Unit 10 Kinship*
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Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems) Laurent Dousset
Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems) Laurent Dousset To cite this version: Laurent Dousset. Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems). N. Thieberger. The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork, Oxford University Press, pp.209-234, 2011. halshs-00653097 HAL Id: halshs-00653097 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00653097 Submitted on 6 Feb 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Distributed under a Creative Commons Attribution - NonCommercial - NoDerivatives| 4.0 International License Published as: Dousset, Laurent 2011. « Undertanding Human Relations (Kinship Systems) », in N. Thieberger (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p. 209-234 The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Fieldwork Edited by Nick Thieberger Oxford University Press Laurent Dousset EHESS (Advanced School for Social Studies) CREDO (Centre de Recherche et de Documentation sur l’Océanie) 3 place Victor Hugo F – 13003 Marseilles [email protected] Part four: Collaborating with other disciplines Chapter 13 : Anthropology / Ethnography. Understanding human relations (kinship systems). Kungkankatja, minalinkatja was the answer of an elderly man to my question, 'How come you call your cousins as if they were your siblings?', when I expected to hear different words, one for sibling and one for cousin. -
'This Is How We Joke'. Towards an Appreciation of Alternative Values In
100 EBHR-41 ‘This is How we Joke’. Towards an appreciation of alternative values in performances of gender irony among the Gaddi of Himachal Anja Wagner What do we make of the jokes and irony that we encounter during our fieldwork, in particular in the realm of gender relations? Jokes and ironic performances have been a rather neglected field of anthropological inquiry. In an article on practices of flirting, teasing, and sexual joking, Caroline and Fillipo Osella have drawn attention to the significance of ambiguity, indeterminacy and ambivalence as values in the context of South Asian anthropology (Osella and Osella 2000). Their analysis of flirting by youth in Kerala, and of the joking involved therein as a form of play, offers an alternative to the established framework of hierarchy and hierarchical relations that commonly forms the basis for anthropological analysis in the South Asian context. The present article discusses this approach vis-à-vis the established approach of seeing performances that portray alternative values as discourses of subversion or resistance to dominant power structures. I thereby follow Osella and Osella’s focus on the recognition of ambiguity and irony as values in and of themselves in my investigation of performances of gender irony and joking by women in Northwest India. My argument draws on fieldwork conducted in the district of Kangra in the state of Himachal Pradesh between 2006 and 2009. Kangra women and their oral performances are known within anthropology through Kirin Narayan’s work on songs (1986, 1997), but here I am concerned with a different kind of performance and a different section of Kangra’s population, namely Gaddi women. -
Kin Relationships
In H. T. Reis & S. Sprecher (Eds.), Encyclopedia of human relationships (pp. 951-954). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kin Relationships Kin relationships are traditionally defined as ties based on blood and marriage. They include lineal generational bonds (children, parents, grandparents, and great- grandparents), collateral bonds (siblings, cousins, nieces and nephews, and aunts and uncles), and ties with in-laws. An often-made distinction is that between primary kin (members of the families of origin and procreation) and secondary kin (other family members). The former are what people generally refer to as “immediate family,” and the latter are generally labeled “extended family.” Marriage, as a principle of kinship, differs from blood in that it can be terminated. Given the potential for marital break-up, blood is recognized as the more important principle of kinship. This entry questions the appropriateness of traditional definitions of kinship for “new” family forms, describes distinctive features of kin relationships, and explores varying perspectives on the functions of kin relationships. Questions About Definition Changes over the last thirty years in patterns of family formation and dissolution have given rise to questions about the definition of kin relationships. Guises of kinship have emerged to which the criteria of blood and marriage do not apply. Assisted reproduction is a first example. Births resulting from infertility treatments such as gestational surrogacy and in vitro fertilization with ovum donation challenge the biogenetic basis for kinship. A similar question arises for adoption, which has a history 2 going back to antiquity. Partnerships formed outside of marriage are a second example. Strictly speaking, the family ties of nonmarried cohabitees do not fall into the category of kin, notwithstanding the greater acceptance over time of consensual unions both formally and informally. -
Arabic Kinship Terms Revisited: the Rural and Urban Context of North-Western Morocco
