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Challenge of Identity and Governance V Challenge of Identity and Governance v vi IPRI Paper CHALLENGE OF IDENTITY AND GOVERNANCE QUAID’S VISION: THE WAY FORWARD BY DR NOOR UL HAQ Challenge of Identity and Governance vii CONTENTS Acronyms v Preface and Acknowledgement vii Introduction 1 Genesis 2 Founders’ Vision 5 Fault Lines 12 CHAPTER I Identity Issues 14 Constitutional View 14 Differences 15 Extremism 24 Minority Rights 26 CHAPTER II Governance Issues 32 National Solidarity 32 Democratic Stability 34 Civil Military Relations 41 Economic Development 46 National Security 47 CHAPTER III The Way Forward 52 Governance 53 Foreign Policy 58 Economic Policy 59 Defence Policy 64 Gender Policy 66 Education Policy 66 viii IPRI Paper CHAPTER IV Conclusion and Recommendations 71 Appendices 1. English Version of General Beg’s Letter 77 2. Jinnah’s Address to AIML’s Annual Session (1940) 82 3. Lahore Resolution (1940) 95 4. Legislators’ Convention Resolution (1946) 97 5. Jinnah’s Address to the Constituent Assembly (1947) 100 6. Objectives Resolution (1949) 104 7. Salient Features of National Educational Policies 106 Index 112 Other IPRI Papers Challenge of Identity and Governance ix ACRONYMS AIML All-India Muslim League BBC British Broadcasting Corporation CMLA Chief Martial Law Administrator D-8 Developing Eight ECO Economic Cooperation Organisation GDP Gross Domestic Product GNP Gross National Product INC Indian National Congress KP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa MFN Most Favoured Nation MNA Member National Assembly NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NRPs Non-Resident Pakistanis NWFP North West Frontier Province PML Pakistan Muslim League PPP Pakistan Peoples’ Party SAARC South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organisation TTP Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan UN United Nations UP Uttar Pradesh US United States USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Challenge of Identity and Governance vii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENT he purpose of this treatise is to put in correct perspective the guidelines given by the founding fathers, especially Quaid-i- T Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah so as to dispel: one, the current misgivings about identity; and second, check the national drift due to poor governance in Pakistan. Like many other developing countries there is a polarization in Pakistan between traditionalists and modernists with their different worldviews which need to be harmonized. Improvement in governance is the other dire need of the country. This issue was reflected in a letter the author received from General Mirza Aslam Beg (retd), former Army Chief.1 He raises the point that there are hardly 30 percent people who have received education in religious as well as worldly subjects and who deserve to be called “true Pakistanis.” The greatest challenge to Pakistan, in his view, is how to increase the percentage from 30 to 60 or 70 so that the ideological foundation of Pakistan is strengthened. Secondly, he also mentions corruption, inefficiency and terrorism eating away at the roots of democracy in the country. This is a serious reflection on the country’s governance. The goal of having an educated class comprising 60 to 70 percent Pakistanis can be achieved if (1) the decision of the 1972 national education policy for compulsory education up to secondary level, and (2) integration of madrassa/religious teaching with the mainstream education is implemented with due seriousness as a national task. The need for this was realized as early as the year of Pakistan’s inception in the Report of All Pakistan Educational Conference held on November 27-December 1, 1947 in Karachi. The right type of religious education would lead to enlightenment and national unity and not bigotry and sectarian-mindedness. For instance, the founder of Pakistan did consider the ideological basis of Pakistan but he would not interpret Islam in “a strait-jacket of a narrow-minded sectarian definition, instead of a liberal enlightened view of this great religion.”2 This being an area of national concern, the government cannot take a back seat in performing its duty and must assume the role of an effective organizer and regulator of the country’s education policy that 1 English version at Appendix 1. 