A Case Study of the LTTE
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In the Course of My Researches Into the Emergence
II Wednesday 11th January, 2012 BY MICHAEL ROBERTS n the course of my researches into the emergence of Ceylonese nationalism in the British period, I Idelved in considerable detail into an event that was referred to then as "the 1915 riots" - the term "riots" in South Asia being a mechanical reproduc- tion of the terminology of the British legal lexicon to describe affrays of all sorts. In 1915 this short- hand phrase referred to the assaults on the Mohammedan Moors (as they were called then) in work- the south-western quadrant by elements of the ing Sinhalese population (Roberts 1981). Amidst the secretly complex processes that promoted this outbreak let in LTTE me isolate a particular factor: a critical force inspir- territory ing the attacks was the incitement by those whom I from 2007 or have referred to as "stirrers" (Kannangara 1984; 2008 and that Roberts 1981; 1994a). Nick Paton The outbreak of the July 1983 pogrom against Walsh entered Tamils living in the south-western and central Sri Lanka to regions of Sri Lanka encouraged scholars to rede- complete the fine such events as "pogroms." On this occasion too, final phase of this anecdotal testimony from friends and the article by cooperation; but Valli Kanapathypillai (1990) indicate that incitement was deemed suspect by a diverse body of chauvinist stirrers was one fac- and unceremoniously tor behind a campaign that legitimised the terror turned out by the Sri wrought by depicting these activities as acts that Lankan government in would "teach Tamils a lesson." May 2009 - a humiliating Dwelling on some anecdotal tales I was motivated outcome which added in the 1990s to pen a literary essay of protest against revenge to the other motiva- the horrendous acts of July 1983: The Agony and tions promoting Channel 4s Ecstasy of a Pogrom: Southern Lanka, July 1983, commitment to the Tiger cause This article was written during a lonely sojourn in and its targeting of the Sri Charlottesville, Virginia where my isolation promot- Lankan government for a public ed reflexivity. -
CHAP 9 Sri Lanka
79o 00' 79o 30' 80o 00' 80o 30' 81o 00' 81o 30' 82o 00' Kankesanturai Point Pedro A I Karaitivu I. Jana D Peninsula N Kayts Jana SRI LANKA I Palk Strait National capital Ja na Elephant Pass Punkudutivu I. Lag Provincial capital oon Devipattinam Delft I. Town, village Palk Bay Kilinochchi Provincial boundary - Puthukkudiyiruppu Nanthi Kadal Main road Rameswaram Iranaitivu Is. Mullaittivu Secondary road Pamban I. Ferry Vellankulam Dhanushkodi Talaimannar Manjulam Nayaru Lagoon Railroad A da m' Airport s Bridge NORTHERN Nedunkeni 9o 00' Kokkilai Lagoon Mannar I. Mannar Puliyankulam Pulmoddai Madhu Road Bay of Bengal Gulf of Mannar Silavatturai Vavuniya Nilaveli Pankulam Kebitigollewa Trincomalee Horuwupotana r Bay Medawachchiya diya A d o o o 8 30' ru 8 30' v K i A Karaitivu I. ru Hamillewa n a Mutur Y Pomparippu Anuradhapura Kantalai n o NORTH CENTRAL Kalpitiya o g Maragahewa a Kathiraveli L Kal m a Oy a a l a t t Puttalam Kekirawa Habarane u 8o 00' P Galgamuwa 8o 00' NORTH Polonnaruwa Dambula Valachchenai Anamaduwa a y O Mundal Maho a Chenkaladi Lake r u WESTERN d Batticaloa Naula a M uru ed D Ganewatta a EASTERN g n Madura Oya a G Reservoir Chilaw i l Maha Oya o Kurunegala e o 7 30' w 7 30' Matale a Paddiruppu h Kuliyapitiya a CENTRAL M Kehelula Kalmunai Pannala Kandy Mahiyangana Uhana Randenigale ya Amparai a O a Mah Reservoir y Negombo Kegalla O Gal Tirrukkovil Negombo Victoria Falls Reservoir Bibile Senanayake Lagoon Gampaha Samudra Ja-Ela o a Nuwara Badulla o 7 00' ng 7 00' Kelan a Avissawella Eliya Colombo i G Sri Jayewardenepura -
The Way Ahead in Sri Lanka
