to wither and atrophy from neglect. Yet desiring politi- school's role as a shaper of patterns of belief, conduct, and cal freedom, accomplishing it, and maintaining it do not come ways of thinking in relationship to authoritarianism. with instructions. Modern history provides many examples If schools exhibit democratic characteristics, that may of societies that lost their way and slipped into the darkness reflect democratic features of the larger social order or the and despair of political oppression. schools are making a contribution to society's movement in This essay examines the concept of authoritarianism and that direction. Conversely, an authoritarian experience in the ways it is reflected and fostered in school life and school school life suggests either a broader cultural authoritarianism structure. -
Alexis De Tocqueville Chronicler of the American Democratic Experiment
Economic Insights FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF DALLAS VOLUME 5, NUMBER 1 Alexis de Tocqueville Chronicler of the American Democratic Experiment The Early Years bring Tocqueville fame and honors. In Born in Paris in 1805, Alexis- 1833, about a year after Tocqueville We are pleased to add this piece on Charles-Henri Clérel de Tocqueville returned to France, the report on Alexis de Tocqueville to our series of profiles entered the world in the early and most American prisons, The U.S. Penitentiary powerful days of Napoleon’s empire. System and Its Application in France, that began with Frédéric Bastiat and Friedrich His parents were of the nobility and was published. von Hayek. Both Bastiat and Hayek were had taken the historical family name of Things in France changed for Beau- strong and influential proponents of indi- Tocqueville, which dated from the mont and Tocqueville upon their return early 17th century and was a region after 10 months in America. Both men vidual liberty and free enterprise. While they of France known previously as the left the judiciary. Beaumont was offi- approached those topics from a theoretical Leverrier fief. cially let go, and Tocqueville resigned perspective, Tocqueville’s views on early Tocqueville’s father supported the in sympathetic protest. Tocqueville then French monarchy and played no seri- had ample time to work on his master- American and French democracy were based ous role in public affairs until after piece, Democracy in America. Volume 1 on his keen personal observations and his- Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo, was published in 1835. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
The Uses of Alexis De Tocqueville's Writings in US Judicial Opinions
Louisiana State University Law Center LSU Law Digital Commons Book Sections Faculty Scholarship 2008 A Man for All Reasons: The sesU of Alexis de Tocqueville's Writings in U.S. Judicial Opinions Christine Corcos Louisiana State University Law Center, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/book_sections Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Corcos, Christine, "A Man for All Reasons: The sU es of Alexis de Tocqueville's Writings in U.S. Judicial Opinions" (2008). Book Sections. 46. http://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/book_sections/46 This Book Section is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Book Sections by an authorized administrator of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Man for All Reasons: The Uses of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Writing in U S. Judicial Opinions ∗ Christine A. Corcos Before Saul Litvinoff appeared on U. S. shores, another aristocratic comparativist, Alexis de Tocqueville, came to cast a critical yet affectionate eye on this republic. Since I am fond of both of these thinkers, I offer this overview of the judicial uses of the writings of the earlier scholar in appreciation of the later one. I. Introduction The United States has never been given to particular adoration of foreign observers of its mores, who quite often turn out to be critics rather than admirers. Nevertheless, one of its favorite visitors 1 since his one and only appearance on the scene in 1831-1832 2 is the 25-year-old magistrate Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859), sent by his government to study penal reform in the new republic. -
Elements of Democracy
III The Concepts and Fundamental Principles of Democracy 3 The Overall Concept of Democracy 4 Popular Sovereignty 5 “The People” in a Democracy 6 Democracy and Equality 7 The Common Good 8 Majority Rule/Minority Rights 9 Democracy and Human Rights 10 Democracy and Representation 11 The Vocabulary of Politics: The Meaning of Common Terms 11 3 The Overall Concept of Democracy Democracy originated more than 2,400 years ago in ancient Greece. The word “democracy” means “rule by the people.” While this definition tells us that the citizens of a democracy govern their nation, it omits essential parts of the idea of democracy as practiced in countries around the world. The principal purposes for which the People establish democratic government are the protection and promotion of their rights, interests, and welfare. Democracy requires that each individual be free to participate in the political community’s self-government. Thus political freedom lies at the heart of the concept of democracy. The overall concept of modern democracy has three principal parts: “democracy,” “constitutional- ism,” and “liberalism.” Each must exist in a political system for it to be a genuine democracy. Democracy— Rule by the People through free and fair elections and other forms of participation ½ Popular sovereignty—the idea that the People are the ultimate authority and the source of the authority of government—is a fundamental principle of democracy. ½ The political equality of all citizens is an essential principle of democracy. ½ In a democracy, the just powers of government are based upon the consent of the governed. ½ Free elections and other forms of civic participation are essential to democracy. -
An Introduction to Philosophy
