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International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences Editorsin-Chief Neil J. Smelser Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences, Stanford. C’A, USA Paul B. Baltes Max Planck I,zstitute for Human Development, Berlin. Germans’ Volume 15 2001 ELSEVIER \\IS FERDAM—PARIS---NEW YORK—OXFORD-—SE-{ANNON-—SINGAPORE--TOKYO Modernity Bauman Z 1989 Modernit v and the Holocaust. Cornell University shifted throughout the history of the discipline. At a cotid UCtC Press, Ithaca, NY simple level, we can say that the social sciences are Bauman Z 1992 Intimations of Postmodernity Routledge, generally about the study of modern societies. so why dependel London would anthropologists discuss modernity as an iso Cambridge Lvi-Slrt Bauman Z 1997 Postniodernity and its Discontents. lated area? We can say that anthropology is a modern premode University Press, New York existence in which the aiithropos I Contradictions of Capitatisni. Heine study of human eLiltUlal Bell D 1976 The Cultural object of knowledge and also a technique mann, London [1979 Les Contradictions culturelles du capi becomes an In thc ralisnie. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris] of modern power. For a discipline that produces its part icipa Benjamin W 1955, 1961, 1966 Schr((ten, Illuminationen. Angelus knowledge through an intimate experience of the cultures JVovus. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt, Germany (exotic) other, the field is particularly unique in that it ‘salvage Benjamin W 1969 Charles Baudelaire. Tiedemann R (ed.) is both a product, and an interrogator, of modernity. record d Suhrkamp, Frankfurt, Germany This relationship of anthropology towards mod terms. B Burger P 1988 Prosa der Moderne. Suhrkamp, Frankfurt, ernity has given anthropology its existential doubling. cstablish Germany an and as an undoing, of the taken for agall of Modern as extension, nut Campbell C 1987 The Romantic Ethic and (he Spirit modernity. For much of London granted aspects of Western eokniali Conswnerism. Oxford, UK, twentieth century. anthropologists worked within L 1997 Sinrnwl et Ia modernité. Presses Univer the cIciitilic Deroche-Gurcel and its others, and sitaires de France, Paris - the historical framing of modernity human ( Deroche-Gurcel L 2000 Avant-propos and Preface. In: Simmel used ethnographic findings to question the assumed hunianit G Sociologie—Etudes sur les formes de Ia socialisation. aspects of Euro-American modernity and progress. Ruth Be Presses Universitaires de France, Paris The second distinctive aspect of anthropofogys re identities Domenach J-M 1986 Approches de la modernité. Ellipses, Paris lation to modernity is as plural modernisms, as a way ucaul sucH FourastiC J 1969 Le Grand Espoir du XXe siècle. to capture the particularistic experiences of non- In the modernité. L’Harmattan, Giddens A 1994 Les Consequences de Ia modern or subaltern others in encounters with modern theory in Paris Western forms. The most promising approach has and \Veb 1985 Der philosophische Diskurs der Moderne. Habermas J as a specific ethnographic on ctiltut Suhrkamp, Frankfurt, Germany been to treat modernity tracks the spread of political and re Harvey D 1989 The Condition of Postmodernity. Blackwell, project, one that utterly Oxford, UK social rationalities, and their production of new world by Jameson F 1991 In: Fish S (ed.) Post-Modernism—or The techniques, social forms, and subjects in a variety of uivilizatic Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism. Duke University Press, ethnographic settings. Anthropology as a field and an contunun; Durham, NC ethnographer’s craft is perhaps well suited to identify ca leti Ia tic Gallimard, Paris Lipovetsky G 1987 L’Empire de l’éphémère. the ever shifting webs of rationalities that shape our worlds. 1 Lyotard J-F 1985 La Condition post-moderne. Editions de plural worlds, and to pose the question of modernit dition to Minuit, Paris itself as a paradox about humanity. luiggerna Maffesoli M 2000 L’bistant éternel. Denoël, Paris sicia I cli; Morin E 1962 L ‘Esprit dii tenips—Essai sur Ia culture de masse. Grasset, Paris Hamburg, M usil R 1931 Der Mann ohne Eigenscha/len. Rowohit, 2. lviodernirt’ and its Others Germany, Vol. 1 Rince D 1984 Baudelaire. In: de Beaumarchais J-P, Couty D, From its very beginning as an academic discipline. .:.i Rey A (eds.) Dictionnaire des Linératures de languefrançaise. anthropology has dealt with modernity as historical Bordas, Paris encounters between the modern and the nonmodern. \Iost sch Smart B 1992 Modern Conditions, Postmodern Controversies. and the social consequences that followed from such the origil Routledge, London transformations. Initially driven by an evolutionary .