ch ar F se o e u R n r d e a v t r i e o s n b O ORF Discourse Vol.1 ● No.2 ● November 2006 Published by Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi The Way Ahead in Sri Lanka Summary of an interaction organised by ORF (Chennai) on September 2, 2006 f the stalemated war produced a truce, the stalemated victories in conventional warfare. SLAF is no longer a peace ever since the Sri Lankan Government and ‘ceremonial army’ and its soldiers are ‘children of war’, Ithe Liberation Tigers Tamil Elam signed a cease-fi re and trained in that environment. The LTTE, on the other agreement (CFA) in February 2002 has contributed to the hand, may already be facing cadre-shortage, mainly due revival of violence in the island-nation. The deteriorating to the ‘Karuna rebellion’ in the East and, possibly, because ground situation has been accompanied by repeated calls of large-scale migration of ‘Jaffna Tamils’ ever since the from the Sri Lankan parties for greater Indian involvement ‘ethnic war’ began in the early Eighties. in the peace-making efforts. On the political side, President Mahinda Rajapakse To evaluate the developments, the Chennai Chapter has shown signs of working for a ‘Southern consensus’, of the Observer Research Foundation (ORF-C), which which is a pre-requisite for any peace plan to succeed. is specialising in ‘Sri Lanka Studies, among other issues, The Opposition United National Party (UNP), although it organised a seminar on September 2, 2006 in which rejected his offer for a national government, has offered to participants and discussants focussed on the military cooperate with the `Southern consensus’ initiative. -
Endgame in Sri Lanka Ajit Kumar Singh*
Endgame in Sri Lanka Ajit Kumar Singh* If we do not end war – war will end us. Everybody says that, millions of people believe it, and nobody does anything. – H.G. Wells 1 The Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse finally ended the Eelam War2 in May 2009 – though, perhaps, not in the manner many would desire. So determined was the President that he had told Roland Buerk of the BBC in an interview published on February 21, 2007, “I don't want to pass this problem on to the next generation.”3 Though the final phase of open war4 began on January 16, 2008, following the January 2 unilateral withdrawal of the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) from the Norway-brokered * Ajit Kumar Singh, Research Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management 1 Things to Come (The film story), Part III, adapted from his 1933 novel The Shape of Things to Come, spoken by the character John Cabal. 2 The civil war in Sri Lanka can be divided into four phases: Eelam War I between 1983 and 1987, Eelam War II between 1990-1994, Eelam War III between 1995-2001, and Eelam War IV between 2006-2009. See Muttukrishna Sarvananthaa in “Economy of the Conflict Region in Sri Lanka: From Embargo to Repression”, Policy Studies 44, East-West Centre, http://www.eastwestcenter.org/fileadmin/stored/pdfs/ps044.pdf. 3 “No end in sight to Sri Lanka conflict”, February 21, 2007, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6382787.stm. 4 Amantha Perera, “Sri Lanka: Open War”, South Asia Intelligence Review, Volume 6, No.28, http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/sair/Archives/6_28.htm#assessment1. -
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam 1. LTTE
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam 1. LTTE - Nature of the Organization 1. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was founded in 1976 and is a secessionist terrorist organization that is internationally proscribed.1 The LTTE was involved in a prolonged terrorist insurgency campaign and armed conflict against the Sri Lankan state for approximately 30 years until it was finally defeated by the armed forces of the government in May 2009. In that time it killed many people, destroyed crucial infrastructure and took de facto control over large areas of territory in the North and East of the state and subjected the population within to its unelected hegemony. It blocked the supply of goods and essential supplies to people of the North, by blocking the A-9 highway and forcing all transportation to be by sea convoy. 2. The LTTE enforced its aims by conducting widespread and systematic attacks against the Sri Lankan political leaders, civilians, religious groups, government officials, the state armed forces, the state police and even rival Tamil politicians. It used bombing campaigns including suicide bombers on the land, in the sea and in the air. It developed fully equipped armed forces by which to engage the government forces in combat. It coerced several generations of Tamils into its structure by fear and indoctrination, including children and youths, who were used as cadres to deliver its objectives. The terrorist activities of the LTTE were not confined to the island of Sri Lanka, but spread to foreign states where it carried out assassinations and assisted international terrorists by passing on its tactics and expertise. -