Sociolinguistic ISSN: 1750-8649 (print) Studies ISSN: 1750-8657 (online) Article Arabic kinship terms revisited: The rural and urban context of North-Western Morocco Amina Naciri-Azzouz Abstract This article reports on a study that focuses on the different kinship terms collected in several places in north-western Morocco, using elicitation and interviews conducted between March 2014 and June 2015 with several dozens of informants aged between 8 and 80. The analysed data include terms from the urban contexts of the city of Tetouan, but most of them were gathered in rural locations: the small village of Bni Ḥlu (Fahs-Anjra province) and different places throughout the coastal and inland regions of Ghomara (Chefchaouen province). The corpus consists of terms of address, terms of reference and some hypocoristic and affective terms. KEYWORDS: KINSHIP TERMS, TERMS OF ADDRESS, VARIATION, DIALECTOLOGY, MOROCCAN ARABIC (DARIJA) Affiliation University of Zaragoza, Spain email: [email protected] SOLS VOL 12.2 2018 185–208 https://doi.org/10.1558/sols.35639 © 2019, EQUINOX PUBLISHING 186 SOCIOLINGUISTIC STUDIES 1 Introduction The impact of migration ‒ attributable to multiple and diverse factors depending on the period ‒ is clearly noticeable in northern Morocco. Migratory movements from the east to the west, from rural areas to urban centres, as well as to Europe, has resulted in a shifting rural and urban population in this region. Furthermore, issues such as the increasing rate of urbanization and the drop in mortality have altered the social and spatial structure of cities such as Tetouan and Tangiers, where up to the present time some districts are known by the name of the origin of the population who settled down there: e.g. -
Formal Analysis of Kinship Terminologies and Its Relationship to What Constitutes Kinship (Complete Text)
MATHEMATICAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURAL THEORY: AN INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL VOLUME 1 NO. 1 PAGE 1 OF 46 NOVEMBER 2000 FORMAL ANALYSIS OF KINSHIP TERMINOLOGIES AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO WHAT CONSTITUTES KINSHIP (COMPLETE TEXT) 1 DWIGHT W. READ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90035 [email protected] Abstract The goal of this paper is to relate formal analysis of kinship terminologies to a better understanding of who, culturally, are defined as our kin. Part I of the paper begins with a brief discussion as to why neither of the two claims: (1) kinship terminologies primarily have to do with social categories and (2) kinship terminologies are based on classification of genealogically specified relationships traced through genitor and genetrix, is adequate as a basis for a formal analysis of a kinship terminology. The social category argument is insufficient as it does not account for the logic uncovered through the formalism of rewrite rule analysis regarding the distribution of kin types over kin terms when kin terms are mapped onto a genealogical grid. Any formal account must be able to account at least for the results obtained through rewrite rule analysis. Though rewrite rule analysis has made the logic of kinship terminologies more evident, the second claim must also be rejected for both theoretical and empirical reasons. Empirically, ethnographic evidence does not provide a consistent view of how genitors and genetrixes should be defined and even the existence of culturally recognized genitors is debatable for some groups. In addition, kinship relations for many groups are reckoned through a kind of kin term calculus independent of genealogical connections. -
Kinship Care: a New Kind of Family by Karen J
Health and Human Sciences HHS-788-W Kinship Care: A New Kind of Family By Karen J. Foli, PhD, RN, Associate Professor, Purdue University School of Nursing Have you noticed more middle-aged and older adults parenting young children? Perhaps you’ve seen these families in the grocery store, at school functions, or eating in restaurants. In the United States, a growing number of adult relatives and non-relatives are parenting children. They are providing what is known as kinship care. According to the Child Welfare League of What’s in a Name? America, kinship care is: Kinship parents and families have created new names for their types of families. Many of these the full time care, nurturing and protection families have several generations in them. Some of children by relatives, members of their of the more common names are: tribes or clans, godparents, stepparents, or any adult who has a kinship bond with a child. • kinship parents This definition is designed to be inclusive • grandfamilies and respectful of cultural values and ties • foster kinship care of affection. It allows a child to grow to • caring grandparents adulthood in a family environment. • fictive kinship Who Are Kinship Parents? Informal Care In Indiana, four percent of all children (59,000) live in public (foster) or private kinship care. Many kinship parents care for children without a Most often, it is a grandmother who is caring for formal arrangement. Unlike traditional families, a grandchild, but other adults may step in to help kinship families may have generations of family provide care when parents no longer can. -
Procity," and Those Entering Into It "Clan Reciprocals."