2 S. M. Zaman, Quaid-i-Azam and Education (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1995), xlvii. viii IPRI Paper has to address among other issues the removal of class barrier between the English and Urdu medium students, a goal that the 1970 education policy required together with the achievement of one hundred percent literacy. There can be no two opinions on the plain truth that the future of the nation — its identity and governance — is dependent on education. The non-implementation of education policies and failure to achieve their goals — hundred percent literacy, access to education for all, and integration of madrassa education with the mainstream education system — is a reflection on governance and has resulted in the growth of three streams of people: ultra-religious, ultra secularists and moderates. C. Christine Fair,3 a US scholar, concludes in one of her essays: “It is entirely possible that two Pakistanis will exist in an uneasy and unstable equilibrium with each other. On one hand will be the Pakistan of forward looking modernizing Pakistanis, who want to free the state of its reliance on dangerous proxies. On the other hand will be the Pakistan of those who view Islam and Islamism as the only meaningful antidote to the various pressures bearing on the state and its politics.”4 Stephen P. Cohen,5 another American expert on South Asia, asked: “whether it is too late to re-invent Pakistan and what paths, besides the restoration of Jinnah’s liberal idea of Pakistan, are possible for a Pakistan that is now immersed in identity and governance crisis.”6 It is, therefore, high time we set our house in order. It is imperative that the national education policies should be implemented vigorously so that there is no polarization and conflict between modernists and traditionalists, no confusion or dichotomy in the thinking of our intelligentsia about the Islamic identity of the state. Secondly, there is a need to attain higher standards in science and technology. Although there is a quantum jump from a solitary university in 1947 to over 130 universities and degree awarding institutions today, qualitatively they are far below the standard and ranking among the top universities of the world. In the highly competitive globalised world of 3 Dr. C. Christine Fair is an Assistant Professor in the Center for Peace and Security Studies, Georgetown University, Washington D.C. 4 Dr. Christine Fair, “Addressing Fundamental Changes,” in The Future of Pakistan, ed. Stephen P. Cohen et al (Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 2011), 105. 5 Dr Stephen P, Cohen is a Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution, Former ACDIS Director and Professor Emeritus, Political Science and History and author of several books including The Future of Pakistan. 6 Ibid., 293. Challenge of Identity and Governance ix today, Pakistan has to move forward as a modern progressive welfare nation-state rooted in Islamic principles as visualized by Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah, who had warned: “Education is a matter of life and death to our nation. The world is moving so fast that if you do not educate yourselves you will be not only completely left behind but will be finished up.”7 The prevailing corruption, inefficiency and terrorism are actually a reflection on governance. The recipe for solving this crucial problem is available in the vision of the Quaid and the guidelines he gave to realize it. This is the main concern of this paper. I am grateful to Lieutenant General Kamal Mateenuddin, HI (M), former Director-General, Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad and Dr. M. Naeem Qureshi, former Professor, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad for reviewing the paper and giving useful suggestions. I owe my thanks to Mr. Mushir Anwar for editing the text and Mr. Khalid Hussain Chandio for reviewing the footnotes and preparing the index. However, the responsibility for the views expressed and flaws is entirely mine. March 23, 2013 Dr. Noor ul Haq, Senior Research Fellow, Acting President, Islamabad Policy Research Institute (IPRI), Islamabad, Pakistan. 7 Zaman, Quaid-i-Azam and Education, xxviii. Challenge of Identity and Governance 1 INTRODUCTION heIslamic ideology is enshrined in the Constitution of Pakistan, but the moot point is whether the state should be modeled on the T pattern of mediaeval Islam or it should be a modern nation-state rooted in Islam. A US scholar, C. Christine Fair, concludes in one of her essays: It is entirely possible that two Pakistans will exist in an uneasy and unstable equilibrium with each other. On one hand will be the Pakistan of forward looking modernizing Pakistanis, who want to free the state of its reliance on dangerous proxies. On the other hand will be the Pakistan of those who view Islam and Islamism as the only meaningful antidote to the various pressures bearing on the state and its politics.”8 The identity of a state has socio-cultural and political contexts. Ideology deals with “the beliefs, notions and theories growing out of fundamental assumptions held by the members of a group; beliefs, sometimes the member makes a conscious effort to acquire the right kind of idea, more often he accepts them unconsciously.”9 “The ideology of a nation always reflects the state of a people’s mind, their notions, hopes, aspirations, ideals or objectives and subsisting will to realize them. The worth of any ideology depends on the extent of a people’s dedication to it and not on its rational or scientific demonstration.”10 Although the Constitution of Pakistan requires the legislators “to preserve the Islamic Ideology which is the basis for the creation of Pakistan,”11 the nation’s views on the identity of Pakistan are divided.
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