The Sri Lankan Insurgency: a Rebalancing of the Orthodox Position
THE SRI LANKAN INSURGENCY: A REBALANCING OF THE ORTHODOX POSITION A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Peter Stafford Roberts Department of Politics and History, Brunel University April 2016 Abstract The insurgency in Sri Lanka between the early 1980s and 2009 is the topic of this study, one that is of great interest to scholars studying war in the modern era. It is an example of a revolutionary war in which the total defeat of the insurgents was a decisive conclusion, achieved without allowing them any form of political access to governance over the disputed territory after the conflict. Current literature on the conflict examines it from a single (government) viewpoint – deriving false conclusions as a result. This research integrates exciting new evidence from the Tamil (insurgent) side and as such is the first balanced, comprehensive account of the conflict. The resultant history allows readers to re- frame the key variables that determined the outcome, concluding that the leadership and decision-making dynamic within the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had far greater impact than has previously been allowed for. The new evidence takes the form of interviews with participants from both sides of the conflict, Sri Lankan military documentation, foreign intelligence assessments and diplomatic communiqués between governments, referencing these against the current literature on counter-insurgency, notably the social-institutional study of insurgencies by Paul Staniland. It concludes that orthodox views of the conflict need to be reshaped into a new methodology that focuses on leadership performance and away from a timeline based on periods of major combat. -
Children & Armed Conflict in Sri Lanka
CHILDREN & ARMED CONFLICT IN SRI LANKA Displaced Tamil girl at Mannar Reception Centre, 1995 ©Howard Davies / Exile Images A discussion document prepared for UNICEF Regional Office South Asia Jason Hart Ph.D REFUGEE STUDIES CENTRE, OXFORD UNIVERSITY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report is based upon material collected in Sri Lanka and the United Kingdom. In the gathering, consideration and analysis of this material I have enjoyed the support and assistance of many people. I should here like to offer my thanks to them. Firstly, I am indebted to Reiko Nishijima at UNICEF-ROSA who has been responsible for the overall project of which this report is part. I should like to thank Reiko and her assistants, Damodar Adhikari and Tek Chhetri, for their warm support. At the Sri Lanka Country Office of UNICEF I was fortunate to be welcomed and greatly assisted by staff members throughout the organisation. My particular thanks go to the following people in the Colombo office: Jean-Luc Bories, Avril Vandersay, Maureen Bocks, U.L Jaufer, Irene Fraser, and the country representative, Colin Glennie. With the assistance of UNICEF’s drivers and logistics staff I was able to visit all five of the field offices where my work was facilitated most thoroughly by Monica Martin (Batticaloa), Gabriella Elroy (Trincomalee), I.A. Hameed, Bashir Thani & N. Sutharman (Vavuniya), Penny Brune (Mallavi), A. Sriskantharajan & Kalyani Ganeshmoorthy (Jaffna). My gratitude also goes to the numerous other individuals and organisations who helped during my seven week stay in Sri Lanka. Lack of space prevents me from mentioning all except a handful: Gunnar Andersen and Rajaram Subbian (Save the Children, Norway), Pauline Taylor-McKeown (SC UK), Alan Vernon and numerous colleagues (UNHCR), Markus Mayer, (IMCAP), Jenny Knox (Thiruptiya), Sunimal Fernando (INASIA), Jeevan Thiagarajah and Lakmali Dasanayake (CHA), various staff at ZOA, Ananda Galappatti (War-Trauma & Psychosocial Support Programme) Father Saveri (CPA) and Father Damien (Wholistic Health Centre). -