-\tlantic Critique de Ia modernité. Fayard. Paris Touraine A 1992 logic, social anthropology was dominated by an ltnijts of J-L 1989—1 990 Introduction. In: SimmelG (ed.) Vieillard-Baron the so-called ‘primitive’ societies .unthropc Philosophie de la ,nodernitè. Payot, Paris, Vols. 1—2 opposition between characterized by ‘premodern’ customs regarding peoples c B. Valade magic, sexuality, and exchange which acted as a foil and corn for modern ideas such as rationality, the Oedipus The vor complex, the nuclear family, and the profit motive. (l95) sh There was also a more radical epistemological project formed c. to discover a cultural logic embedded within the native human b social system, giving it a positive valence that es CXtStjnt Modernity: Anthropological Aspects tablished a rationality alternative to that of European theiy froi cultures. Anthropology thus studied those aspects of A Sit!fl other cultures that stripped away the taken for granted shov tIa 1. Modernity as Frame and Problem in nature of Euro-American modernity, and introduced Karl Po1 Anthropology a reflexive element into the ‘science’ of human knowl lorms bt in the The idea of modernity has operated as a historical edges. This implicit critique of the rational and difi framing for anthropology, but the categories of what scientific assumptions of European modernity gradu PrOd racism, as research COfltIU1t1 is modern (radically new) in the human condition have ally included the indictment of 9944 Modernill: Anthropological Aspects ,line. At a conducted in the shadow of European imperialism and the Asia-Pacific became functionally articulated ienceS are exposed its destruction of native cultures and its with the capitalist system (Godelier 1977). Ethno es. so why dependence on racism in colonial systems. Claude graphies captured in vivid and concrete detail the as an iso- Levi-Strauss ruminated on Europe’s destruction of the parasitic dependence of capitalism on the labor of a modern premodern as inseparable from the loss of its own slaves, sharecroppers, cash-cropping peasants, and withropos cultural ideals. women in the developing world. Premodern labor technique In the United States, the pioneers in anthropology forms and the domestication of women in far away oduces its participated in debates over the fate of traditional places have historically been part of capitalism, and ce of the cultures under modern conditions. Nineteenth century therefore a part of modernity itself. Forms of servitude e in that it ‘salvage anthropology’ engaged in a valiant attempt to such as guest workers and maids, often organized nodernitY. record dying cultures, sometimes rendered in utopian along gender, ethnic, and national lines, are an integral irds mod- terms. By the early twentieth century, Franz Boas part of advanced capitalist societies. These cultural doubling, established cultural anthropology as a field that spoke others furnish the images of the premodern Other to taken for out against the human costs of Western conquest, contemporary capitalism’s own self-reflection. r much of colonialism, and racism. Boas sought to develop a The concept of commodity fetishism influenced ked within scientific language of cultural differences and universal ethnographic studies of how the market, bureaucracy, ithers, and human dignity as inescapable aspects of modern and mechanical media erode and reform indigenous e assumed humanity. During World War II, Margaret Mead and notions of sociality and personhood. For over a progress. Ruth Benedict popularized the study of national century, anthropologists have decried the destruction logy’s re identities, often contrasting the rationality of Amer or debasement of native cultures that came with . as a way ican society with premodern others. capitalism, Christianity, and foreign rule. Anthro S of non In the post-Second World War era, classic social pologists have documented the social despair, mil ili modern theory in the writings of Marx, Durkheim, Simmel, lennial movements, and rituals of violence inspired by roach has and Weber replaced earlier evolutionary perspectives missionaries, travelers, and traders. Another perspec inographic on cultural change. Capitalism is now taken as the tive mines the folklore and magical beliefs of colonized litical and utterly revolutionary force that has created the modern peoples for their hidden critique of the objectifying n of new world by radically breaking with the past. Market meanings of capitalism. The fetishization of market variety of civilization tore asunder personal relations, destroyed goods creates conditions for social competition, and .eld and an communal social systems, and introduced egotistical gives rise to new hierarchies along lines of town and to identify calculations and the modern state to premodem country, class and gender differences. Across the shape our worlds. Thus emerged a
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