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Narrow Liberalism and Defining Democracy Undergraduate Review Volume 11 Issue 1 Article 6 1998 Narrow Liberalism and Defining Democracy Justin Taylor '99 Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/rev Recommended Citation Taylor '99, Justin (1998) "Narrow Liberalism and Defining Democracy," Undergraduate Review: Vol. 11 : Iss. 1 , Article 6. Available at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/rev/vol11/iss1/6 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. Taylor '99: Narrow Liberalism and Defining Democracy Note: The first page of Justin Taylor’s “Narrow Liberalism and Defining Democracy” is missing from the published text on file in the University Archives. Published by Digital Commons @ IWU, 1998 1 The UndergraduateUndergraduate Review Review, Vol. 11, Iss. 1 [1998], Art. 6 role ofparticipation in the pursuit ofindividual rights. people to be deluded into thinking the expansi< Liberalism and democratic theory in general depend on the three own will and is actually protecting their desire fundamental pillars ofself-government for their foundation: individual Morone's portrait ofdemocracy's developmel freedom, public regulation, and civic meaning. Liberalism in the last 60 disheartening conclusion. years has focused on the first of those pillars, using the second as a The state and its bureaucracy grew; 1 crutch, at the expense ofthe third. This is not a new observation; many won a legitimate role at the center of I authors have identified in different ways the tension liberalism has Instead, two centuries ofstate buildin, produced in modern democracy. Lowi's analysis ofthe "second ofmetaphoricallegitimators for public republic," in American history and the explosion ofbureaucracy explores mirror ofthe people (as the revolution the far-reaching effects of a liberalism narrowed to a focus on regulative assemblies), a reflection ofthe people bureaucracy (Lowi, 1992). He argues that modern liberalism reliance on (Jacksonians), the computation ofdisi a national bureaucracy has created a new kind of democracy with policy­ (Progressives), the outcome ofthe phlJ makers more insulated from the will ofthe people. Lowi's "interest group market (some New Dealers). Each £: Liberalism" took the path ofleast resistance - it increased individual effort to rest administrative authority I freedoms through regulative bureaucracy instead ofengendering change automatically functioning source ofle in the hearts and minds ofthe citizenry. a different escape from the same thre; As Holmes argued in his work, Passions and Constraints, original who make independentjudgements, rr. liberal democratic theory had a heavy dose ofpositive constitutionalism. (Morone, 1991:323) Constitutions, as early liberals envisioned, not only limit government Morone argues that a republican yearning has power to ensure individual freedom but also establish structures that, "can history but that the yearning to be unencumbel ensure that the will ofthe people is formed through open public debate .. our democracy. I would argue that while to Iii . can enhance the intelligence and legitimacy ofdecisions made" the case, in earlier periods this was simply the (Holmes, 1989:8). According to Holmes, original liberalism both assumes republican participatory ideals and individual 1 and requires the engendering ofparticipation and active individual twentieth century has this delusion that regula engagement to counter regulatory power. In the end Holmes states that, be an effective substitute for participation bee, "liberalism is a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for some Michael Sandel's analysis ofthe Arne] measure of democracy in any modern state" (Holmes, 1989:9). What he supports the above assertion. In his work, De suggests is a co-existence, liberalism allows for and assumes republican defines the modern manifestation ofliberalisr concepts and participation. priority offair procedures overparticular end5 James Morone, in his work The Democratic Wish, identifies the might be call the procedural republic" (Sandel "dread and yearning" of the American people (Morone, 1991). The points and ideas are argued from this definitic dread ofgovernment, stems from "the perception that public power "freedom consists in the capacity ofpersons t threatens civic liberty" (Morone, 1991 :2). The conflicting yearnings of ends." (Sandel, 1996:5). Sandel terms this the; the American people is the democratic wish. Key to the democratic the good. This means that our right to choose wish, "is ~n image ofthe people-a single, united, political entity with the controlling collective good. There is no comm capacity, as John Adams put it, to 'think, feel, reason, and act'" (Morone, life. Virtue comes in allowing citizens to choc 1991 :5). The American people have always assumed and strove for second major point to be made from Sandel's I active participation according to Morone. The American ideology, as he neutrality ofthe state. In his procedural repu.­ terms it, is based on self-government, meaning active popular participation perform any formative function. Lowi's seco­ to prevent government action without the consent ofthe people. negative constitutionalism, and Morone's self However, a stronger yearning, individualism, has allowed the American conceptions ofvery similar arguments. The e https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/rev/vol11/iss1/636 2 :;~;,~,-~..~ ..."'-Oiii--JTTW_IliliRZ ................... ••••••-----IIII!a ~view Taylor '99: Narrow Liberalism and Defining Democracy Taylor ~ pursuit ofindividual rights. people to be deluded into thinking the expansion ofgovernment is their lemocratic theory in general depend on the three own will and is actually protecting their desire to ensure self-government. f-government for their foundation: individual Morone's portrait ofdemocracy's development in America ends in a In, and civic meaning. Liberalism in the last 60 disheartening conclusion. first ofthose pillars, using the second as a The state and its bureaucracy grew; however, they never the third. This is not a new observation; many won a legitimate role at the center of our society. 1different ways the tension liberalism has Instead, two centuries of state building produced a string locracy. Lowi's analysis ofthe "second ofmetaphoricallegitimators for public administration: a istory and the explosion ofbureaucracy explores mirror ofthe people (as the revolutionaries fancied their )fa liberalism narrowed to a focus on regulative assemblies), a reflection ofthe people's choices !). He argues that modern liberalism reliance on (Jacksonians), the computation ofdisinterested science as created a new kind of democracy with policy­ (Progressives), the outcome ofthe pluralistic political 'om the will ofthe people. Lowi's "interest group market (some New Dealers). Each formula was an 1 ofleast resistance - it increased individual effort to rest administrative authority on an external, tive bureaucracy instead ofengendering change automatically functioning source oflegitimacy. Each was fthe citizenry. a different escape from the same threat - public officials ed in his work, Passions and Constraints, original who make independent judgements, ministers who think. 'hada heavy dose ofpositive constitutionalism. (Morone,1991:323) erals envisioned, not only limit government Morone argues that a republican yearning has existed throughout our .al freedom but also establish structures that, "can history but that the yearning to be unencumbered has prevailed in shaping epeople is formed through open public debate .. our democracy. I would argue that while to limited degrees this may be :ence and legitimacy ofdecisions made" the case, in earlier periods this was simply the logical balancing of :ding to Holmes, original liberalism both assumes republican participatory ideals and individual freedoms. Only in the ring ofparticipation and active individual twentieth century has this delusion that regulation and bureaucracy can egulatory power. In the end Holmes states that, be an effective substitute for participation become hegemonic. " though not sufficient, condition for some Michael Sandel's analysis ofthe American public philosophy 1 any modern state" (Holmes, 1989:9). What he supports the above assertion. In his work, Democracy's Discontent, he e, liberalism allows for and assumes republican defines the modern manifestation ofliberalism as one that, "asserts the n. priority offair procedures over particular ends, the public life it informs n his work The Democratic Wish, identifies the might be call the procedural republic" (Sandel, 1996:4). Several key the American people (Morone, 1991). The points and ideas are argued from this definition. The first is that, ms from "the perception that public power "freedom consists in the capacity of persons to choose their values and v1orone, 1991 :2). The conflicting yearnings of ends." (Sandel, 1996:5). Sandel terms this the
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