Humanitarian Operation Factual Analysis July 2006 – May 2009
HUMANITARIAN OPERATION FACTUAL ANALYSIS JULY 2006 – MAY 2009 MINISTRY OF DEFENCE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA HUMANITARIAN OPERATION FACTUAL ANALYSIS JULY 2006 – MAY 2009 MINISTRY OF DEFENCE JULY 2011 DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA Humanitarian Operation—Factual Analysis TABLE OF CONTENTS Page I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 1 A. Overview of this Report 1 B. Overview of the Humanitarian Operation 1 PART ONE II. BACKGROUND 4 A. Overview of the LTTE 4 B. LTTE Atrocities against Civilians 6 C. Use of Child Soldiers by the LTTE 10 D. Ethnic Cleansing Carried out by the LTTE 10 E. Attacks on Democracy by the LTTE 11 F. The Global Threat posed by the LTTE 11 G. Proscription of the LTTE 12 III. SIZE AND SCOPE OF THE LTTE 13 A. Potency of the LTTE 13 B. Number of Cadres 14 C. Land Fighting Forces 14 D. The Sea Tiger Wing 17 E. The Air Tiger Wing 20 F. Black Tiger (Suicide) Wing 22 G. Intelligence Wing 22 H. Supply Network 23 I. International Support Mechanisms 25 J. International Criminal Network 27 – iii – Humanitarian Operation—Factual Analysis Page IV. GOVERNMENT EFFORTS FOR A NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT 28 A. Overview 28 B. The Thimpu Talks – July to August 1985 29 C. The Indo-Lanka Accord – July 1987 30 D. Peace Talks – May 1989 to June 1990 32 E. Peace Talks – October 1994 to April 1995 33 F. Norwegian-Facilitated Peace Process – February 2002 to January 2008 35 G. LTTE Behaviour during 2002–2006 37 PART TWO V. RESUMPTION OF HOSTILITIES 43 VI. THE WANNI OPERATION 52 VII. -
ECCHR Dossier Major General Jagath Dias
_ EUROPEAN CENTER FOR CONSITUTIONAL AND HUMAN RIGHTS e.V. _ ZOSSENER STR. 55-58 AUFGANG D 10961 BERLIN, GERMANY _ PHONE +49.(030).40 04 85 90 FAX +49.(030).40 04 85 92 MAIL [email protected] WEB WWW.ECCHR.EU ECCHR Dossier Major General Jagath Dias Deputy Ambassador to Germany, Switzerland and Vatican State, Embassy of Sri Lanka, Niklasstraße 19, 14163 Berlin, Germany Allegations of War Crimes committed by the 57 Division of Major General Dias in Northern Sri Lanka between April 2008 and May 2009 Berlin, January 2011 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/cac228/ Introduction On 19 May 2009 the decades-long armed conflict between the Sri Lankan Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) officially ended with the complete military defeat of the LTTE. The last phase of the armed conflict (so called Eelam War IV) began on 26 July 2006, when the Sri Lanka Air Force attacked LTTE positions near Mavil Aru. The last months of the conflict, during which the Sri Lanka Army Divisions and Task Forces advanced in formerly LTTE-held territory, beginning with the battle at Kilinochchi in December 2008, were particularly damaging to the remaining civilian population. Civilians were subjected to indiscriminate shelling attacks, enforced displacement, shortage of water, food and medical materials and no adequate shelter. UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon spoke about the “unacceptably high” numbers of civilian casualties in the conflict on 1 June 2009.1 In a secret cable sent by the US Embassy Colombo on 15 January 2010, responsibility for the commission of war crimes is given to “the country‟s senior civilian and military leadership, including President Rajapaksa and his brothers and opposition candidate General Fonseka”. -
A Study Into the Use of Peace Conditionalities in the Sri Lankan Peace Process
© Clingendael Institute Conditioning Peace among Protagonists A Study into the use of Peace Conditionalities in the Sri Lankan Peace Process Georg Frerks and Bart Klem Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Conflict Research Unit June 2006 © Clingendael Institute Desk top publishing: Carola van der Heiden Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ Clingendael 7 2597 VH The Hague P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague Phonenumber: # 31-70-3245384 Telefax: # 31-70-3282002 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/cru © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyrightholders. Clingendael Institute, P.O. Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands. © Clingendael Institute Table of Contents 1. Introduction ........................................................................... 1 1.1 Research Objectives and Questions ..........................................................1 1.2 Conceptual Aspects.................................................................................3 1.3 Methodology and Approach ....................................................................8 2. Background to the Conflict ....................................................... 9 2.1 The Current Peace Process....................................................................12 -
Two Countries, Four Verticals D
Debate : India-Sri Lanka Relations: New Issues and Perspectives 37 India and Sri Lanka: Two Countries, Four Verticals D. Suba Chandran* The relationship between India and Sri Lanka during the last decade has been witnessing ups and downs. With the LTTE neutralised in May 2009, there was an expectation that it would result in increased cooperation between India and Sri Lanka. However, the relationship became complex, with multiple vectors playing new roles. Again in 2015, when Maithripala Sirisena became the President of Sri Lanka and brought an end to Rajapaksa’s rule, there was another round of expectations that it would lead to a new era in Colombo- Delhi interactions. Ranil Wickremesinghe became the Prime Minister in January 2015. Both Sirisena and Wickremesinghe were considered closer to New Delhi, unlike Rajapaksa who was reaching out to Beijing and undermining India’s interests. While the relationship did not deteriorate during the last four years (2015–19), it did not reach new heights either. What are the contemporary issues which are preventing the two countries from gaining momentum and reaching new heights in bilateral relations? What can be done to infuse new synergy between India and Sri Lanka? Four Distinct Characteristics of the Relationship - Multiple Actors Structurally, the India-Sri Lanka relationship is not defined by a simple framework. One can observe four distinct characteristics of the relationship, and multiple actors within those four, exerting pressure on the bilateral relationship. These verticals include Colombo-Jaffna, Colombo-Beijing, UNP- SLFP and New Delhi-Chennai linkages. Besides the above four verticals, there are new fault lines within Sri Lanka that are likely to put pressure on the bilateral relationship between Colombo and New Delhi. -
Long-Term Camp Life and Changing Identities of Sri Lankan Women Refugees in India•
Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology. Volume 2. Number 2. July 2005. 62 Long-term Camp Life and Changing Identities of Sri Lankan Women Refugees in India• Abhijit Dasgupta** The study of identities of the marginal groups like the refugees has not received the kind of attention that it deserves. Right from the time of displacement to the phase of rehabilitation/incorporation refugees are forced to reject their old identities and accept the new ones. During the time of exile their identities remain in a flux. A refugee camp could be an ideal site for the study of changing identities, especially when the camp life becomes a long-drawn one. 1 This paper examines the trajectories of identity formation in refugee camps in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu where some 65,000 refugees have been living for more than a decade in about 111 refugee camps. This paper examines how the memories of displacement, martyrdom, and the state policies played a major role in shaping new identities of the refugee women. The past, the memories of war, the life of an ideal Tamil woman in Sri Lanka’s North and the Northeast all contribute to the formation of new identities. Besides, the segregated camp life, restrictions on movements, lack of job opportunities, the exclusionary policies of the state too need to be explored I the study of women’s identity in camps. At the outset let me point out that instead of using the broader markers of identity like ethnicity, gender, occupation, language, caste and so on I am considering the new markers that gained prominence among the women during camp life.