CLANS AND THE JOKING-RELATIONSHIP AM.fONG THE PLATEAU TONGA OF NORTHERN RHODESIA E. Colson Formalized joking between clans has been reported from many tribes in British Central Africa(1), Tew has attempted to place the joking be- tween clans within the wider context of the funeral friendship which exists in one form or another from the Zambezi River in the south to Lake Tanganyika in the north and from the east ooast to the Luangwa river(2). Radcliffe-Brown has also dealt with the subject in his analysis of the general nature of joking relationships(3),. The Tonga are thus not unique in practising such jloking. This paper does not report any new phenomenon, nor shall I attempt within it to develop any new theory of the nature of joking relationships. I am limit- ing myself to a description of the relationship as it exists among the Plateau Tonga. Despite Tew's suggestion that "tfuneral friendshiptt should be adopted as a descriptive term to cover the phenomenon as it occurs in this area, I shall use the old form "clan joking relationship" since among the Tonga the funeral is only one, and perhaps not the most important, situation in which the relationship operates. Indeed,' one could cavil at either term, since neither joking nor funeral duties effectively define. the relationship. In many situations clans perform reciprocal services for each other. One might therefore call the institution, "clan reci- procity," and those entering into it "clan reciprocals." The Plateau Tonga are a Bantu-speaking people living in what is now the Mazabuka District of the Southern Province of Northern Rhodesia. -
The Extent to Which the Classificatory Kinship System Cor- Responds To
T H R E E NO R M S O F SE X A N D MA R R I A G E I N LI G H T O F CL A S S I F I C AT O RY KI N S H I P 1 [26–35; 45–61; 149–161; 75–82] L E T U S N O W E X A M I N E the extent to which the classificatory kinship system cor- responds to modern norms of sexual intercourse and marriage. Among the Gilyak, at the present time at least, there is no question of any general prohibition of extra- marital sexual intercourse. Sexual intercourse with a woman is to the Gilyak a nat- ural act, as insignificant morally as any other natural act answering the well-known needs of man. Prohibitions and limitations extend only to definite groups of persons bound by agnatic or cognatic relationship. Outside of these groups, sexual interco u r s e is not subject to any regulation, nor to religious or public condemnation [75]. Besides the prohibitions determined by relationship, extramarital intercourse knows only one restriction, the reactions of the concerned persons. The young men of a clan who have access to the women of a certain locality, when displeased with a usurper, may give full vent to their resentment for his trespassing. Such cases are, ho w e v e r , very rare. The consequences are much more serious when a married woman is the source of trouble. A stranger caught in flagrante delicto with a married woman is killed by the husband on the spot. -
Racial and Ethnic Differences in Extended Family, Friendship, Fictive Kin, and Congregational Informal Support Networks
ROBERT JOSEPH TAYLOR University of Michigan ∗ LINDA M. CHATTERS University of Michigan ∗∗ AMANDA TOLER WOODWARD Michigan State University ∗∗∗ EDNA BROWN University of Connecticut Racial and Ethnic Differences in Extended Family, Friendship, Fictive Kin, and Congregational Informal Support Networks This study examined differences in kin and Black Caribbeans had larger fictive kin networks nonkin networks among African Americans, than non-Hispanic Whites, but non-Hispanic Caribbean Blacks (Black Caribbeans), and non- Whites with fictive kin received support from Hispanic Whites. Data are taken from the them more frequently than African Americans National Survey of American Life, a nation- and Black Caribbeans. The discussion notes ally representative study of African Americans, the importance of examining kin and nonkin net- Black Caribbeans, and non-Hispanic Whites. works, as well as investigating ethnic differences Selected measures of informal support from within the Black American population. family, friendship, fictive kin, and congregation/ church networks were utilized. African Ameri- Involvement with kin and nonkin is an cans were more involved in congregation net- essential component of daily life for the vast works, whereas non-Hispanic Whites were more majority of Americans. Family and friendship involved in friendship networks. African Ameri- support networks are important for coping cans were more likely to give support to extended with the ongoing stresses of daily life (e.g., family members and to have daily interaction Benin & Keith, 1995), providing a place to with family members. African Americans and live when confronting homelessness (Taylor, Chatters, & Celious, 2003), and in coping with physical and mental health problems School of Social Work, 1080 South University Avenue, Ann (Cohen, Underwood, & Gottlieb, 2000; Lincoln, Arbor, MI 48109-1106 ([email protected]). -
Max-Planck-Institut Für Ethnologische Forschung Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology
Stand: 20/11/02 Max-Planck-Institut für ethnologische Forschung Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology Workshop: Friendship, descent and alliance. New perspectives on social integration and dissociation in changing African societies 16th - 18th December 2002 Venue: MPI for Social Anthropology, Halle/Saale List of abstracts (in alphabetical order) Mario I. Aguilar (University of St. Andrews) From age-sets to friendship networks: The continuity of soda among the Boorana of East Africa Within the anthropological study of kinship and friendship there is the danger of stressing one or the other following anthropological fashions. Thus, if from the beginnings of social anthropology as a social methodology kinship was over stressed, the contemporary study of friendship can also become a fashionable subject. In this paper that follows my previous study on friendship among Boorana high- school students (Aguilar 2000) I attempt to locate the study of Boorana and indeed African friendship within the development of social structures of descent and alliance. The Boorana had a very strong system of kinship structured through age-sets and age-grades within a structural sociability known as the gada system. While the system is not any longer viable within politics it permeates relations between male and female, kin (soda) and enemies, Boorana and non-Boorana. Therefore this paper locates the relation between kinship and friendship in a parallel stream of sociability in which the Boorana perceive the two social categories as identical, while outsiders perceive them as different. The paper’s conclusions argue that (i) if friendship is a culturally constructed category that develops through social action, any study of its social manifestations requires the methodological assumption that any study of social performances of friendship also require a diachronic study of kinship; and (ii) friendship is part of an extended social structure that allows social integration for members that have experienced dissociation. -
Development Team
Paper No. : 02 Social-Cultural Anthropology Module : 18 Kinship studies of India Development Team Prof. Anup Kumar Kapoor Principal Investigator Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi Prof. Sabita Acharya Paper Coordinator Department of Anthropology, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar Content Writer Dr. Jaspreet Kaur Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Prof. A.K.Sinha Content Reviewer Department of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh 1 Social-Cultural Anthropology Anthropology Kinship Studies in India Description of Module Subject Name Anthropology Paper Name 02 Social-Cultural Anthropology Module Name/Title Kinship studies in India Module Id 18 2 Social-Cultural Anthropology Anthropology Kinship Studies in India REFERENCES v Basu, Indrani. Anthropology: The Study of Man, 9TH edition. S. Chand Publications, 2013. v Uberoi, Patricia, ed. Family, Kinship and Marriage in India. Ch: The Kinship Map of India by Irawati karve.Oxford University Press, 1993. v Kinship: Essay on the system of Kinship in India by PujaMondal on URL http://www.yourarticlelibrary.com/essay/kinship-essay-on-the-system-of-kinship-in- india/35156/ v Kinship Glossary:symbols terms and concepts compiled by Micheal Dean Murphy on Url http://anthropology.ua.edu/Faculty/murphy/436/kinship.htm IMAGES CITED v www.harappa.com/photo/si1.html v www.indiannetzone.com/19/physical_feature_variation_khasi_tribe.htm v www.uncommon.com/cruises/show/coral-sea-louisiade-trobriand-islands-180 v https://sites.google.com/site/benramage/ethnobotany-of-the-todas-of-south-india -
ACQUIRING the LEXICON and GRAMMAR of UNIVERSAL KINSHIP Joe Blythe Jeremiah Tunmuck
ACQUIRING THE LEXICON AND GRAMMAR OF UNIVERSAL KINSHIP Joe Blythe Jeremiah Tunmuck Macquarie University Yek Yederr Alice Mitchell Péter Rácz University of Cologne Central European University This article investigates how children learn an infinitely expanding ‘universal’ system of classi - ficatory kinship terms. We report on a series of experiments designed to elicit acquisitional data on (i) nominal kinterms and (ii) sibling-inflected polysynthetic morphology in the Australian lan - guage Murrinhpatha. Photographs of the participants’ own relatives are used as stimuli to assess knowledge of kinterms, kin-based grammatical contrasts, and kinship principles , across different age groups. The results show that genealogically distant kin are more difficult to classify than close kin, that children’s comprehension and production of kinterms are streamlined by abstract merging principles, and that sibling-inflection is learned in tandem with number and person mark - ing in the verbal morphology, although it is not fully mastered until mid to late childhood. We dis - cuss how the unlimited nature of Australian kinship systems presents unusual challenges to the language learner, but suggest that, as everywhere, patterns of language acquisition are closely in - tertwined with children’s experience of their sociocultural environment.* Keywords : language acquisition, kinterms, kintax, polysynthetic languages, semantic categories, morphology 1. Introduction . In order to talk about the people we meet, we need to learn who they are and how they fit within the various social networks we move in. For the child, this includes learning which people may be referred to as ‘family’ and how. In large urban, industrialized societies the number of people considered kin is relatively small.