An Introduction to Philosophy W. Russ Payne Bellevue College Copyright (cc by nc 4.0) 2015 W. Russ Payne Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this document with attribution under the terms of Creative Commons: Attribution Noncommercial 4.0 International or any later version of this license. A copy of the license is found at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/ 1 Contents Introduction ………………………………………………. 3 Chapter 1: What Philosophy Is ………………………….. 5 Chapter 2: How to do Philosophy ………………….……. 11 Chapter 3: Ancient Philosophy ………………….………. 23 Chapter 4: Rationalism ………….………………….……. 38 Chapter 5: Empiricism …………………………………… 50 Chapter 6: Philosophy of Science ………………….…..… 58 Chapter 7: Philosophy of Mind …………………….……. 72 Chapter 8: Love and Happiness …………………….……. 79 Chapter 9: Meta Ethics …………………………………… 94 Chapter 10: Right Action ……………………...…………. 108 Chapter 11: Social Justice …………………………...…… 120 2 Introduction The goal of this text is to present philosophy to newcomers as a living discipline with historical roots. While a few early chapters are historically organized, my goal in the historical chapters is to trace a developmental progression of thought that introduces basic philosophical methods and frames issues that remain relevant today. Later chapters are topically organized. These include philosophy of science and philosophy of mind, areas where philosophy has shown dramatic recent progress. This text concludes with four chapters on ethics, broadly construed. I cover traditional theories of right action in the third of these. Students are first invited first to think about what is good for themselves and their relationships in a chapter of love and happiness. Next a few meta-ethical issues are considered; namely, whether they are moral truths and if so what makes them so. -
In Praise of Liberalism: an Assessment of Liberal Political Thought from the 17Th Century to Today
Review of Contemporary Philosophy Vol. 14, 2015, pp. 11–36, ISSN 1841-5261 IN PRAISE OF LIBERALISM: AN ASSESSMENT OF LIBERAL POLITICAL THOUGHT FROM THE 17TH CENTURY TO TODAY MICHAEL B. FRIEDMAN [email protected] School of Social Work, Columbia University ABSTRACT. The author of this essay maintains that liberalism has been the primary source of progressive change in the United States since its earliest history. To support his claim, he traces the philosophical and political history of liberalism in England and the United States. The specific forms of liberalism have varied in different periods of history; but, he maintains, there is an underlying spirit of liberalism that has persisted throughout the past 350 years and can be the source of dynamic progressive social change in the 21st century. Throughout history, he maintains, liberalism has been committed to social progress and has sought to improve the lives of populations that are economically and politically disadvantaged. This underlying spirit, the author argues, can be the source for an energized liberal agenda for the 21st century. Keywords: liberalism; political philosophy; political history 1. Introduction Conservative – and even centrist – opponents of liberalism reject it because they identify it with cumbersome government; reckless spending; high tax- ation; naiveté about economics, crime, and world power; and lack of moral values. What a mistake! In fact, liberalism has been the source of social and political progress in the Western world since the 17th century. The idea that rights set a limit on the legitimate power of government is a liberal idea. The idea that govern- ment must respect the liberty of individuals is a liberal idea. -
Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-Wing Authoritarianism
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology PREPRINT © 2021 American Psychological Association In press. Not the version of record. Final version DOI: 10.1037/pspp0000341 Clarifying the Structure and Nature of Left-wing Authoritarianism Thomas H. Costello, Shauna M. Bowes Sean T. Stevens Emory University New York University Foundation for Individual Rights in Education Irwin D. Waldman, Arber Tasimi Scott O. Lilienfeld Emory University Emory University University of Melbourne Authoritarianism has been the subject of scientific inquiry for nearly a century, yet the vast majority of authoritarianism research has focused on right-wing authoritarianism. In the present studies, we inves- tigate the nature, structure, and nomological network of left-wing authoritarianism (LWA), a construct famously known as “the Loch Ness Monster” of political psychology. We iteratively construct a meas- ure and data-driven conceptualization of LWA across six samples (N = 7,258) and conduct quantitative tests of LWA’s relations with over 60 authoritarianism-related variables. We find that LWA, right- wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation reflect a shared constellation of personality traits, cognitive features, beliefs, and motivational values that might be considered the “heart” of au- thoritarianism. Still, relative to right-wing authoritarians, left-wing authoritarians were lower in dog- matism and cognitive rigidity, higher in negative emotionality, and expressed stronger support for a political system with substantial centralized state control. Our results also indicate that LWA power- fully predicts behavioral aggression and is strongly correlated with participation in political violence. We conclude that a movement away from exclusively right-wing conceptualizations of authoritarian- ism may be required to illuminate authoritarianism’s central features, conceptual breadth, and psycho- logical appeal. -
State and Federal Authority to Mandate COVID-19 Vaccination
State and Federal Authority to Mandate COVID-19 Vaccination April 2, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46745 SUMMARY R46745 State and Federal Authority to Mandate April 2, 2021 COVID-19 Vaccination Wen W. Shen The Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) vaccines recently authorized by the U.S. Food and Legislative Attorney Drug Administration (FDA) are a critical tool to address the pandemic. After determining that these vaccines meet the applicable statutory standards and the Agency’s specific safety and efficacy standards, FDA issued Emergency Use Authorizations (EUAs) under Section 564 of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FD&C Act). In particular, data supporting the EUA requests show that the vaccines are effective at preventing symptomatic COVID-19 in vaccinated individuals. Given this data, many public health experts believe that promoting COVID-19 vaccination—along with continued engagement in community mitigation activities that prevent transmission, such as mask wearing and social distancing—should be a key component of the United States’ pandemic response. One available legal tool for increasing vaccination rates is for governments to require vaccination. Under the United States’ federalist system, states and the federal government share regulatory authority over public health matters, with states traditionally exercising the bulk of the authority in this area pursuant to their general police power. This power authorizes states, within constitutional limits, to enact laws “to provide for the public health, safety, and morals” of the states’ inhabitants. In contrast to this general power, the federal government’s powers are confined to those enumerated in the Constitution. This report provides an overview of state and federal authority to mandate vaccination.